Address of Premier Viviani to the French Senate and House of Deputies,
Aug. 4.
_This speech has been called by M. Jusserand, French Ambassador to the
United States, "the chief document printed up to now [Nov. 1] in
which the French situation, with reference to the present war, has been
expounded._"
Gentlemen, the German Ambassador left Paris yesterday, after having
notified us of the existence of a state of war.
The Government is in duty bound to give Parliament a truthful recital of
the events which, within less than ten days, have brought about war in
Europe and obliged France, peaceful and strong, to defend her frontier
against an attack the premeditated suddenness of which emphasizes its
odious injustice.
This attack, entirely inexcusable and begun before any declaration of
war notified us of it, is the last act in a plan whose origin and aim I
intend to lay bare before our republic and before civilized public
opinion.
After the abominable crime which cost the lives of the heir to the
Austro-Hungarian throne and of the Duchess of Hohenberg, trouble arose
between the Governments of Vienna and Belgrade.
Most of the great powers were not informed of this except
semi-officially up to Friday, the 24th day of July, on which day the
Ambassadors of Austria-Hungary sent them a circular note, which has been
published in the newspapers.
The object of this note was to explain and justify an ultimatum sent the
evening before to Servia, through the Austrian Minister at Belgrade.
This ultimatum asserted that a number of Servian subjects and
associations were implicated in the crime of Serajevo, and implied that
members of the Servian Government themselves were not without
complicity in it. It demanded a reply from Servia, giving Saturday,
July 25, at 6 in the evening, as the time limit.
Austria Amazes Allies.
The reparations demanded, or, at least, some among them, unquestionably
were derogatory to the rights of a sovereign nation. But in spite of
their extreme character Servia, on July 25, declared that she submitted
to them almost without a reservation of any sort.
The advice transmitted by France, Russia, and Great Britain from the
very first to Belgrade was not without its effect in bringing about this
submission, which was a success for Austria-Hungary and likewise a
guarantee toward the maintenance of European peace.
This advice was all the more valuable in view of the fact that
Austria-Hungary's demands had been inadequately foreshadowed to the
Governments of the Triple Entente, to whom, during the three preceding
weeks, the Austro-Hungarian Government had repeatedly given assurances
that its demands would be extremely moderate.
It was, therefore, with justified astonishment that the Cabinets of
Paris, St. Petersburg, and London heard, on July 26, that the Austrian
Minister at Belgrade, after an examination lasting only a few minutes,
had declared the Servian reply unacceptable and broken off diplomatic
relations.
Germany the Stumbling Block.
This astonishment was rendered greater by the fact that, on Friday, the
21st, the German Ambassador had visited the French Minister of Foreign
Affairs for the purpose of reading to him a note to the effect that the
Austro-Servian dispute should be localized and not made the subject of
intervention by the great powers, and that, unless such were the case,
"incalculable consequences" were to be feared. Like action was taken on
Saturday, the 25th, at London and St. Petersburg.
Is it necessary, gentlemen, to point out to you the difference between
the menacing methods employed by the German Ambassador at Paris and the
conciliatory sentiments of which the powers of the Triple Entente had
just given proof by their advice to Servia to submit?
Nevertheless, passing over the abnormal character of the German action,
we, in conjunction with our allies and friends, immediately instituted
measures of conciliation and invited Germany to take part in them.
From the very first we were chagrined to find that our acts and efforts
found no echo at Berlin.
Not only did Germany seem unwilling to give Austria-Hungary the amicable
advice which her situation authorized her to give, but, from that very
time and even more in the ensuing days, she seemed to place herself
between the Vienna Cabinet and the propositions of a compromise
emanating from the other powers.
On Tuesday, July 28, Austria-Hungary declared war on Servia. This
declaration of war, complicating forty-eight hours after the situation
brought about by the rupture of diplomatic relations, lent color to the
assumption that there had been a premeditated plan to make war, a
systematic programme for the subjugation of Servia.
Thus not only the independence of a brave nation became involved, but
also the balance of power in the Balkans, set forth in the Treaty of
Bucharest of 1913, and sanctioned by the moral adhesion of all the great
powers.
Notwithstanding, at the suggestion of the British Government, always
interested in the most steadfast manner in the maintenance of European
peace, the negotiations continued, or, to be more exact, the powers
constituting the Triple Entente tried to continue them.
To their common desire was due the proposition for quadruple action,
viz., by England, France, Germany, and Italy, with the object of
assuring to Austria all legitimate reparation and bringing about an
equitable arrangement of the difficulty. On Wednesday, the 29th, the
Russian Government, noting the persistent blocking of these attempts,
Austria's mobilization and her declaration of war, and fearing that
Servia would be crushed by military force, decided, as a preventive
measure, to mobilize her troops in four military zones, namely, only
those stationed along the Austro-Hungarian frontier.
In doing this it took care to notify the German Government that this
step, limited in character and not constituting an offensive move
against Austria, was not in any way directed against Germany.
In a conversation with the Russian Ambassador at Berlin the German
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs showed no objection to
recognizing this.
Germany Becomes Warlike.
On the other hand, all the attempts of Great Britain, backed by Russia
and with the support of France, for establishing contact between Austria
and Servia under the moral auspices of Europe, was met in Berlin by a
premeditated negative attitude, the existence of which is absolutely
proved by the diplomatic communications.
