1860
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _6th January 1860_.
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to thank you for a _most affectionate_
and gracious letter of the 3rd....
I will speak to my pianist about Wagner's _Lohengrin_; he plays with
great taste and feeling, and I purchased a fine Parisian piano to
enable him to go on satisfactorily.
Now I must speak a little of passing events. Louis Napoleon wished
for a Congress because it would have placed a new authority between
himself and the Italians, whom he fears evidently concerning their
fondness of assassinating people. The pamphlet, "The Pope and the
Congress," remains _incomprehensible_[1]; it will do him much harm,
and will deprive him of the confidence of the Catholics who have
been in France his most devoted supporters. Now the Congress is then
postponed, but what is to be done with Italy? One notion is, that
there would be some arrangement by which Piedmont would receive more,
Savoy would go to France, and England would receive Sardinia. I am
sure that England would by no means wish to have Sardinia. It will
give me great pleasure to hear what Lord Cowley has reported on these
subjects. I understand that Louis Napoleon is now much occupied with
Germany, and studies its resources. This is somewhat alarming, as he
had followed, it seems, the same course about Italy. _Gare la bombe_,
the Prussians may say. One cannot understand why Louis Napoleon is
using so many odd subterfuges when plain acting would from the month
of September have settled everything. I must say that I found Walewski
at that time very sensible and conservative. His retiring will
give the impression that things are now to be carried on in a less
conservative way, and people will be much alarmed. I know Thouvenel,
and liked him, but that was in the poor King's time. In England his
nomination will not give much pleasure, I should imagine, as he was in
the situation to oppose English notions in the Orient.... Your devoted
Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 1: This famous pamphlet, issued (like that of
February 1859, _ante_, 25th January, 1859, note 7) under
the nominal authorship of M. de la Gueronniere, expounded
the Emperor'sview that the Pope should be deprived of his
temporal dominions, Rome excepted. Its publication brought
about the resignation of Count Walewski (who was succeeded
by M. de Thouvenel) and the abandonment of the proposed
Congress.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th January 1860_.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, written after the
Cabinet yesterday evening. She was much relieved by finding a proposal
to call upon France and Austria not to interfere in Italy substituted
for the former one implying war on our part for the defence of the
Provisional Governments of Central Italy. The Queen must consider this
new proposal, however, as partial and incomplete as long as Sardinia
is not asked as well to abstain from interference. Austria has
reversionary rights in Tuscany and Modena, Sardinia has no rights
at all, if a desire for acquisition is not to be considered as one.
Austria will probably say she has no intention of interfering as long
as Sardinia does not, but she cannot allow Sardinia to possess herself
of her inheritance under her very eyes. It is also incorrect to place
France and Austria entirely in the same line; Austria being an Italian
power in virtue of Venetia, and France having nothing whatever to do
in Italy.
[Pageheading: WHIG TRADITIONS]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _11th January 1860_.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has
just had the honour to receive your Majesty's letter of this date.
Lord John Russell has sent to Lord Palmerston the proposal he humbly
submits to your Majesty.
He will therefore only venture to say that the doctrines of the
Revolution of 1688, doctrines which were supported by Mr Fox, Mr Pitt,
the Duke of Wellington, Lord Castlereagh, Mr Canning, and Lord Grey,
can hardly be abandoned in these days by your Majesty's present
advisers. According to those doctrines, all power held by Sovereigns
may be forfeited by misconduct, and each nation is the judge of its
own internal government.[2]
Lord John Russell can hardly be expected to abjure those opinions, or
to act in opposition to them.
[Footnote 2: In a despatch of the 27th of October, Lord John
took the same ground in the case of Naples. After quoting with
approval the view taken by Vattel of the lawfulness of the
assistance given by the United Provinces to the Prince of
Orange, and his conclusion that it is justifiable to assist
patriots revolting against an oppressor for "good reasons," he
stated that the question was whether the people of Naples and
of the Roman States took up arms against their Government
for good reasons; and of this matter, he added, the people
themselves were the best judges.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th January 1860_.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's note of this day, in which
she is not able to find any answer to her letter, or even an allusion
to what she had written, viz. that Austria and France being asked to
abstain from interference, such an arrangement would be partial and
incomplete unless Sardinia was pledged also to non-interference. The
Queen cannot make out what the doctrines of the Revolution of 1688 can
have to do with this, or how it would necessitate Lord John to abjure
them.
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS OF ITALY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th January 1860_.
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 13th reached me on
Saturday, and I at once forwarded your letter to good and faithful
Clark, who was for _two_ months unable to attend us from a severe
attack of illness, but who is, I am happy to say, much better, indeed
his own good self again, and who is now _here_.[3] This good account
you give us of your precious health makes us truly happy. It is such a
blessing.
