“Yes; I see you have made the carvings a sort of history of your mind:

I see the venerable prophet and the device he bears; the rose-hedge

with the prominent and unnaturally-multiplied thorns; the haunting imps

of dreams, your own face and mine, and so on. It is only a year and a

few months now to the time when our contract ends, and hitherto we have

kept it well. I think it likely we shall not meet again till the day is

over. Nothing but silence now will be your burden. If you speak of or

hint at anything of our transactions, remember the bond is cancelled;

but, of course, after the expiration of the ten years you are free to

publish the whole.”

He smiled scornfully, and, with another expression of admiration as to

the work, left the tribune. It was now that Nicholas put in just over

the key-board the groups of our Saviour and the twelve apostles (Judas,

with the bag of money, bore Lemoinne’s likeness), but, instead of

being, as they are at present, immovable, the figures went in and out

by a spring hidden among the stops, so that at the Consecration they

could be brought forward, and after the Communion return to the

interior of the organ, in the same way as some of the famous figures of

the clock in Strassburg Cathedral. The day of the public opening of the

completed organ came, the tenth anniversary of the day of the contract,

and the reader may imagine all the paraphernalia of a great mediæval

_fête_, half-religious and half-secular.

Lemoinne sat among the guests at Count Stromwael’s banquet; it was the

first time Nicholas had met him in public. The strange man seemed

utterly unconscious that they had ever met before, and his eyes met the

organist’s fully as he complimented him in set phrases and handed him a

golden gift with a small roll of parchment attached. Stromwael laughed

as he remarked:

“Is that the title-deed to a mortgaged estate, or a share in one of

your ships?” Nicholas clutched it in silence and tried to smile; the

talk around him seemed to point to his strange master being a banker,

but he held to his first suspicions. As soon as he was alone he looked

hastily at the hateful bond and thrust it into the fire. It seemed odd

to him that he did not yet feel free; he had expected the release to be

instantaneous. Weeks passed, and still the same old watchfulness and

uneasiness went on. Brederode’s face came to him more constantly; all

his faculties were centred in horrible recollections and vague and

still more horrible expectations. All Flanders raved about the

wonderful organ, and requests for similar ones made under his

directions and supervision poured in from distant parts. He vowed to

himself never to touch such a thing again, or even give directions for

it; it was to his fancy an accursed thing, associated with all the

horror and despair of his life. He refused all offers; and this grew to

be even more of a mania with him than the making of the instrument had

been before. Now that his dream had been fulfilled, he only longed to

die; his servitude was still unbroken, though the letter of the bond

was now a dead letter; he felt himself miserably fettered, haunted,

paralyzed. To the rather imperious demand of Count Stromwael’s cousin,

himself a powerful personage, for an organ with the same group of the

twelve apostles, he returned a flat denial, and neither threats nor

promises could shake him. At last the power of the two nobles combined

threw him into prison; they made sure of reducing him to obedience by

violence and temporary ill-treatment. The prison was what all mediæval

dungeons were—damp, filthy, unhealthy, dark. His food was bread and

water, and a very scanty measure of both. For a month he was treated as

a criminal, but nothing made any impression on the moody,

prematurely-aged man. He had made up his mind that only death would

make him free, only death would make him able to explain and excuse

himself to his dead friend. He cared for no bodily tortures; for ten

years he had suffered a mental hell. His friends and his patrons came

alternately to coax and tempt or to threaten and abuse him; he would

not yield.

Neither wealth, marriage, nor a patent of nobility tempted him; neither

the wheel, the rack, nor the block frightened him. He grew weaker and

weaker. His eyes saw Lemoinne and Brederode all over the narrow cell;

the one seemed like a fiend, and the other always like a corpse, with

the head half-severed, yet still conscious with a kind of ghastly life.

Physicians examined him and confidently pronounced him sane, and

priests visited him and pronounced him certainly not possessed, but

both agreed that something unusually terrible must be preying on his

mind. He never told what he saw or felt, and answered all questions

evasively. At last Stromwael, furious at his vassal’s obstinacy,

threatened to put his eyes out and prevent him from ever taking

pleasure in work again. He only said:

“You cannot take away my sight, even if you put out my eyes; would to

God you could!”

Before this last measure was resorted to he received a visit from

Lemoinne, who, in the calm tone of a cynic and a man of the world,

begged him to reconsider his decision.

“Nothing could tempt me!” said Nicholas. “Not even you could compel me;

it is not in the bond, and I am free.”

“Of course,” said the other, smiling. “I only ask you to yield for your

own good. Why should you object?”

