Who is responsible for the war?--Not Germany! England's policy! Her
shifting of responsibility and promoting the struggle while alone
possessing power to avert it.
It is an old and common experience that after the outbreak of a war the
very parties and persons that wanted the war, either at once or later,
assert that the enemy wanted and began it. The German Empire especially
always had to suffer from such untruthful assertions, and the very first
days of the present terrible European war confirm again this old
experience. Again Russian, French, and British accounts represent the
German Empire as having wanted the war.
Only a few months ago influential men and newspapers of Great Britain as
well as of Paris could be heard to express the opinion that nobody in
Europe wanted war and that especially the German Emperor and his
Government had sincerely and effectively been working for peace.
Especially the English Government, in the course of the last two years,
asserted frequently and publicly, and was supported by The Westminster
Gazette and a number of influential English newspapers in the assertion,
that Great Britain and the German Empire during the Balkan crisis of the
last few years had always met on the same platform for the preservation
of peace. The late Secretary of State, von Kiderlen-Waechter, his
successor, Mr. von Jagow, and the Imperial Chancellor, von
Bethmann-Hollweg, likewise declared repeatedly in the Reichstag, how
great their satisfaction was that a close and confidential diplomatic
co-operation with Great Britain, especially in questions concerning the
Near East, had become a fact. And it has to be acknowledged today that
at that time the German and British interests in the Near East were
identical or at any rate ran in parallel lines.
The collapse of European Turkey in the war against the Balkan Alliance
created an entirely new situation. At first Bulgaria was victorious and
great, then it was beaten and humiliated by the others with the
intellectual help of Russia. There could be no doubt about Russia's
intentions: she was preparing for the total subjection of weakened
Turkey and for taking possession of the Dardanelles and Constantinople
in order to rule from this powerful position Turkey and the other Balkan
States. Great Britain and the German Empire, which only had economic
interests in Turkey, were bound to wish to strengthen Turkey besides
trying to prevent the Muscovite rule on the whole Balkan peninsula.
Servia had come out of the second Balkan war greatly strengthened and
with her territory very much increased. Russia had done everything to
strengthen this bitter enemy of our ally, Austria-Hungary. For a great
number of years Servian politicians and conspirators had planned to
undermine the southeastern provinces of Austria-Hungary and to separate
them from the Dual Monarchy. In Servia as well as in Russia prevailed
the opinion that, at the first attack, Austria-Hungary would fall to
pieces. In this case Servia was to receive South Austria and Russia was
to dictate the peace in Vienna. The Balkan war had ruined Turkey almost
entirely, had paralyzed Bulgaria, that was friendly, and had
strengthened the Balkan States that were hostile to Austria. At the same
time there began in Rumania a Russian and French propaganda, that
promised this country, if it should join the dual alliance, the
Hungarian Province of Siebenbuergen.
Thus it became evident in Germany and in Austria that at St. Petersburg,
first by diplomatic and political, then also by military, action a
comprehensive attack of Slavism under Russian guidance was being
prepared. The party of the Grand Dukes in St. Petersburg, the party of
the Russian officers, always ready for war, and the Pan-Slavists, the
brutal and unscrupulous representatives of the idea that the Russian
Czarism was destined to rule Europe--all these declared openly that
their aim was the destruction of Austria-Hungary. In Russia the army,
already of an immense size, was increased secretly but comprehensively
and as quick as possible; in Servia the same was done, and the Russian
Ambassador in Belgrade, Mr. von Hartwig, was, after the second Balkan
war, the principal promoter of the plan to form against Austria a new
Balkan alliance. In Bosnia, during all this time, the Servian propaganda
was at work with high treason, and in the end with revolver and the
bomb.
In Vienna and in Berlin the greatness and the purpose of the new danger
could not remain doubtful, especially as it was openly said in St.