Affairs are in a sad and complicated state, and though we modify
matters as much as we _can_, we can't entirely keep our Ministers
(_the two_) from doing _something_. You will hear no doubt of the last
proposal soon, viz. that France and Austria should _both_ agree _not_
to interfere in Italy--France withdrawing her troops from Rome, and
Sardinia to be asked not to send any troops into the Duchies until
there has been a _final vote_ expressive of their wishes. We could
_not prevent_ this _proposal_, which I doubt being accepted--as the
rest of the Cabinet thought it could _not_ be opposed, and entailed
_no_ material _support_. This country _never_ would consent to be
entangled in a _war_ for this Italian quarrel....
We have a large party again to-day for the _Play_ which we have
to-morrow. We had a very successful one last week. The Persignys come
to-day.
Now I must end. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 3: The Queen, later in the year, lent Bagshot Park
temporarily to Sir James Clark.]
[Pageheading: ANNEXATION OF SAVOY]
[Pageheading: VICTOR EMMANUEL]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st January 1860_.
The Queen returns the enclosed important letter from Lord Cowley,
and Lord John Russell's answers--documents which she trusts will
be communicated to the Cabinet. The Emperor shows unwillingness to
evacuate Rome and Lombardy, disinclination to admit of the annexation
of the Duchies to Sardinia, a feeling that he could not do so without
appearing dishonourable in the eyes of Austria, and a determination
to rob Sardinia of Savoy in order to repay the French Nation for the
rupture with the Pope, and the abandonment of a protective tariff by
the reconquest of at least a portion of the "_frontieres naturelles de
la France_."[4] Lord Cowley's letter proves clearly that it is (as the
Queen all along felt and often said) most dangerous for us to offer
to bind ourselves to a common action with the Emperor with regard to
Italy, whilst he has entered into a variety of engagements with the
different parties engaged in the dispute, of which we know nothing,
and has objects in view which we can only guess at, and which have not
the good of Italy in view, but his own aggrandisement to the serious
detriment of Europe.
With regard to Lord John Russell's answer, the Queen will only say
that our proposal having been made by us after serious reflection and
the anxious discussion of the Cabinet and the Queen, no deviation from
it ought to take place without affording them ample opportunity to
consider the bearings and probable results of such alteration.
[Footnote 4: The cession by King Victor Emmanuel of Savoy
(the cradle of his race) and of Nice to France was the
consideration offered at Plombieres for obtaining French
support to the movement for freeing Italy "from the Alps to
the Adriatic"; that result not having been achieved, a like
price was now offered for French assistance in effecting the
annexation of the Central Italian provinces.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd January 1860_.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's note and enclosures. She
rather expects to be advised by her Ministers as to the course to
be adopted in matters which may lead to angry debate in the House
of Lords, than to give personal directions on a case so incompletely
placed before her; Lord Willoughby's letter does not even name the
persons in question nor the grounds upon which he assumes "they
would not be received at Court."[5] The Queen does not know how far
admission or non-admission trenches upon the privileges of the House;
from the submitted printed regulation, however, she would gather that
the Lord High Chamberlain has full power to admit or exclude. If
Lord Palmerston were to see Lord Granville as Leader, and the Lord
Chancellor as Speaker, of the House of Lords together with Lord
Willoughby, they might so far discuss the question as to enable
Lord Palmerston to submit a decision for the Queen's consideration
to-morrow.
[Footnote 5: Lord Willoughby's question had reference to a
Peeress, who, he thought, would not be received at Court.
The difference between a State Opening of Parliament and
a Drawing-room was pointed out in Lord Palmerston's reply.
Though it would be "unpleasant to the Peeresses to find
themselves sitting next to a person with whom they do not
associate," the Premier advised no interference with the lady
in question, if she persisted in attending.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st January 1860_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my warmest thanks for your kind letter of
the 27th, received on Saturday--by which I am delighted to see what
sport you have had. I have _such_ an aversion for hunting that I am
_quite_ pleased to hear of the destruction of the _fifty-one_ foxes. I
suppose it was not cold enough for _wolves_.
I think Parliament has had a wholesome effect upon certain people;
and that they are _altogether frightened_. There has been a strong
despatch written relative to Savoy--and altogether I think matters are
taking a better turn. The feeling of _all_ parties and this _whole_
country is--to _let Italy settle its own affairs_--and _England to
keep quite out of it_....
We shall see the good Aumales to-night, who are staying with the Van
de Weyers at _New Lodge_,[6] which is _un vrai bijou_: you _must_
see it when you come here again, for it is one of the nicest and most
charming houses I know.
I must now end. With Albert's affectionate love, ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 6: On the borders of Windsor Forest.]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _3rd February 1860_.
