battle should be a defensive one. The position, which he had long before
studied and selected, was admirably adapted for the purpose. Nearly two
miles south of Waterloo is the village of St. Jean, where the highroads
from Charleroi and Nivelle towards Brussels join. Just south of this the
undulating country forms a somewhat continuous ridge, lying east and
west, crossed at right angles by the Charleroi road. Along the south of
the ridge lies a rich and cultivated valley, which in about a mile
swells again into a corresponding range of elevated ground. Three or
four farmhouses lie on the foot or on the southern slope of the northern
line of hills, so that the position resembles, as Wellington said, a
wall of a bastion with advancing angles. The English troops were placed
along the ridge, and occupied the farmhouses. The centre was placed
between the two highroads, having in front the farm of La Haye Sainte
standing on the western side of the Charleroi road. The right was
covered by the château of Hougomont, with stone buildings and
enclosures, while the left stretched to the farms of Papelotte and La
Haye. Wavre is about seven miles from St. Jean, directly to the east,
and expecting the arrival of Blücher, Wellington allowed his left to be
the weakest part of his line. His care for his right was indeed
exaggerated; he thought it possible that an attempt might be made to
reach Brussels by outflanking him in that direction, and before all
things desirous of preserving the capital, he detached a body of 17,000
men to Hal (eight miles to the west of his position), and thus seriously
and uselessly weakened his line of battle. The French position
corresponded to the English. Its centre also lay on the Charleroi road
and the range of heights parallel to those occupied by the English, on
which is the farmhouse of La Belle Alliance. Its right extended to
Frischermont, opposite to La Haye, having somewhat in its rear the
village of Planchenoit; the left reached beyond Hougomont. In number the
armies were not unequally matched. Wellington commanded about 68,000
men, Napoleon 70,000, but the English army consisted of troops of
various nations, some of whom were thoroughly untrustworthy, and was
inferior in cavalry by at least 3000 men, and in artillery by upwards of
100 guns.
[Sidenote: Battle of Waterloo.]
By eight o'clock on the morning of the 18th the English were under arms,
but Napoleon, ignorant of the movements of the Prussians, and anxious
probably to excite the temper of his own troops, and display his power
to those of the allies who were already wavering in their allegiance,
delayed his attack till nearly mid-day, and employed the morning in a
great review of his troops. The weather also on the 17th had been very
stormy, the ground was saturated and heavy; and though this difficulty
would likewise have affected his opponents, firm ground was no doubt
more important for the attack than for the defence. It is probable that
those wasted hours saved the English army, for the same condition of the
ground told with terrible force upon the advance of the Prussians, who
had to make their way through swampy defiles, where the artillery could
scarcely be moved. Their advance was very slow, and nothing but the firm
determination of their leaders to keep their word to Wellington would
have enabled them to overcome the obstacles in their way. The battle
began about half-past eleven by an assault upon Hougomont, which
Napoleon intended to carry, and thus mask his real great attack upon the
centre and left of the English. The firm resistance of the garrison,
consisting of a portion of the English Guards and the troops of Nassau
and Hanover, frustrated this first move. The capture of the château,
which should have been a mere preliminary step in the great plan, became
an object in itself; fresh troops were constantly brought against it, it
was as constantly reinforced from the English line, and throughout the
whole day its defence neutralized a considerable portion of the French
infantry. It was not till five o'clock that Napoleon brought a couple of
howitzers to bear upon it. Though the buildings were speedily in flames,
the defence was continued, and it remained throughout the day
uncaptured. During the first attack upon Hougomont skirmishing and
firing had been going on along the whole line preparatory to the great
movement against the left. That movement was rather hastened than
postponed by a discovery which was made about one o'clock. About that
time troops were seen moving near a wood to the north-east of the
English position between Wavre and Ohain. At first Napoleon took them
for the troops of Grouchy, to whom he had sent information of the true
direction of the Prussian retreat. They proved however to be the
foremost troops of Bülow's Prussian corps. But the Emperor, still
believing that Grouchy would at all events prevent the arrival of the
main body of the Prussians, determined if possible to complete the
destruction of the English before taking notice of the approaching
troops. At half-past one, under a furious cannonade, the first corps,
D'Erlon's, marched against the English left between Papelotte and La