Petersburg, in Belgrade, and elsewhere that the destruction of
Austria-Hungary was imminent. As soon as the Balkan troubles began
Austria-Hungary had been obliged to put a large part of her army in
readiness for war, because the Russians and Servians had mobilized on
their frontiers. The Germans felt that what was a danger for their ally
was also a danger for them and that they must do all in the power to
maintain Austria-Hungary in the position of a great power. They felt
that this could only be done by keeping perfect faith with their ally
and by great military strength, so that Russia might possibly be
deterred from war and peace be preserved, or else that, in case war was
forced upon them, they could wage it with honor and success. Now it was
clear in Berlin that in view of the Russian and Servian preparations,
Austria-Hungary, in case of a war, would be obliged to use a great part
of her forces against Servia and therefore would have to send against
Russia fewer troops than would have been possible under the conditions
formerly prevailing in Europe. Formerly even European Turkey could have
been counted upon for assistance, that after her recent defeat seemed
very doubtful. These reasons and considerations, which were solely of a
defensive nature, led to the great German military bills of the last two
years. Also Austria-Hungary was obliged to increase its defensive
strength.
Whoever considers carefully the course of events that has been briefly
sketched here will pronounce the assertion of our enemies, that Germany
wanted the war, ridiculous and absurd. On the contrary, it can be said
that Germany never before endeavored more eagerly to preserve peace than
during the last few years. Germany had plenty of opportunities to attack
and good opportunities to boot, for we knew for years that the army of
France was no more ready than that of Russia. But the Germans are not a
warlike nation and the German Emperor, with his Government, has always
shown how earnestly he meant his reiterated assertions that the
preservation of peace was his principal aim. He was actuated in this by
general considerations of humanity, justice, and culture, as well as by
the consideration of the German trade and commerce. This, especially the
transoceanic commerce of Germany, has increased from year to year. War,
however, means the ruin of commerce. Why expose Germany needlessly to
this terrible risk, especially as everything in Germany prospered and
her wealth increased? No, the German Army bills were merely meant to
protect us against, and prepare us for, the attacks of Muscovite
barbarism. But nobody in Germany has ever doubted for a moment that
France would attack us at the first Russian signal. Since the first days
of the Franco-Russian alliance things have become entirely reversed.
Then France wanted to win Russia for a war of revenge against Germany;
now, on the contrary, France thought herself obliged to place her power
and her existence at the disposal of the Russian lust of conquest.
In the Spring of 1914 the German press reported from St. Petersburg
detailed accounts of Russia's comprehensive preparations for war. They
were not denied in Russia, and Paris declared that Russia would be ready
in two or three years and then pursue a policy corresponding to her
power; France, too, would then be at the height of her power. If the
German Government had desired war, on the strength of these accounts,
which were true, it could have waged a preventive war at once and
easily. It did not do so, considering that a war is just only when it is
forced upon one by the enemy. Thus Spring went by with the atmosphere
at high tension. From St. Petersburg and Paris overbearing threats came
in increasing numbers to the effect that the power of the Dual Alliance
was now gigantic and that Germany and Austria soon would begin to feel
it. We remained quiet and watchful, endeavoring with perseverance and
with all our might to win over Great Britain to the policy of preserving
peace. Colonial and economic questions were being discussed by the
German and English Governments, and the cordiality between the two great
powers seemed only to be equaled by their mutual confidence.
Then on the 28th of June occurred that frightful assassination by
Servians of the successor to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke
Francis Ferdinand. The Greater Servia propaganda of action had put aside
the man who was especially hated in Servia as the powerful exponent of
Austro-Hungarian unity and strength. This murder is the real cause of
the present European war. Austria-Hungary was able to prove to a
shuddering world, a few days after the murder, that it had been prepared
and planned systematically, yea, that the Servian Government had been
cognizant of the plan. The immense extent of the Servian revolutionary
organization in the provinces of Southern Austria, the warlike spirit of
the Servians and its instigation by Russia and France, imposed upon the
Vienna Government the duty to insist upon quiet and peace within and
without its borders. It addressed to the Servian Government a number of
demands which aimed at nothing but the suppression of the anti-Austrian
propaganda. Servia was on the point of accepting the demand, when there
arrived a dispatch from St. Petersburg, and Servia mobilized. Then
Austria, too, had to act. Thus arose the Austro-Servian war. But a few
days later the Russian Army was being mobilized, and the mobilization
was begun also in France. At the same time, as the German "White Book"
clearly proves, the diplomacy of Russia and France asserted its great
love of peace and tried to prolong the negotiations in order to gain
time, for, as is well known, the Russian mobilization proceeds slowly.