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... New Lodge must be exceedingly pretty, and,
God willing, I ought once to get sight of it. By all one can hear, the
Italians certainly will attack the Austrians, if they are not told to
leave it alone; Victor Emmanuel speaks openly of it, just as he did
last year, when one also thought it was a mere bravado. Things look
in most directions very gloomy; my neighbour is creating dangers for
himself by the constitutional Government he gives to Italy. The
French say, "Sommes-nous moins que les Italiens pour avoir un peu de
liberte?" This may become more dangerous as things move on, not that
I should regret it; we can never have any security as long as France
remains without a constitutional Government. We have had slight
beginnings of cold, but not much of it, but the glass was fearfully
low. My ball of the 1st was rather pretty, and people were in great
dancing mood. Princess Orloff, a Troubetzkoi, is a very pleasing young
woman. There is also a pretty Princess Metchersky. We had some new
English families _inconceivably ugly_; it is quite a calamity,
they look as if they had been selected on purpose. Having still the
happiness of being one of your Privy Council, I mean to propose some
measure to obviate such a sad state of affairs. We have all of a
sudden snow.... Your truly devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: INDIAN HONOURS]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Charles Wood._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th February 1860_.
The Queen has attentively read Lord Canning's letter and enclosure.
She quite agrees in his proposal as to the nature of the Order of
Chivalry to be instituted, and the details which he recommends with
regard to it. She also thinks that titles should be confined to those
now known and borne in India, and to be given sparingly; but would
object to the illimited power of the Governor-General and Viceroy
in this respect. The highest dignities and titles ought to proceed
directly from the Crown at the Viceroy's recommendation. The Queen
concurs in the view that honours cannot well be made hereditary
amongst Hindoos and Mussulmans, but where Princes (as we may hope
will be the case sometimes hereafter) have become Christians, the
hereditary nature of honours should not be withheld.[7] ...
[Footnote 7: Lord Canning had written that he thought it would
be best to adhere to the precise titles already in use in
India, and that they should be at the direct disposal of the
Queen's Representative, without reference to the Crown. He did
not recommend that titles should be hereditary (except in
very special cases), in a country where primogeniture was
not established. As to the proposed Order of Knighthood, Lord
Canning thought that the institution of such an Order would
be both expedient and opportune. He recommended that it should
include both British-born and Native subjects.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND HER MINISTERS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th February 1860_.
The Queen sends a letter to Lord Palmerston which she has received
yesterday evening from Lord John Russell.[8] She is induced to do
so from a feeling that it is to Lord Palmerston, as head of the
Government, that she has to look, when she may have reason to take
exception to the tone of communications she may receive from members
of his Cabinet. Lord Palmerston will not fail to perceive that the
enclosed is not the kind of communication which the Foreign Secretary
ought to make, when asked by his Sovereign to explain the views of the
Cabinet upon a question so important and momentous as the annexation
of Savoy to France, and the steps which they propose to take with
regard to it. She need not remind Lord Palmerston that in her letter
communicated to the Cabinet she had given no opinion whatever upon
Italian liberation from a foreign yoke, nor need she protest against
a covert insinuation, such as is contained in Lord John's letter, that
she is no well-wisher of mankind and indifferent to its freedom and
happiness. But she must refer to the constitutional position of her
Ministers towards herself. They are responsible for the advice they
gave her, but they are bound fully, respectfully, and openly to place
before her the grounds and reasons upon which their advice may be
founded, to enable her to judge whether she can give her assent to
that advice or not. The Government must come to a standstill if
the Minister meets a demand for explanation with an answer like the
following: "I was asked by the Cabinet to give an answer, but as I do
not agree with you, I think it useless to explain my views."
The Queen must demand that respect which is due from a Minister to his
Sovereign. As the Queen must consider the enclosed letter as deficient
in it, she thinks Lord John Russell might probably wish to reconsider
it, and asks Lord Palmerston to return it to him with that view.
That Lord Palmerston may be acquainted with the course the
correspondence has taken, the Queen encloses the two preceding
letters.
[Footnote 8: The letter ran:--"Lord John Russell unfortunately
does not partake your Majesty's opinions in regard to Italy,
and he is unwilling to obtrude on your Majesty unnecessary
statements of his views.... Whatever may be the consequence,
the liberation of the Italian people from a foreign yoke
is, in the eyes of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, an
increase of freedom and happiness at which as well-wishers to
mankind they cannot but rejoice."]
[Pageheading: MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
94 PICCADILLY, _10th February 1860_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
begs to state that Mr Gladstone made this afternoon his financial
statement.[9] His speech lasted three hours, from five to eight, and
was admirable, detailed, clear, comprehensive and eloquent; and he did
not appear to be fatigued by the effort.[10] The statement was well
received by the House, and though parts of the arrangement may, and no
doubt will, be disputed and attacked as the various measures of which
the arrangement is composed, pass through the House, there seems to
be a fair probability that the Government will not sustain any serious
defeat upon any part of the arrangement. The scheme is too extensive
and complicated to admit of an abstract of it being given to your
Majesty in this Report; but no doubt a condensed summary of it will be
given in the newspapers of to-morrow.