Haye Sainte. Although their peculiar formation, in great closely-packed
masses, exposed them fearfully to the fire of the English artillery,
they pressed forward up the English slope, threw the first line,
consisting of allies, into confusion, and were not repulsed till Picton
brought up the main body of the English left, who charged them with the
bayonet and drove them backward. As they were already shaken, the
English heavy cavalry, the Household Brigade, and what is known as the
Union Brigade, consisting of the Scotch Greys, the Enniskillen Dragoons,
and Royals, charged with fearful effect. Carried away by their energy,
they rode right up the French slope to the battery of La Belle Alliance;
scattered and exhausted by their charge, they were fallen upon and very
roughly handled by the French Lancers, and only saved from destruction
by the advance of the English light cavalry. However, the first great
attack of the French had been triumphantly repulsed, though with
terrible loss. Both Picton and Ponsonby, who commanded the cavalry, were
killed. It was not long before a second attack was made. Apparently
about four o'clock, Ney was ordered to assault the centre and right
centre of the English to the west of the Charleroi road. The attack was
made chiefly with cavalry. Much of the infantry were indeed employed
round Hougomont and in the attack of La Haye Sainte, which never ceased.
For two hours the cavalry charges continued; they were opposed by the
allied troops thrown into square, the squares being placed checkerwise
behind the crest of the ridge. It is uncertain whether any squares were
broken; it is certain at all events that though the line on the whole
held firm, reinforcements had to be brought from the right, and that
there was a moment between five and six o'clock when the centre was in
the greatest danger. After an heroic defence La Haye Sainte had been
abandoned for want of ammunition. The French held therefore a position
close to the English ridge, and the infantry of Donzelot's division
were gradually making their way to the line which the cavalry charge had
shattered. But to complete the lodgment effected in the line on the
ridge more infantry were absolutely necessary, and these were not
forthcoming. When Ney sent to demand them of the Emperor, his messenger
was met with the reply, "Does he want me to make them?" In fact, since
about half-past four o'clock the advance of the Prussians had made
itself clearly felt. General Lobau had been sent to check them, and with
him some battalions of the Imperial Guard. But the numbers of the
Prussians constantly increased; it was in vain that they were more than
once driven out of Planchenois by the Guard, at six o'clock they had
established themselves there, threatening even the rear of the French
and the Charleroi road, their line of retreat; and by seven o'clock
Ziethen's corps, which had pushed directly westward, had joined the left
of the English army, so that the French troops in Papelotte occupied an
advanced angle, surrounded both in front and flank by the enemy. It was
thus that reinforcements could not be sent to Ney, and the second great
effort of the French was rendered useless. But Napoleon did not yet give
up all for lost. He knew that the English must be much exhausted, and
determined to try one great effort more with that portion of the
Imperial Guard which had still been kept in reserve. It was a general
assault along the whole line, but the most important part of it was the
advance of the Guard upon the English centre. To oppose them the English
brigade of Guards under Maitland had been brought forward. As the French
columns topped the ridge the Guards sprang to their feet, and at a
distance of fifty paces poured in a fire which shook the advancing
masses, and charged them with the bayonet. The columns of the Guard
rolled backward to the valley. At the same time a second column had met
with the same fate; the 52nd regiment under Colborne had advanced so as
to form an angle with the main line; as the French column passed them
they poured in a destructive fire, and charged directly upon their
flank. The course of that charge was unchecked, the 52nd regiment
continued to follow the flying French right across the valley. Almost at
the same time, the French in the angle at Papelotte had also been driven
back by the Prussians; and the English light cavalry under Vandelour and
Vivian had likewise charged, overthrowing the troops opposed to them;
thus in three parts of the field the French were in flight. A general
order to advance was given, and after a short but broken resistance, the
whole mass of the French army fled in complete rout. About nine o'clock
Wellington and Blücher met at the farmhouse of La Belle Alliance, lately
the French headquarters. The pursuit was intrusted to the Prussians,
less exhausted than their English allies, and was followed up by
Gneisenau along the Charleroi road as far as Frasnes. The loss in this
great battle was very heavy on all sides; that of England is put at
13,000, that of Prussia at 7000, and of France between 23,000 and
30,000. It was however decisive.