This made a troublous state of affairs which pointed to the existence at
Berlin of certain mental reservations. A few hours later these
suppositions and fears were destined to be changed into certainties.
For the negative attitude of Germany was transformed thirty-six hours
later into truly alarming initiative. On July 31, Germany, by declaring
a state of war, cut off the communication between herself and the rest
of Europe, and gave herself perfect freedom to make military
preparations against France, in complete secrecy, which nothing, as you
have seen, could justify.
During several days and under conditions difficult to explain Germany
had been preparing to change her army from a peace to a war footing.
From July 25 in the morning, that is even before the expiration of the
time limit set Servia by Austria, she had brought to their full strength
the garrisons in Alsace-Lorraine. On the same day she had placed the
works close to the frontier in a state of effective armament. On the
26th she had prescribed for the railroads the preparatory measures for
concentration. On the 27th she had made requisitions and placed her
covering troops in position. On the 28th the summoning of individual
reservists began, including those distant from the frontier.
Could we be left in doubt as to Germany's intentions after her taking
all these measures with relentless thoroughness?
France Forced to Act.
This, then, was the situation when, on July 31, in the evening, the
German Government, which had not taken any positive part since the 24th
in the conciliatory efforts of the Triple Entente, sent to the Russian
Government an ultimatum alleging that Russia had ordered the general
mobilization of her armies, and demanding the cessation of this
mobilization within twelve hours.
This demand, all the more offensive as to form when it is borne in mind
that a few hours earlier Emperor Nicholas, actuated by a spontaneous
feeling of confidence, had asked the German Emperor to mediate, was made
at the moment when, at the request of England and with the knowledge of
Germany, the Russian Government was accepting a proposition of a kind
calculated to bring about an amicable arrangement of the Austro-Servian
conflict and of the Austro-Russian difficulties by means of the
simultaneous cessation of military operations and preparations.
On the same day there were added to this unfriendly step toward Russia
acts of distinct hostility toward France; rupture of communications by
roads, railways, telegraph, and telephone, seizure of French locomotives
upon arrival at the frontier, placing of rapid-fire guns in the middle
of railway lines which had been torn up, and concentration of troops on
our frontier.
From that moment it was impossible for us to believe any longer in the
sincerity of the pacific protestations which the representative of
Germany continued to lavish upon us.
We were aware that, under the shelter of the declaration of a state of
war which Germany had made, she was mobilizing.
We learned that six classes of reservists had been summoned and that
concentration of army corps was under way, even of those corps stationed
a long distance from the frontier.
In proportion as these events developed, the Government, alert and
vigilant, took day by day, even hour by hour, the precautionary measures
made necessary by the situation; general mobilization of our land and
sea forces was ordered.
The same evening, at 7:30, Germany, ignoring the acceptance by the St.
Petersburg Cabinet of the English proposition to which I have already
referred, declared war upon Russia.
Denies Hostile Acts by French.
The next day, Sunday, Aug. 2, despite the extreme moderation of France
and the pacific statements of the German Ambassador in Paris, and
scorning the rules of international law, German troops crossed our
frontier at three different points.
At the same time, in violation of the Treaty of 1867 guaranteeing the
neutrality of Luxemburg, of which Prussia was a signatory, they invaded
the territory of the Grand Duchy, thus evoking a protest from the
Luxemburg Government.
Finally, even the neutrality of Belgium was menaced. On the evening of
Aug. 2 the German Minister handed to the Belgian Government an ultimatum
demanding that military operations against France be facilitated by
Belgium under the lying pretext that Belgian neutrality was threatened
by us.
The Belgian Government refused, announcing that it had resolved to
defend energetically its neutrality respected by France and guaranteed
by treaties, especially by the King of Prussia.
Since then, gentlemen, acts of aggression have been repeated,
multiplied, and accentuated. Our frontier has been crossed at more than
fifteen places. Rifle shots have been fired at our soldiers and customs
officials. There have been killed and wounded. Yesterday a German
military aviator dropped three bombs on Lunéville.
The German Ambassador, to whom, as well as to the other great powers, we
communicated these acts did not deny them, nor even express regret. On
the contrary, he came to me yesterday evening to ask for his passport
and notify us of the existence of a state of war, alleging without
justification hostile acts committed by French aviators on German
territory in the Eiffel region, and even on the railway from Karlsruhe
to Nuremberg. Here is the letter on this subject which he handed to me:
Mr. President: German civil and military authorities have taken
note of a certain number of acts of a hostile character committed
on German territory by French military aviators. Several of the
latter have clearly violated the neutrality of Belgium by flying
over the territory of that nation. One tried to destroy buildings
near Wesel, others were seen over the Eiffel region, another threw
bombs on the railway line between Karlsruhe and Nuremberg.
I have been charged with informing your Excellency, and now have
the honor of doing so, that in view of these acts of aggression the
German Empire now considers itself in a state of war with France as
a result of the acts of the latter power.
I have at the same time the honor of bringing to your Excellency's
knowledge that the German authorities will detain French merchant
vessels in German ports, but will release them if within
forty-eight hours complete reciprocity is assured.
My diplomatic mission having terminated, all that remains for me to
do is to request your Excellency to provide me with my passports
and take whatever measures your Excellency may deem necessary to
effect my return to Germany with the personnel of the embassy and
of the Bavarian Legation and the Consulate General of Germany at
Paris.
With sentiments of my highest consideration.