[Footnote 9: The Budget of 1860 was contemporaneous with
the commercial treaty with France negotiated by Mr Cobden,
reducing _inter alia_ the import duties on French wine and
brandy, and English coal, flax, and pig-iron. Mr Gladstone
abolished the duties on a large number of imports, and
proposed to repeal that on paper (regarded not only as a means
for the diffusion of knowledge, but a commodity in various
industries).]
[Footnote 10: This was all the more remarkable, as the Budget
had been postponed owing to his illness.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th February 1860_.
The Queen acknowledges the receipt of Lord Palmerston's two letters
of yesterday evening. She willingly accepts Lord John Russell's
expressions of regret, and certainly was led to read that one passage
which Lord Palmerston explains in the sense which he supposed.
The Queen has received the draft to Lord Cowley, and has written her
observations upon it to Lord John, who will communicate them to him.
She thinks that the omissions which she has pointed out can be very
well supplied consistently with that international courtesy which Lord
Palmerston truly says ought to be observed.[11]
[Footnote 11: In this despatch, Lord John wrote that
the Government could not believe that a country in the
circumstances of France could be endangered by the existence,
"on the other side of the Alps, of a State of 11,000,000 of
people lately joined by a cement not yet dry, threatened, on
the side of Lombardy, by Austria, and not very certain of its
own independence."]
_Earl Granville to the Prince Albert._
BRIGHTON, _11th February 1860_.
SIR,--Lord John produced before the Cabinet his draft of despatch
in answer to M. Thouvenel. He read, without allusion to the previous
correspondence, the Queen's Memorandum on his draft.
Lord Palmerston supported Lord John, who was fidgety and nervous. We
all criticised the draft. We thought it too much or too little. We
recommended that he should either write shortly, saying that he
did not acquiesce in M. Thouvenel's arguments, but as the French
Government did not consider the question as now in existence, and
promised that it should not be revised without the consent of Savoy,
and consultation with the Great Powers, if the Government would
reserve what they had to say on a question of such immense European
importance--or going into the subject he should state the whole
argument and objections of the Government to the scheme.
We thought the historical reminiscences offensive to France, while the
language of the despatch was not sufficiently firm to satisfy what was
expected from the Government. We warned him that in this case public
opinion would be at least as critical as the Queen.
Lord John gave us to understand that he would alter his draft, but
I do not feel any security that it will be done in a satisfactory
manner.
I am, Sir, with the greatest respect, your Royal Highness's obedient,
humble, and faithful servant,
GRANVILLE.
[Pageheading: LORD COWLEY AND THE EMPEROR]
_Earl Cowley to Lord John Russell._
(_Submitted to the Queen._)
PARIS, _7th March 1860_.
MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--I send a messenger this evening, in order that you
may not hear from any one else of the passage of arms which took place
between the Emperor and myself yesterday evening. You will find the
account of it in the enclosed despatch. The more I reflect on it, the
less I think that I could pass over the Emperor's conduct and language
without notice. His tone and manner were really offensive, and if
I had let them pass unheeded might have been repeated on another
occasion. I must say that nothing could have been more friendly than
His Majesty's bearing after I had spoken to him. He was profuse in
his excuses, and the Empress told me later in the evening that he was
_desole_--"qu'il s'etait laisse entrainer par un mouvement d'humeur,"
etc. I, of course, said that I should think no more about it.
One good thing has been gained by it, that the Emperor has declared
that he does not mean to act in defiance of the opinion of the Great
Powers....
I wish that I had not this disagreeable history to trouble you with,
but do not attach greater importance to it than it merits. I look upon
it as at an end.
COWLEY.
[Pageheading: LORD COWLEY AND THE EMPEROR]
[Pageheading: LORD COWLEY'S REMONSTRANCE]
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S _AMENDE_]
[_Enclosure._]
_Earl Cowley to Lord John Russell._
(_Submitted to the Queen._)
PARIS, _7th March 1860_.
MY LORD,--It is with extreme regret that I call your Lordship's
attention to the following occurrence.
There was a concert last night at the Tuileries, to which the Chiefs
of the Diplomatic Body were invited. On these occasions seats are
assigned to the Ambassadors according to their accidental rank, and
I was placed between the Nuntio and the Russian Ambassador. It is
customary for the Emperor, during the interval between the two
parts of the concert, to say a few words to each of the Ambassadors
individually, and it is obvious that what His Majesty says to one may
easily be overheard by that one's immediate neighbours.
