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"CRITIQUE OF WEAPONS."
Karl Kautsky, in the Neue Zeit, Berlin, Aug. 8.
_Kautsky has for over a quarter of a century been one of the foremost
Socialist leaders in Germany; the founder and present editor of the Neue
Zeit. The present article on the war appeared before the periodical was
suppressed by the Government._
War, with all its attendant horrors, has broken loose, the "Critique of
Weapons" has been set up, and the weapons of criticism are consequently
broken. This is not merely the inevitable result of the automatic
limitations which would be imposed by any state of war, but
rather--though this is but a transitory phase--because of an absolute
lack of interest in any sort of critical estimate of the whole
situation. In breathless suspense, every man is concentrating the whole
of his mental energy on the news of the next moment, news concerning
which none can make even fairly clear surmise, and about which one fact
only is known in advance, that whatever it is, it is sure to be
horrible. For relief from this wretched suspense men are looking to
dispatches and decisions of battles, not to critical speculation.
Yet by the time these lines come before the reader this stage may
already be giving way, and in all probability there will be beginning to
be felt the need of regaining our usual attitude, of taking account of
this monstrous event which has broken in on us so suddenly--so
unexpectedly that for the moment it has stunned us--of making ourselves
clear concerning the end toward which we are moving.
Of course, to discuss the chances of each or any of the combatants
involved is out of the question; indeed, it would be a difficult task
for the shrewdest military expert to establish a sound estimate, for
there are probably few, perhaps none, to whom the armies under
consideration are sufficiently well known for that. Besides all this,
moreover, the present conflict is taking place under conditions
absolutely different from any we have before known, totally new to our
experience.
Formerly, when the situation was more simple than at present, there were
always at the outbreak of war a few experienced experts who could
correctly estimate the prospects for each side in the struggle, for it
was usually fairly clear from the very beginning what each side wanted
to gain and what in the case of victory each would gain. But in the
present situation there is not a word of prophecy which can be uttered
in face of the fact that the most terrible war known to history has
broken out without any of the powers involved in the least wishing it.
It was in Russia first that at the last moment the war party seemed to
have gained the upper hand and to have set in motion the whole bloody
sport. We may rely on it that the statesmen of Austria were of the
honest belief that they could localize the conflict with Servia.
But it is impossible any longer to consider this world war as a
continuation of that conflict. Servia has vanished completely from the
horizon, and in the moment when that end disappeared from view, each
nation found itself suddenly fighting for nothing else save its own
national integrity. The real purposes in this war will not come to the
surface until the balance of the power becomes a little more sharply
defined. Then in the victors' camp all manner of purposes and desires
will suddenly spring up wide awake.
When Everything Is Over.
Meanwhile, little as may be affirmed today concerning the prospects for
the parties in this struggle and the manner of the war's conclusion,
this assertion may safely be put forth; this world will wear a vastly
different appearance when everything is over.
We hope, and may reasonably expect, that the war will be relatively
short. The Franco-Prussian war lasted from the middle of July to the end
of February; military operations began early in August and closed with
the truce of Jan. 28. That the present war will be dragged out to so
great a length, involving so incredible a number of men, demanding so
severe a straining of energies--especially the financial--on the part of
all the nations, is hardly conceivable. But however short a time it may
last, we shall emerge a world very different from before.
The time is long since past when a great war brings in its train no
changes other than the ceding of a few square miles of conquered
territory. Under the capitalistic method of production, continual
changes, irreconcilable situations, constantly new problems pile up so
rapidly that no great war is any longer possible which does not bring
with it a prolonged breaking down as well as a building up of industrial
organisms.
Especially is it clear that the non-European world will undergo a
powerful change. The non-European nations are already in the ascendency;
more and more they are becoming a strong opposition force to Europe.
Their advance must win tremendous impetus from a war which in every case
will weaken seriously the European nations, no matter how it may swing
the balance of power among them.