“Because the thing is accursed; it has wrecked my life, and I will have

no more to do with it,” said Nicholas violently.

“But you are free now?”

“Am I?” said Nicholas, with savage meaning.

“You do me too much honor,” said Lemoinne sarcastically, “in believing

my power to be supernatural. Shall I tell you who I am, and what was

both my object and the secret of my influence?”

“You can tell what lies you like.”

“I dare say your superstition is greater than my falsehood,” said the

man with a smile; “and if I told you, you would be convinced against

your will and still remain of the same opinion. Well, you are free now,

and show your freedom by throwing away the very gift you sold yourself

to obtain.”

“If I could undo the past ten years,” said Nicholas, “I would give up

not my organ only, but my art. But as it is, I shall never be free

while I live, and I will do nothing that may save or lengthen my

horrible life—a mockery, indeed, of freedom!”

“If that is your last decision, I will say no more,” said Lemoinne;

“but remember, though our pact is over, I am still your friend, and,

should you wish anything between this and death which your jailers

would deny you, send me word.”

Nicholas looked at him in surprise and suspicion.

“Yes, they know me here by the same name as you do, and I can generally

find means to do what I wish. It is not the first time I have been here

or made a like offer to a condemned man.”

“I believe you,” said Nicholas shortly, and his visitor left him. Two

days elapsed before the threat was carried into execution, but the

prisoner, full of his own trouble, hardly dwelt upon the coming trial.

He prayed wildly that the red-hot iron which was to take away his

bodily sight would blot out his phantom companions from his mental

vision; the horrors of his disturbed brain appalled him more than any

earthly punishment, and his half-description or hints of it to one

person who visited him constantly was such that the latter

compassionately got leave for one of his jailers to sleep with him in

his dungeon. The day of the horribly unskilful torture came, and with

common iron rods, heated red-hot, the famous artist’s eyes were put

out. He writhed and moaned, but the bodily pain was only a faint image

of the agony of his mind. Was it madness? Was it possession? Were all

the learned men wrong, and he alone right, in thinking that he carried

hell within his brain? There was no peace from the gnawing remorse of

his betrayal of friendship; no assurance that his repentance was of

avail comforted him; no obstinate affirmations could make him feel that

the unholy fetters of his bond were in truth broken. It was not his

blindness that was killing him; it was his mania. He felt life ebbing,

and was fiercely glad, yet at times furious that, with such gifts as

his, he should go prematurely to the grave. A chaos of schemes floated

through his brain and maddened him yet more: he saw a long array of the

works he might have accomplished before he died—Masses, antiphons,

fugues; the improvements in the organ-stops and the internal machinery

of the instrument; a school he might have founded—if he had been

content to rely upon his own industry and the slow path of trust in

Providence. He had sold his birthright, and what was the farce of a ten

years’ contract, when he knew that at this present moment even the

wreck that was left of him was not his own? “If I am still his, at

least he shall help me once more,” he thought suddenly, as Lemoinne’s

offer occurred to his mind. “I will end this suspense at once.” He

asked the man who brought him his meals to tell Lemoinne that he wanted

him; and as he began the message he watched with fear and curiosity to

see how it would affect the bearer of it. Strange! nothing but a common

assent; evidently the request was not a novel one. Lemoinne came that

very evening, and Nicholas asked him for a sharp knife. He produced his

own, which Nicholas felt all over and took, saying:

“When you hear of my playing on my organ for the last time, come to the

tribune and claim your knife. I shall make the request, and feel sure

they will grant it.”

“What do you mean to do with the knife?”

“Nothing which _you_ would disapprove; but since you _say_ I am free,

let me prove it by not answering this question.”

“I do not press you,” said Lemoinne with his usual icy smile. Nicholas

felt the look he could not see, and his very heart seemed to tighten

and writhe within him. He had guessed truly; when he asked Count

Stromwael to allow him to play once more on the organ before he

died—for he felt that he should not live long, he said—the request was

quickly granted. His persecutors fancied that he would be less on his

guard now, and that somehow, while he played, they could surprise the

secret which they wanted to discover. He was taken to the chapel and

seated before his instrument. Stromwael, his cousin, and Lemoinne were

there, besides other less important persons. All watched eagerly. After

half an hour’s playing, as divine as the player’s mind was storm-driven

and despairing, Nicholas asked:

“Are the apostles out or in?”

“In,” was the answer.

He pressed a spring and the group came slowly out—our Lord’s figure

from the centre, and those of six apostles from each side. Then, with a

quick and deft touch, he cut something, and a snapping sound was heard

within; his fingers moved again, the knife gleamed, and a wailing sound

came from the notes on which his left arm now leaned; then, turning

round with a smile of triumph that looked ghastly on the blank face and

mutilated eye-sockets, he said:

“I am free now. I am ready to die.”