Yesterday evening the Emperor, after saying a few words of no
importance to the Nuntio, addressed himself to me in a manner and
tone very unusual with him, animadverting upon the hostile sentiments
evinced towards him in the English Parliament and Press.[12] "Wishing
to avoid a discussion, I merely observed that I regretted that matters
should be in such a state, but that His Majesty must be aware that
there was quite as great irritation on this side the water. The
Emperor enquired sharply whether this was to be wondered at,
considering the terms and imputations applied to himself, and to the
French nation, in England? They were only defending themselves against
unfair attacks, His Majesty said. It was really too bad, he continued;
he had done all in his power to maintain a good understanding with
England, but the conduct of England rendered it impossible. What had
England to do with Savoy? And why was she not to be satisfied with the
declaration that His Majesty had made to me, that he had no intention
to annex Savoy to France without having previously obtained the
consent of the Great Powers.
"Pardon me, Sire," I said, "for interrupting your Majesty, but it
is just what you did not say. Had you permitted me to convey that
assurance to Her Majesty's Government, I will answer for it that all
those interpellations in Parliament would long since have ceased, and
that Her Majesty's Government and the country would at all events have
awaited the decision at which the Great Powers might have arrived."
"But I told you," continued the Emperor, "that I would consult the
Great Powers."
"Yes, Sire," I replied, "but your Majesty did not add that you would
abide by their decision."
This conversation had taken place, not only within the hearing of the
Russian Ambassador, but the Emperor's remarks were addressed almost
as much to my colleague as to myself. Turning then entirely towards
General Kisseleff, the Emperor continued: "The conduct of England is
inexplicable. I have done all in my power to keep on the best terms
with her; but I am at my wits' end _(je n'en puis plus)._ What," His
Majesty exclaimed again, "has England to do with Savoy? What would
have been the consequence if, when she took possession of the Island
of Perim[13] for the safety of her Eastern dominions, I had raised the
same objections that she has now raised to the annexation of Savoy,
which I want as much for the safety of France?"
His Majesty continued to speak for a few seconds in the same strain,
and I felt my position to be most awkward. With the remembrance of
His Majesty's intemperate words to M. de Huebner on New Year's Day,
1859,[14] in my mind, I did not like to leave unnoticed observations
of the tendency I have mentioned. At the same time I had to bear in
mind that I was not present on an official occasion, but that I was
the Emperor's guest, and that it would not be right to continue a
discussion in the presence of others. These thoughts passed rapidly
through my mind, and I determined to be guided by a night's reflection
in taking any further step in this matter. What that reflection might
have produced I cannot say, but circumstances led to more immediate
explanations.
As the Emperor moved on, the circle in which we were standing was
not strictly kept, and after a few minutes I found myself standing a
little in front, in the open space round which the circle was formed.
The Emperor again accosted me, and was beginning in the same strain,
when I ventured to interrupt His Majesty and to tell him that I
considered myself justified in calling his attention to the unusual
course he had adopted, in indulging, in presence of the Russian
Ambassador, in his animadversions on the conduct of England. That His
Majesty, if he had, or thought he had, any cause for remonstrance or
blame with regard to England, should address himself to me, was not
only natural, but would be a course which I should always beg him to
take, because free discussion was the best remedy for pent-up feeling.
I should answer as best I could, and endeavour to convince His Majesty
when I thought him wrong. Or if His Majesty considered it right to
complain of the conduct of England to the Russian Ambassador, I had no
desire to interfere, provided it was not done in my presence; but what
I could not approve, or consider compatible with my own dignity,
or that of the Government which I represented, was that complaints
respecting England should be addressed to me in the hearing of the
Russian Ambassador, and to the Russian Ambassador in my hearing.
Leaving then this official tone, I added that, considering the long
and intimate relations which His Majesty had been graciously pleased
to permit should exist between himself and me, and knowing, as he did,
the personal attachment which I bore him, and the anxiety which I had
ever manifested to smooth difficulties and prevent misunderstandings
between the two Governments, in doing which I had perhaps exposed
myself to the suspicion of being more French than I ought to be, I had
not expected to have been addressed, as I had been, in the presence
of the Russian Ambassador, or to have heard words addressed to that
Ambassador complaining of the sentiments of the English nation.
The Emperor frequently interrupted me, expressing his great regret at
what had occurred. He could assure me, His Majesty said, that he
had spoken without any bad intention--that he had just read what had
occurred in Parliament the night before, and that he had been greatly
hurt at the strictures passed upon his conduct; I must recollect
further that he had not spoken of the Government, but of those who
attacked him. Again, His Majesty begged me to think no more of the
matter, repeating the assurance that he had spoken without intention.
