Letter from Philipp Scheidemann, Ex-Vice President of the Reichstag, in
the New Yorker Volkszeitung, Sept. 10.
BERLIN, Aug. 21.
----, I send you a few facts.
No one in Germany wanted this war. The fact that Germany declared war on
Russia and finally on France does not contradict this statement. If
Germany, who was exactly informed as to the preparations being made by
her neighbors, had delayed for ever so short a time, Russia would have
completed her mobilization which she had secretly been carrying on for
some time, and with her Cossacks would have swept down on our eastern
country which was only moderately well protected. And then woe to us!
That the Government, after the failure of all its efforts to maintain
peace, promptly took the initiative, disturbed not a little the Czar of
Russia. This was perhaps indicated most dramatically by his manifesto to
the Jews. This same Czar, whose hands are stained with the blood of many
thousands of the Jews whom his servants of slaughter have murdered
during the pogroms, this same Czar who has degraded and abused the Jews
in the most inhuman fashion, has now, in order to create an agreeable
impression, issued a manifesto "to my beloved Jews!" Now when he has to
fear that the Poles and those Jews living in Russian Poland may rise up
against his army of shame, now does he begin to make bright promises for
the future!
Russia to Blame.
Upon Russia rests the entire responsibility for the present war. While
the Czar was still negotiating with the German Kaiser for the declared
purpose of bringing about peace, he was arming his troops not only
against Austria but against Germany.
That France, republican France, has allied herself with Russian
absolutism for the purpose of murder and destruction, is an almost
inconceivable fact. And that England, parliamentarian England,
democratic England, is fighting side by side with the Russians for
"freedom and culture," that is a truly gigantic and shameless piece of
hypocrisy.
I do not need to place before those of our readers who are schooled in
socialism any comments on the causes of this war--the fact itself as it
stands is of a stupendous, terrifying magnitude. And it is with this
fact that we have now to reckon. Russia, France, Belgium, England,
Servia, Montenegro and Japan are now involved in this battle for
"freedom and culture," which means fighting against Germany, against the
world which has given birth to Goethe, to Kant and to Karl Marx! It
would be laughable were the situation not so desperately grave.
Socialism in each of the West European powers has done all it could to
prevent the war. Its strength could not sufficiently prevail--it was not
enough. On Aug. 1, 1914, socialism in each country found itself
confronted with the hideous certainty of war. What was to be done?
On the 1st of August there was no longer any possibility whatsoever of
sending a letter or telegram across the German frontier. The telegram of
condolence which we sent to Paris on the assassination of Jean Jaurès
never arrived. Socialism in each country was forced back entirely upon
itself.
At the time when I am writing this letter, Aug. 21, we in Germany know
absolutely nothing concerning the details of the action taken in the
Belgian and French Parliament. Only this much has penetrated to us, that
our comrades in all of the countries under consideration have come to
the same conclusion as we in Germany. The French have approved the war
credits, the Belgians have admitted Vandervelde to the Ministry for
Defense. That our comrades in England have come out for the strictest
neutrality is easily understood. Any other attitude on their part would
be a crime against socialism. No one would be so ignorant as to find
analogies between the situation of the German and the English
Socialists. We in Germany had to perform the duty of protecting
ourselves against Czarism, we had to accomplish the task of saving the
country in which Social Democracy has reached its highest point of
development, from impending subjection to Russia. In England the
decision had to be made only as to whether sides should be taken in the
conflict between Russia and Germany, or whether neutrality should be
preserved.
A Germany under the yoke of the Czar would have set back a century the
Socialist movement not only of Germany itself but of the whole world.
Moreover, we Social Democrats have never ceased to be Germans, because
we belong to the Socialist International. And if we in the Reichstag
have unanimously approved the war credit, we have done no more after all
than to carry out what has often been repeated by our greatest
Socialists from the Reichstag platform.
Quotes Bebel and Elder Liebknecht.
The words of Bebel and of the elder Liebknecht have always been heard
with favor in America. And what, for example, has Bebel said in this
connection?
In the preservation of Germany's independence all the laboring
classes, to the very least among them, are just as much concerned
as those who consider themselves the chosen leaders and rulers of
the people, and the working class in nowise desires to bend its
back under any sort of foreign rule.
Still more fully did Bebel declare himself during the session of the
Reichstag of March 7, 1904. At that time he said:
Gentlemen: You cannot in the future carry on any successful wars
without our aid. ["Very true!" "Right!" from the Socialists.] If
you conquer you will conquer with us and not against us; without
our help you can no longer subsist. ["True!" "Right!" from the
Socialists.] I will go still further, we would have the greatest
possible interest were we to be involved in a war--a war in which
the existence of Germany was threatened, for--and I give you my
word for it--we are ready to the last and the oldest man among us
to shoulder arms and protect German soil not in service to you but
to ourselves--as far as I am concerned, in fact in defiance of you.