Lemoinne quickly took up the knife that Nicholas dropped, and smiled as

if another character-play had come to an end and he had solved another

riddle; Stromwael burst out into wild and furious threats of

purposeless revenge. Nicholas sat unmoved and said:

“This organ will be my only monument, and, if a man’s curse can follow

another, may mine follow whoever shall attempt to remove or to repair

my organ.”

To this day the instrument stands a witness to the tradition of its

maker’s fate; the group is immovable, and the few sounds the notes

produce are worse than dumbness. Nicholas died two months after, in

prison, his mind more and more delirious each day. It is said that,

when Lemoinne heard of his death, he remarked to one of his associates:

“That man was the most perfect tool I ever knew. If I had sworn

to him that I was a banker, a merchant, a usurer, a spy—an

unscrupulous eccentric, whose one mania was the possession of

secret power, and whose conscience was dead to any obstacle—he

would still have believed in his own theory. But I own I

overshot the mark and drove him too far.”

------------------------------------------------------------------------

THE GERMAN ELEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES.

The social, moral, and political influence of the German-born and

German-descended population of the United States upon their

fellow-citizens has already been perceptible; that this influence will

vastly increase in the future is highly probable. We may state here one

of the many reasons for this belief. The intellectual and political

leaders of the Germans in America have hitherto mainly confined their

public utterances, in the press or on the platform, to the German

language. The German newspapers are very numerous; their circulation is

large; they are written for the most part with much ability; their

treatment of social and political questions is often marked by a

breadth of view and a soundness of logic too frequently wanting in many

of their English contemporaries. Their influence upon the minds of

their readers is also greater than that wielded by the majority of our

newspapers printed in the English language. We have heard this fact

attributed to the superior honesty with which the German press is

conducted; but upon this delicate ground we shall not enter. Our point

at present is that German thought and opinion, as expressed through the

German periodical press, influence for the most part only the German

population. Few of us who are not Germans read a German journal; what

the German leaders in politics, morality, and literature are saying,

day after day, is for the most part wholly unknown to the rest of us.

Occasionally an American editor translates a leading article from a

German journal and gives it to his readers; still more frequently he

avails himself of the ideas and the arguments of his German

contemporaries and reproduces them as his own.

In the next generation this state of things will be modified; more

Americans will read German literature, and more Germans, or

German-Americans, will write in English journals, speak in English at

public conventions, and sit in our legislative assemblies. The barrier

of language, which has hitherto tended to separate Germans from the

rest of us to so great an extent, will gradually yield and disappear.

The German language will be learned by increasing numbers of our

non-German citizens; the common use of the German language by the

German-Americans will be dropped, and the English tongue adopted in its

stead, not only in business affairs, but in politics, literature,

religion, and social intercourse. The English language has made many

conquests, but in America it has only to hold its own. It is the

language of the country, of the legislature, of the courts, of the

markets and exchanges, and of society. Our German citizens must acquire

it, or enter handicapped into all the relations of life.

The ability with which the German journals here are conducted does not

prevent nearly the whole of them which are not avowedly Catholic from

being inspired by an antagonism to religion. The genius of the German

mind has little sympathy with socialism or communism, and the theories

of socialism and communism find expression among our German citizens

only through the writings or speeches of a few insignificant and

uninfluential men in New York and some of our other large cities. But

the German who is not a Catholic is most often an atheist; and he

differs from the French atheist in wishing his wife and children to be

atheists also. The non-Catholic German press faithfully represents this

phase of the German mind; and it sneers at religion with the same

pertinacity and often with more skill than is shown in a like direction

by too many of our English-written newspapers.

The total immigration into the United States from the close of the War

of Independence to the end of 1876 was 9,726,455 souls. The records of

the government do not furnish an ethnological classification of all

these; it is only since 1847 that this classification has been made.