In the course of this second conversation the Emperor again asked,
but in a very different tone, why England had taken up the question of
Savoy which so little regarded her. Had it been Prussia or one of the
Continental Powers, His Majesty could have understood it, but not a
word of remonstrance had proceeded from any one of them. I replied
that I did not think the Emperor could rely on that silence as
indicating approbation, but at all events, I said, the position of Her
Majesty's Government was very different from that of the other powers.
How was it possible, I asked, for Her Majesty's Government to remain
silent in presence of the interpellations respecting Savoy which were,
night after night, put to them? And if His Majesty enquired why these
interpellations were put, I would answer him that, if my judgment was
correct, it was not so much on account of the actual plan of annexing
Savoy, as on account of the circumstances connected with the whole
transaction. They were, in fact, interpellations of mistrust. And how,
I asked, could it be otherwise? What could the English people think
on its transpiring that in spite of His Majesty's declarations,
both before and during the war, that in going to war he meditated
no special advantages for France, overtures had positively been made
months before, to Sardinia, for the eventual cession of Savoy; why had
not His Majesty told us fairly, in commencing this war, that if, by
the results of the war, the territory of Sardinia should be greatly
augmented, he might be obliged, in deference to public opinion in
France, to ask for some territorial advantage? Such a declaration,
although it might have rendered the British Government still more
anxious to prevent the war, would have hindered all the manifestation
of public opinion which is now taking place.
The Emperor seemed to feel the weight of these observations, and
he ended the conversation by saying, that if this question of Savoy
should go further, he had pledged himself to consult the Great
Powers, and that he need hardly add that if their opinion should be
unfavourable to his wishes, it would have great weight with him.
"It is not likely," said His Majesty, "that I should act against the
advice of Europe."
I end, my Lord, as I commenced, in regretting this occurrence. I
could have wished that the Emperor had not spoken to me a second time
yesterday, and that I had had a little time for reflection. I feel
that I spoke to His Majesty under considerable emotion, caused by the
tone and manner which he had adopted; but I am certain that not a word
escaped me which was not respectful to himself. To have passed the
matter over, would, in my judgment, have been a fault, but on the
whole I should have preferred conveying impressions to His Majesty
through M. Thouvenel. I earnestly trust, however, that Her Majesty's
Government will view my conduct in a favourable light.
It is but justice to my Russian colleague to state that nothing could
have been in better taste than his remarks in answer to the Emperor's
observations to him. I have told General Kisseleff this morning that
having had an opportunity to do so, I had expressed to the Emperor
the opinion that it would have been better had His Majesty avoided
irritating topics concerning England in the presence of another
foreign representative. It is not my intention to open my lips on the
subject to any one else.
COWLEY.
[Footnote 12: The annexation of Savoy had been debated in the
House of Commons, and Mr Bright had expressed his readiness
that Savoy should rather perish than that England should
interfere in a matter in which she had no concern. He was
sharply censured by Lord John Manners.]
[Footnote 13: Perim had been permanently taken possession of
by Great Britain, in 1857.]
[Footnote 14: See _ante_, p. 310, note 2.]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _9th March 1860_.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to submit a despatch which he received in a private letter
from Lord Cowley.
The strange scene related in it will remind your Majesty of some
scenes already famous in the history of Napoleon I. and Napoleon III.
Lord John Russell requests your Majesty's permission to write a secret
despatch in answer, entirely approving the conduct and language of
Lord Cowley.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S APPROVAL]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _10th March 1860_.
The Queen, in returning Lord Cowley's private letter and secret
despatch, agrees with Lord John Russell, that he has deserved praise
for his mode of answering the Emperor's Napoleonic address.[15] ...
[Footnote 15: The ratification by the House of Commons of the
Commercial Treaty, and Mr Gladstone's message to the Emperor,
enclosing a copy of his Budget speech, gave the Emperor an
opportunity of making amends to Lord Cowley for his hasty
language.]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Charles Wood._
OSBORNE, _12th March 1860_.
The Queen is sorry to find that Lord Canning does not approve of any
of the modes suggested by Sir Charles Wood, for giving the Chiefs
security of title and possession. The object appears to the Queen so
important as a means of protection against the temptation of our own
representatives to seize upon the possessions of these Chiefs at any
convenient opportunity--and as a means of giving confidence to those
Chiefs that the Queen's Government is not actuated by rapacity--that
she must hope Lord Canning will indicate some mode, appearing less
objectionable to him, for attaining the same object. The Queen would
be glad to have a copy of Lord Canning's letter.
[Pageheading: SWISS CLAIMS]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th March 1860_.