Germany was waiting, and again and again the German Emperor tried to win
the Czar over to the preservation of peace, for he considered him
sincere and thought him his personal friend. Emperor William was to be
cruelly disappointed. He finally saw himself obliged to proclaim a state
of war for Germany. But at that time the Russian and French armies were
already in a state of complete mobilization. At that time The London
Daily Graphic wrote the following article, which shows how an English
paper that was only slightly friendly to Germany judged of the situation
at that time:
The Mobilization Mystery.
A general mobilization has been ordered in Russia, and Germany has
responded by proclaiming martial law throughout the empire. We are
now enabled to measure exactly the narrow and slippery ledge which
still stands between Europe and the abyss of Armageddon. Will the
Russian order be acted upon in the provinces adjoining the German
frontier? If it is, then the work of the peacemakers is at an end,
for Germany is bound to reply with a mobilization of her own armed
forces, and a rush to the frontiers on all sides must ensue. We
confess that we are unable to understand the action of Russia in
view of the resumption of the negotiations with Austria. It is not
likely that these negotiations have been resumed unless both sides
think that there is yet a chance of agreement, but if this is the
case, why the mobilization which goes far beyond the limits of
necessary precaution, and is, indeed, calculated to defeat the
efforts of the diplomatists, however promising they may be? There
may, of course, be a satisfactory explanation, but as the matter
stands it is inexplicable, and is all the more regrettable because
it is calculated--we feel sure unjustly--to cast doubts on the
loyalty and straightforwardness of the Russian Government.
When Russia had let pass the time limit set by Germany, when France had
answered that she would act according to her own interests, then the
German Empire had to mobilize its army and go ahead. Before one German
soldier had crossed the German frontier a large number of French
aeroplanes came flying into our country across the neutral territory of
Belgium and Luxemburg without a word of warning on the part of the
Belgian Government. At the same time the German Government learned that
the French were about to enter Belgium. Then our Government, with great
reluctance, had to decide upon requesting the Belgian Government to
allow our troops to march through its territory. Belgium was to be
indemnified after the war, was to retain its sovereignty and integrity.
Belgium protested, at the same time allowing, by an agreement with
France, that the French troops might enter Belgium. After all this, and
not till France and Belgium itself had broken the neutrality, our troops
entered the neutral territory. Germany wanted nothing from Belgium, but
had to prevent that Belgian soil be used as a gate of entrance into
German territory.
Little has as yet been said of Great Britain. It was Germany's
conviction that the sincerity of Britain's love for peace could be
trusted. At any rate, Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith asserted again and
again in the course of the last few years that England wished friendly
relations with Germany and never would lend its support to a
Franco-Russian attack on Germany. Now this attack had been made; Germany
was on the defensive against two powerful enemies. What would Great
Britain do about it? That was the question. Great Britain asked in
return for its neutrality that the German forces should not enter
Belgium. In other words, it asked that Germany should allow the French
and Belgian troops to form on Belgian territory for a march against our
frontier! This we could not allow. It would have been suicidal. The
German Government made Great Britain, in return for its neutrality, the
following offers: we would not attack the northern coast of France, we
would leave unmolested the maritime commerce of France and would
indemnify Belgium after the war and safeguard its sovereignty and
integrity. In spite of this Great Britain declared war on Germany and
sides today with those Continental powers that have united for our
destruction, in order that Muscovite barbarism may rule Europe. We know
that Germany did not deserve such treatment on the part of Great
Britain, and do not believe that Great Britain by this action did a
service to humanity and civilization.
Today we are facing hard facts. Germany has to fight for her existence.
She will fight knowing that the great powers beyond the ocean will do
her justice as soon as they know the truth.
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