The United States particularly will derive the greatest profit from the
struggle. Without any exertion whatsoever she is already able to control
the entire American market, and in the Far East it is possible for her
to exercise considerable restraint on her European competitors. In time
she will be in a position to constitute herself the only great money
power of that section of the world which employs the use of free
capital. Already there is a colossal stream of European securities
flowing to the United States, who is acquiring them at the very lowest
prices. The remedy for the economic wrongs of Europe which will be
created by this war as well as the fixing of indemnities will not be
possible without the aid of America. At the very least, the conquered
nations will be wholly dependent on American capital.
Next to the United States in this amazingly swift advance stand the
nations of Asia and of Islam--Japan, China, India, Persia, Turkey with
her tributary possessions. The progress of these nations has been
considerably hampered by the control--both financial and
military--exerted over them by the European powers. In the free States
this control has been suddenly lifted; in the dependencies, such as
India, Persia, and Egypt, it has been materially weakened, and it will
be long before it can again operate with the same force. We must reckon
with the possibility of revolt among these nations and of their entrance
into the world war. Russia, England, France--these could be considerably
weakened by such a turn of affairs. Colonial policy would then show the
obverse side of the medal. It might well prove a decided source of
military and economic strength for Germany that her colonial possessions
are relatively unimportant.
World Imperialism Doomed.
The stronger the non-European nations become, the fewer grow the
possibilities for a continuation of the policy of empire. This world
war, born in the very midst of imperialism, can readily end in
circumstances which knock the supports from under the imperialistic
policy.
It may be said similarly of our worldwide preparation for war, that it
too has been a direct consequence of imperialism; and our own party has
steadily maintained that it would create an atmosphere in which powder
would finally go off of itself--a spontaneous combustion.
The burdens imposed by this war will be so terrible that from the
financial point of view it may be extremely difficult if not absolutely
impossible when peace shall at length have been concluded to add thereto
the burden of renewed preparation for war, especially in the face of
competition with America, strong and industrially intact.
These changes must inevitably give an entirely new aspect to our
external as well as to our internal political state. To what extent will
follow changes in the political relations of the different classes it is
too early yet to surmise. But here also there is every assurance for the
assertion that political life will recommence stronger than ever
before.
As soon as the "Critique of Weapons" ceases, immediately the weapons of
criticism are bound to take on a sharper edge. What forms critical
effort will assume, against what it will direct its force, what
circumstances will bring it to maturity, all of this lies in the lap of
Time. In any case, Social Democracy, like any other party, will in that
time need the full measure of its strength to assert itself and to
protect the interests of the class of which it is made up. To preserve
this strength through the vicissitudes which the future has in store is
presently to be the most important problem of our internal politics.
We must hold intact the organizations and the party organs together with
the trade unions; we must guard their members from imprudences as well
as from defection. This goes without saying and there is no true comrade
who will not act in this spirit.
No less necessary, however, is unity within the party, the absolute
relinquishing of all petty individual grievances. We are a party
committed to self-criticism, but in time of a great crisis criticism
must become mute. Never has it been more difficult, never, in fact, less
possible, to adopt and to maintain a position which would satisfy every
Socialist without exception. Every war brings Social Democracy into the
fatal dilemma between the necessity for defending our individual homes
on the one hand and, on the other, for preserving international
solidarity. The present war confronts us as well as the army staff with
particular difficulties, for it is a war possessing many faces. It is
not only a war against the Czar of Russia, but also against the
democracies of France and England, whose Governments felt themselves
forced out of fear of isolation and later subjection to stand by the
Russian Czar.
We can very easily understand how to many this or that decision by our
party may seem a false step, but it would be still more false, still
more disastrous, were we, through any difference of opinion, to allow an
internal disagreement to arise. In time of war discipline is not for
the army alone; for a party it, too, is the first requirement. Under its
rule we must all stand together, more courageous, more firmly united
than ever before. Not criticism but faith is now the essential condition
of our success.