But every one knows that the bulk of our immigrants have come from

Ireland and Germany. At the port of New York alone the total number of

Irish immigrants from 1847 up to September 1 of the present year was

2,009,447; of German immigrants 2,345,486; of all others 1,265,240. An

estimated classification of those arriving before 1847, added to the

above figures, gives 2,463,598 Irish, 2,622,556 German, and 1,542,311

of other nationalities. The present Secretary of the Interior is the

only American citizen of German birth who has ever held a cabinet

appointment; we believe that he is the only citizen of German birth who

has ever sat in the Senate. But among the senators at the last session

of the Forty-fourth Congress there were seven who were either of

foreign birth or the sons of foreigners; and in the lower House of the

same assembly there appears to have been but one German to twelve

naturalized citizens of other nationalities. The Secretary of the

Interior owes the prominent political position which he fills less to

his statesmanlike and philosophical acquirements than to his command of

the English language and to his grace and power as a public speaker. No

doubt there are among our German citizens many who are his equals in

learning and political wisdom, but who are almost wholly unknown

outside the German-speaking community, for the reason that they confine

themselves, on the platform or in the press, to the use of the German

language. The coming generation of Americans of German descent will not

subject themselves to this disadvantage; and thus the influence of

German thought will be widened and deepened.

Upon this portion of our subject we may as well reproduce in substance,

although not with literal exactness, the observations made to us by a

German ecclesiastic, a member of one of the German religious orders

which are working here with so much zeal and success. In his opinion

the German element now in the United States will ere long be greatly

increased by a revival of immigration. Immigration from Germany may not

again attain the vast proportions which it reached in 1852–53–54, nor

during the seven memorable years 1866–1872, but it will still be very

large. All other things being equal, the proportion of Catholics

immigrating from Germany will be greater in the future than in the

past. In looking at the future of the country we should reckon that the

German element here will for many years to come steadily and rapidly

increase. But it is not probable that, after the passing away of the

present generation, our German population will so tenaciously retain

its distinctive national or ethnological features. It will become

absorbed in, amalgamated with, the rest of the community, but through

this very absorption and amalgamation it will leaven the whole mass for

good or for evil; and most probably the good will preponderate.

In our present German population, especially the younger portion of it,

there is a very perceptible disposition to be a little ashamed of their

German origin. This feeling, which has long existed, received a check

during and immediately after the triumph of Germany over France in 1870

and the erection of the German Empire. But it has now revived and

prevails with more force than before. Our German citizens feel that the

golden apples of victory have turned to ashes in the grasp of the

conquerors. The milliards wrung from France have sunk into the ground

or vanished in the air, and Germany is poorer than before the war—much

poorer than France, which Prince Bismarck imagined had been crushed

into nothingness. All the glory that Germany won by her conquest of

France in the field has been eclipsed by the peaceful victory of

France—a victory the effects of which were made manifest at our

International Exhibition last year. More serious still than this, in

the opinion of the learned and acute ecclesiastic whom we are quoting,

is the dislike and contempt with which the iniquitous, unnecessary, and

tyrannical policy of the German government toward the church is

regarded not only by Catholic Germans in America, but by those of their

non-Catholic compatriots here who are not swayed by sectarian hatred of

the church. This policy is justly regarded as at once an evidence of

weakness and a prolific source of future trouble, and among the

non-Catholic German-Americans the remark is common that “between the

Red-coats and the Black-coats—the Communists and the Catholics—the

empire is in great danger of destruction.” For these reasons, and other

slighter ones, our German fellow-citizens are becoming less and less

disposed to boast of their nationality, and more and more inclined to

Americanize themselves and their children. The “Watch on the Rhine”

gives place to “Yankee Doodle”; the suggestive inquiry as to the

precise locality and boundaries of the Faderland is not so popular as

“Hail Columbia.” Certain considerations of a utilitarian nature aid

powerfully in leading our German citizens in the same direction. Their

common sense enables them to see that their own advancement in life,

and the prosperity and happiness of their children, materially depend

upon their thorough Americanization—their complete identification with

the rest of the community in which they live. The first step towards

this end is the acquirement and use of the English language, and in

this the children often outstrip the wishes of their parents. In the

German-American schools, secular as well as religious, the study of the

English language is compulsory, and necessarily so. The children appear

to have a natural affinity for the English tongue; they acquire its use

rapidly and soon begin to speak it in preference to their native

language. It is not uncommon to meet with families where the parents

address the children in German and the children reply in English. The

truth is that the English language as now spoken, largely Teutonic in

its composition and structure, but enriched and softened by Celtic,

Latin, and Greek accretions, more easily adapts itself to the

expression of the necessities, the emotions, and the ideas of the age.

An amusing illustration of this self-asserting power of the English

language was afforded by the experience of a village in Indiana, on the

Ohio River, which was settled a few years ago by an exclusively German

colony consisting of about three hundred families. Nothing but German

was at first spoken in the houses, but in a very brief space of time

the language in the streets was found to be English, and ere long that

became the prevailing dialect of the place, appearing, as one of the

residents said, to have sprung up and taken root there just as the

weeds in the fields.

The Catholic World, Vol. 26, October, 1877, to March, 1878 · 第 50 / 116 段