[Sidenote: The allies in Paris.]
[Sidenote: Napoleon banished to St. Helena.]
The advance of the allies into France was unchecked, and on the 7th of
July Paris was again occupied. The entrance of the allies upon the
country of France at once exhibited the different feelings by which they
were actuated; while Blücher and the Prussians thought of nothing but
vengeance, Wellington, true to the constant policy of England, insisted
upon regarding France as a friendly country to which he was restoring
its legitimate sovereign. He succeeded in restraining his violent
colleague, who wished to put Napoleon to death, to lay a large
contribution on Paris, and to blow up the bridge of Jena over the Seine,
the name of which he considered an insult to Prussia. Wellington had no
instructions how to act with regard to Napoleon, he therefore allowed
him to follow his own course. The Emperor, embarking in an English
frigate, the Bellerophon, attempted in his usual theatrical manner to
claim the hospitality of the Prince Regent, but the dread of his name
and ambition, and the proved danger of allowing him to remain in Europe,
prevented the English Government from entertaining any such ideas, and
Napoleon was sent to end his days as a prisoner in St. Helena.
[Sidenote: Second Treaty of Paris. Nov. 20, 1815.]
The influence of England, naturally increased by the great part it had
played in the war in Belgium, was sufficient to give the direction to
the negotiations which followed the second restoration of the Bourbons.
The Government succeeded in procuring that the Treaty of Vienna
completed on June 9th and the first Treaty of Paris (May 1814) should be
upon the whole maintained, but it could not refuse to allow some
punishment to fall on France for the events of "the hundred days." The
country was vigorously confined to its limits in 1790, losing all the
additions which the first Treaty of Paris had given it; it was compelled
to bear much of the expenses of the war; while its immediate good
conduct was secured by an army of occupation, which was for five years
to hold the northern fortresses under the command of the Duke of
Wellington. The war contribution was to consist of 700,000,000 francs, a
sum which was to be paid in five years, during which time the northern
fortresses were held as guarantee. This treaty was signed on the 20th of
November.
[Sidenote: Battle of Algiers. Aug. 27, 1816.]
England had one more piece of work to do before laying down her arms.
The attention of the Congress of Vienna had been called to the condition
of the Mediterranean, where commerce was interrupted, and the liberty of
Christians imperilled by the piratical fleets of the slave-holding
states of the Barbary coasts. A general co-operation against the pirates
had been proposed, but no definite resolution was arrived at. To
England, unquestioned mistress of the sea, and herself, by her new
position in the Ionian Isles, a Mediterranean power, fell the duty of
suppressing the evil. Early in 1816, therefore, Lord Exmouth, in command
of the Mediterranean squadron, was instructed to visit the Mahomedan
states; he was to insist upon the release of Ionian slaves, and to
negotiate a peace with the Mahomedans in the interests of Sardinia and
Naples. From Algiers alone could opposition be expected. But the
Government there made no objections to the admiral's demands; the Ionian
slaves were released freely, those of Naples and Sardinia upon the
payment of a ransom. At Tunis, the next port visited, an accident
changed the aspect of affairs. Lord Exmouth, took advantage of a mistake
of his interpreter to declare that it was not the wish only but the
fixed determination of the Prince Regent that slavery should cease
altogether. Tripoli and Tunis submitted, and set free their slaves; but
Algiers, a stronger power, demanded time to refer the matter to
Constantinople, promising to deal directly with the English Government.
