* * * * *
Is it necessary, gentlemen, that I should call attention to the
absurdity of the pretexts brought forward as grievances? Never at any
time has any French aviator gone into Belgium; no French aviator has
committed an act of hostility either in Bavaria or any other part of
Germany. European public opinion has already done justice to these
miserable inventions.
We immediately took all needed steps against this attack, which violates
all laws of equity and rules of public law. The carrying out of these is
progressing with thorough system and absolute calm.
The mobilization of the Russian Army is also being continued with
remarkable energy and boundless enthusiasm.
The Belgian Army, mobilized up to 250,000 men, is preparing with
magnificent spirit to defend the neutrality and independence of its
country.
The English fleet is entirely mobilized, and the order has been given
for the mobilization of the land forces.
Since 1912 there have been consultations between the English and French
General Staffs. These had resulted in an exchange of letters between Sir
Edward Grey and M. Paul Cambon. The Secretary of State made these known
yesterday in the House of Commons, and, in accordance with the wishes of
the British Government, I shall have the honor of reading these two
documents to this Parliament:
London, Foreign Office, Nov. 22, 1912.
My Dear Ambassador:
From time to time in recent years the French and British naval and
military experts have consulted together. It has always been
understood that such consultation does not restrict the freedom of
either Government to decide at any future time whether or not to
assist the other by armed force. We have agreed that consultation
between experts is not and ought not to be regarded as an
engagement that commits either Government to action in a
contingency that has not arisen and may never arise. The
disposition, for instance, of the French and British fleets
respectively at the present moment is not based upon an engagement
to co-operate in war.
You have, however, pointed out that, if either Government had grave
reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, it might
become essential to know whether it could in that event depend upon
the armed assistance of the other.
I agree that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an
unprovoked attack by a third power, or something that threatened
the general peace, it should immediately discuss with the other
whether both Governments should act together to prevent aggression
and to preserve peace, and, if so, what measures they would be
prepared to take in common. If these measures involved action, the
plans of the General Staffs would at once be taken into
consideration, and the Governments would then decide what effect
should be given to them. Yours, &c.,