The Queen has just seen the Swiss Note, and has returned it to the
Foreign Office.[16] With reference to Lord John Russell's letter of
this morning, she has only to express her anxiety that her Government
should not look upon this question as one of an _optional_ character
to take up or not. We have no choice, and the consideration whether
what we are doing may be pleasing or displeasing to France cannot be
entertained for a moment, although the Queen is grieved to find from
Lord Cowley's last letter that he considers the question from that
point of view. We are parties to a treaty of guarantee together with
other Powers, and have as such a clear and solemn _duty_ to perform.
We should therefore openly and avowedly call upon our partners in
this treaty and guarantee to consider the note addressed by the Swiss
Confederation to us.
The proper course would be to summon the Ministers of the Contracting
Powers to the Foreign Office (not excluding the French Ambassador),
and to go with them into the matter. This would take it out of the
hands of the Emperor and M. de Thouvenel, and make (the Queen is
certain of it) a deep impression upon them.
The Queen wishes this letter to be shown to Lord Palmerston and Lord
John's other colleagues.
[Footnote 16: The Swiss Government claimed that the districts
of Chablais and Faucigny (being parts of Savoy which had
been handed over to Sardinia by the Treaty of Vienna under a
guarantee for their neutrality) should be given to Switzerland
for the protection of their frontier. The French Emperor
maintained that it was sufficient for him to guarantee the
neutrality of those districts. Speaking on the night of the
26th, Lord John Russell said: "The powers of Europe, if they
wish to maintain peace, must respect each other's limits, and,
above all, restore and not disturb that commercial confidence
which is the result of peace, which tends to peace, and which
ultimately forms the happiness of nations."]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd April 1860_.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and Memorandum.[17]
In whatever Lord John might say in the House of Commons, care should
be taken not to give the French a handle to make the other Powers
believe that there exists an understanding between them and us. It
is by making each of them believe in their turn that the others have
agreed with France that the Emperor paralyses their action. If he will
promise distinctly to give up the neutral territory to Switzerland,
that would be an understanding which we might well avow, but the Queen
fears Count Persigny with all his anxiety to smooth matters (as he
says) will not be able to give this assurance, and consequently if
Lord John sent the Commons home with a declaration that matters would
be _satisfactorily_ settled, and the Emperor intends to keep the
neutral territory after all, it would unnecessarily make them dupes
once more, as the Government have from time to time given assurances
based on French promises, which were belied by subsequent acts.
Is the Memorandum for the Queen to keep?
The Conference should be here, and on _no_ account at Paris.
[Footnote 17: Describing a conversation between Lord
Palmerston and Persigny, the former suggesting that a
statement should be made by Lord John in the House, in
reference to the securities to be given for the neutrality
and independence of Switzerland, such as would pacify the
Emperor.]
[Pageheading: DEATH OF PRINCE HOHENLOHE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th April 1860_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to you on this paper to-day, as it is our
good Alice's birthday--her seventeenth! She is a good, dear, amiable
child, and in very good looks just now. Her future is still undecided,
she is quite free, and _all_ we wish is a good, kind husband--_no_
brilliant position (which there is not to be got), but a quiet,
comfortable position.
Bertie returned last night delighted with his tour,[18] and with our
beloved old Coburg, in _spite of snow_. I will tell him to give you an
account of it. He made a very favourable impression there. He gives a
good account of dear Stockmar too.
Many, many thanks for your dear kind letter of the 20th, with the
enclosure from dear Charlotte, whose happy, contented disposition is a
great blessing.
I was sure you would grieve for poor, dear, honest Ernest
Hohenlohe[19]; Feodore feels it dreadfully, and writes beautifully
about it. Thank God! she has every comfort in her second son, Hermann,
who--by an arrangement made last year with the eldest and poor
Ernest--has the entire management of everything; Charles has a certain
income and Weikersheim[20]; while Hermann has Langenburg and the
management of everything else; he naturally leaves the Austrian
Service.
We are too delighted to hear that you are, D.V., ready to come by the
2nd of June; it will be so great a pleasure, and to dear Mamma
too, who is _unberufen_ wonderfully well. She is here again since
yesterday, and will stay till the 2nd. Clem was quite astonished at
her looks. The poor Queen will be seventy-eight to-morrow. She is very
tolerably well.
How well do I remember that speech of Oscar's in the carriage. It
certainly took us _all_ in....
I fear I must end for to-day. With Albert's affectionate love, ever
your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
Bertie was much pleased with little Louise.[21]
[Footnote 18: The Prince of Wales had been spending a week at
Coburg and Gotha, which he had not previously seen.]
[Footnote 19: Prince Ernest died on the 12th of April, and was
succeeded by his second son Hermann.]
[Footnote 20: A small town in Wuertemberg, and part of the
estate of the Princes of Hohenlohe-Langenburg.]
[Footnote 21: Elder child of the Duke of Brabant (now King
Leopold II.).]