Meanwhile in Parliament the principle of ransoming the slaves had been
strongly censured, and a general feeling that force should be used had
arisen. A barbarous attack by Algerine soldiers upon the crews of some
coral-ships at Bona allowed the Government to take advantage of this
feeling, by despatching Lord Exmouth to complete his work. On the 27th
of August, having been joined at Gibraltar by a small Dutch squadron,
Lord Exmouth approached Algiers. After waiting two hours for a reply to
his terms he placed his ships alongside the batteries in positions
carefully marked out beforehand. The work of destruction was complete,
the forts were reduced to ruins, the fleet that lay within the mole was
burnt. For nine hours the battle raged, then when the ammunition was
nearly expended the ships withdrew from their somewhat dangerous
position. Their work had been effective: on the following morning the
English terms were accepted, and on the 31st, 1200 slaves were embarked
in the fleet, making in all more than 3000 whom Lord Exmouth had
delivered.
[Sidenote: Opposition in the Parliament. Feb. 1, 1816.]
[Sidenote: The Holy Alliance. Sept. 1815.]
The completion of the settlement of Europe had been carried out during
the recess of Parliament. From July 1815 to February 1, 1816, the
Government had been able to act entirely unchecked. On that day
Parliament reopened, and Castlereagh resumed his seat in all the triumph
of his completed negotiations. But with the conclusion of the war came
the hour of trial for the Tory ministry. The mediocrity of their talent,
the reactionary character of their political views, had been forgotten,
or even regarded as favourable points in their administration, while
they stood forth firmly and energetically to express and give effect to
the great wish of the nation, the destruction of the Napoleonic rule.
With the return of peace the great questions of home politics were again
becoming of importance, and the tendencies of the party fostered by
their successful warfare were to call into existence an opposition not
only in Parliament but among the nation at large. Already voices were
raised against the late negotiations; though, no doubt, the real
magnanimity shown towards France, the advantages gained for England on
the sea, and the security for some years of peace which the elaborate
system of balance was thought to give, were fully in accordance with the
wishes of the majority of the nation. There were men who, undazzled by
the glories of the late war, saw that the policy of England had in fact
favoured absolutism,--that, for the sake of the balance of power,
countries had been handed over quite irrespective of the wishes of the
people to sovereigns for whom they felt no natural affection,--that a
dynasty disliked by a large section of the people had been forced upon
France, and was upheld by English bayonets, and that in spite of the
efforts of England the influence of Russia had been increased. It
appeared to them that the intercourse with foreign powers had rendered
our negotiators absolutists. Their conduct with regard to the Holy
Alliance showed that this was not in fact the case. The Holy Alliance,
or Convention of September, by which the enthusiastic and sentimental
Emperor of Russia joined with his brother sovereigns of Prussia and
Austria to declare that henceforward their policy should be ruled on
Christian principles alone, had been rejected by the English Government,
which saw danger in this brotherly and religious bond between absolute
monarchs, and declared through the Duke of Wellington that the English
Parliament would require "something more precise." In fact, though in no
way wishing to disturb the English Constitution, the Tory Government had
been led into a course of policy which was not in accordance with
English traditions. The conclusion of a war the burden of which had
been upon the whole patiently borne, should have brought with it the
real blessings of peace; but these were not found in the declaration of
the Government that it intended to keep up the war taxes, and to keep on
foot an army of 150,000, an intention which, when taken in conjunction
with the close alliances entered into with foreign powers, seemed to
mean that England was henceforward to attempt to take its place as one
of the great military powers of the Continent.
[Sidenote: Extravagance of the Government.]