["True indeed!" "Right!" from the Socialists.]
We live and fight on this soil, the land of our fathers, as much if
not more our fatherland than yours, to the end that it will be a
joy even for the last and least among us to live therein. ["Very
good!" from the Socialists.]
That is our endeavor and that it is which we are laboring to
achieve, and it is for this reason that we shall repulse with all
the power at our command and to our very last breath every attempt
to snatch from this Fatherland one inch of land. ["Very good!" from
the Socialists.]
There are numerous declarations of similar nature which have been
uttered by our great friend, Wilhelm Liebknecht has also spoken in
similar fashion. On the 28th of November, 1888, he addressed the
Reichstag as follows:
What the opponents of German consolidation over there in France and
Russia fear is a German people united for the defense of their
land. And in this regard--that I can assure you--I have personally
removed for our part every doubt, if any existed, among influential
French politicians; if France attacks, straightway there is no
party in Germany on which she can rely, and straightway every
Socialist in Germany is pledged and prepared to march against the
invader.
For years we have been slandered by our enemies in Germany as traitors
and worse. The imperial anti-Socialist association has had an excellent
example of this alleged treachery of ours. Our vote has stretched the
anti-Socialists in the dust, together with all the other political
vultures who have lived by slandering us.
As Socialists of firm conviction we have voted for the war credit and
moved this vote through a declaration from the party representative,
Haase. In our programme we have demanded that a volunteer army replace
the standing army. Why do we demand the volunteer army? Because we
consider it the best protection against every attack on the Fatherland.
This is it, then! We, too, wish to defend the Fatherland. Suppose that
instead we had said in the hour of need: Yes, we want to protect our
Fatherland against the knout regiments of the Czar all right enough, but
we demand that protection from the militia! Since we do not as yet have
the militia, we shall make no use of the standing army, for we would
rather let the Cossacks into the country!
From whatever side we consider the situation, we German Socialists could
not have acted otherwise than we have. A party like that of Social
Democracy, the strongest in the country, cannot avoid the facts by
hiding its head in the sand; it must act! It is no exaggeration to state
that in the present crisis the entire German people is united. That
whole nation is determined, cost what it may, to end the war as speedily
as possible, but at the same time victoriously. There is no one here who
feels any resentment toward France, and every one wishes that a worthy
peace will be established between Germany and France as soon as
possible.
England's Shameful Role.
England is playing a perfectly shameful rôle in this war. Even though
France were allied to Russia by an unfortunate treaty, England was not
so allied! But England, who has ever been jealous of the industrial
development of our country, used the violation of our treaty of
neutrality with Belgium, which was incurred only in dire need and which
was yielded openly and honestly in the Reichstag by the Chancellor, as a
pretext to declare war against us. And England crowned this abhorrent
action by mobilizing against us an east-Asiatic nation. Japan, whose
sons have enjoyed the most genuine and far-reaching hospitality at our
hands, whose culture has been enriched through us, who has won from us
our industrial secrets, shows herself suddenly as the most despicable,
the most treacherous nation of this whole world. I do not need to go
into details over the demands which Japan has presented to Germany, for
I assume that your readers are already in full possession of the facts.
Germany will perhaps lose a part of her colonial possessions in this
war. Germany is in no position to protect these against many enemies
during the war. Germany has steadily counted upon some colonial losses
in the struggle. We Socialists especially have in our opposition to
capitalistic colonial policy continually pointed to the fact that in the
event of war colonies cannot be retained.
For the rest, however, Germany is of good courage. No one has the
slightest doubt that our country will claim victory against the hostile
oppression from without. In the meantime you in America have long since
learned that all announcements of defeats which Germany is said to have
suffered in the east, in the west, and on the sea, are lies. It is true
that at Schirmek in Alsace a few cannon were lost by our troops. But, on
the other hand, the fact is established that in the very first days
after mobilization all the enemies' troops were completely driven from
Germany, and further, that during the mobilization of our troops
victorious battles occurred at Mülhausen and Lagarde in Alsace; that in
the east they have made sharp inroads on the Russians; that they
overcame Lüttich with all its forts and captured Brussels on the 20th of
August.
Here in Germany we are expecting every moment news of the taking of
Namur. The quicker decisive battles take place, by so much sooner will
there be some possibility of establishing peace with France.