It was upon the two points of taxation and economy that the Government
first met with opposition. Mr. Vansittart, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
declared his intention of continuing half the income and property tax,
which from the first had been avowedly a war tax. The Opposition to this
measure was headed in the Commons by Brougham. By a skilful use of
parliamentary tactics, he succeeded in gaining time, which he employed
in procuring a flood of petitions exhibiting the feeling of the country
so strongly that the Government was beaten. Apparently in dudgeon at his
defeat, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that as he had lost the
income tax he should also throw over the malt tax, a step which
Castlereagh explained by saying that Government was going to contract a
loan, and £2,000,000 or £3,000,000 more or less would make no
difference. The recklessness of this assertion points to one of the
evils which the late war had produced;--an unbounded and lavish supply
of money, and the habit of spending almost without question if success
could be obtained, had destroyed all idea of economy in the minds of the
ministers. The angry feeling excited in the people by this carelessness
of the public money was not diminished by the extravagances of the
Court, and the constant demands for money to supply the deficiencies of
the Civil List. Although £800,000 was the sum granted in exchange for
the hereditary revenues, the average of late years had been considerably
above a million; in 1815 it had reached nearly a million and a half. On
this point the ministers were themselves obliged to take the initiative,
and a Bill was passed for the better regulation of the Civil List. But
while the demand for economy, for the reduction of the war expenditure,
and the return of England to its usual independent position with regard
to the Continent, afforded themes for the Opposition in Parliament, an
agitation of far more importance had sprung into existence outside its
walls.
[Sidenote: Agricultural depression.]
At the opening of the session the Prince Regent's speech had
congratulated the country upon the prosperity of agriculture, and of all
branches of trade and manufacture. But it was, in fact, a time of
unexampled distress. The principle of protection which had found favour
with the mercantile world in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
had been extended to agriculture. In 1670, a period of great plenty
having reduced the price of corn, it was thought necessary to impose
heavy dues on its importation. Up to 53s. 4d. a duty of 16s. a quarter
was imposed, between that and 80s., a duty of 8s. a quarter. The price
at which importation, free or at a nominal duty, was allowed had been
more than once changed. In 1804 it had been set at 66s. During the
latter years of the war there had been constantly deficient harvests. In
1812 and 1813 the quarter of wheat had risen to 171s. The average price
during six years, from 1808 to 1813, had been 108s. During several of
those years the Continental System had virtually excluded foreign
competition. The effect of the high prices was most disastrous upon
agriculture; while the suffering of the labourer had, as has been
explained, been very great, the class of farmer had changed, the careful
small cultivator had given place to ostentatious spendthrifts. To secure
great returns land wholly unfitted for the purpose had been brought
under the plough, crop after crop of corn had been grown to the
exhaustion of the soil, and many advantageous and necessary forms of
agriculture had been thrown aside for the cultivation of corn. The year
1813 was one of extraordinary plenty, the surplus crop was enough to
continue that plenty during the two following years; the effect was a
very rapid fall in prices. Such a fall naturally entailed the
restoration of a better system of husbandry, and the ruin of many of
those who had embarked on the false course. Peace added still further to
this distress. Violent efforts were made in Parliament by the landed
interest, which was very strong, to bolster up the evil system. It was
proposed in 1813 that importation should be subject to a prohibitory
duty till the price of wheat reached 105s. the quarter. This demand was
reduced to 84s. in 1814. Circumstances prevented its being carried then,
but in 1815, when the foreign markets were again opened, the terror of
approaching cheapness enabled farmers and landlords to combine and hurry
through the House a Corn Law, fixing the price at which corn might be
imported at 80s. In spite of this, however, the distress continued. In
fact, the false inflation of late years was giving way, and agriculture
entering upon a more natural course. The agricultural interests still
complained, and still asserted the necessity of relief, but as, in order
to win their support, the Government had already given up the malt tax,
there was really scarcely anything left to give them, and their
complaints remained unanswered; and as the distress, although it was
caused chiefly by the fault of the agriculturalists, and was but a fair
counterpoise to the enormous profits they had lately been making, was a
terrible reality, the poorer classes continued to suffer.
[Sidenote: Commercial depression.]