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND NAPLES]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
[_Undated._ ? _26th April 1860._]
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter. She must say
that she would consider it the _deepest_ degradation to this country
if she was compelled to appear at the Emperor's Congress summoned to
Paris, in order to register and put her seal to the acts of spoliation
of the Emperor!
Lord Cowley was very strong on the effect which our yielding that
point would have on his position at the French Court.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _30th April 1860_.
The Queen thinks that the main argument is omitted in the draft, viz.
that the attempts, such as Sardinia is suspected to contemplate, are
morally bad and reprehensible in themselves, besides being politically
inexpedient. The Queen would be sorry to see a despatch go forth on
this subject, arguing on the ground of expediency alone. She trusts
Lord John Russell will find it easy to introduce a passage which would
place it on record, that we do attach importance to public justice
and morality. When amended, the Queen would like to have a copy of the
draft.
[Pageheading: THE DOCTRINES OF 1688]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _30th April 1860_.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is
sorry he cannot agree that there would be any moral wrong in assisting
to overthrow the Government of the King of the Two Sicilies. The
best writers on International Law consider it a merit to overthrow
a tyrannical government, and there have been few governments so
tyrannical as that of Naples. Of course the King of Sardinia has no
right to assist the people of the Two Sicilies unless he was asked by
them to do so, as the Prince of Orange was asked by the best men in
England to overthrow the tyranny of James II.--an attempt which has
received the applause of all our great public writers, and is the
origin of our present form of government.[22]
[Footnote 22: See _ante_, 11th January, 1860.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _30th April 1860_.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter, and trusts he will
see, upon further reflection, that the case before us is not one in
which the Revolution of 1688, and the advent of William III. called
to the Throne, can be appealed to as a parallel. The draft warns the
Government of Sardinia "_not to seek for new acquisitions_," as
the new "_Provinces_ annexed have hardly as yet been thoroughly
amalgamated." Now, no public writer nor the International Law will
call it morally right, that one state should abet revolution in
another, not with the disinterested object of defending a suffering
people against tyranny, but in order to extinguish that State and make
it "an acquisition" of its own. If William III. had made England a
Province of Holland, he would not have received the applause Lord John
quotes. The Queen trusts that in appreciation of this distinction,
he will introduce some amendment in the sense indicated in her former
letter.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _30th April 1860_.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he
confesses he cannot see anything morally wrong in giving aid to an
insurrection in the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily. But he admits that
to do so for the sake of making new acquisitions would be criminal,
and that he is not justified in imputing this motive to the King of
Sardinia. Count Cavour would probably at once disclaim it.
He therefore proposes to alter these words. The despatch went this
evening by the usual messenger; but, if your Majesty approves of the
alteration, it can be made to-morrow morning by telegraph to Turin.
[Pageheading: INDIAN HONOURS]
_Sir Charles Wood to Queen Victoria._
INDIA OFFICE, _3rd May 1860_.
Sir Charles Wood, with his humble duty, begs to submit for your
Majesty's consideration, whether the letters of thanks to those Civil
Servants who have not been thought deserving of the honour of C.B.
should run in your Majesty's name, or in that of the Government.
Your Majesty desired that thanks for service should be in your
Majesty's name, but there will be nearly two hundred of these letters
to different officers, and Sir Charles Wood doubted whether it would
be right to use your Majesty's name so profusely. He is inclined to
think that it would be better to use your Majesty's name only when
addressing higher officers. Sir Charles Wood encloses drafts of
letters in both ways.
Sir Charles Wood also encloses an address on the occasion of the
Thanksgiving in India, delivered by a Hindoo.
_Queen Victoria to Sir Charles Wood._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th May 1860_.
The Queen returns these papers. She wishes the thanks to Civil
Servants to be given in all cases, where to be given by the Home
Government, in her own name. The Bath or Knighthood comes directly
from the Sovereign, and so should the thanks; the Civil Servants are
the Queen's servants, and not the servants of the Government. The
Hindoo address is very striking and gratifying as a symptom.[23]
Presuming that Sir Charles does not want the copy back again, the
Queen has kept it.
[Footnote 23: The copy of this address does not seem to have
been preserved.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _8th May 1860_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... Really it is too bad! _No_ country, no human
being would ever dream of _disturbing_ or _attacking_ France; every
one would be glad to see her prosperous; but _she_ must needs disturb
every quarter of the Globe and try to make mischief and set every
one by the ears; and, of course, it will end some day in a _regular
crusade_ against _the universal disturber_ of _the world!_ It is
really monstrous!
Dear Mamma returned to Frogmore on Friday, and Alfred left us on
Thursday, sailed from Portsmouth on Saturday, but had to stop at
Plymouth for some derangement in the machinery till to-day. He was
very low at going, though very happy to return to his ship. Now, with
Albert's affectionate love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: VISIT TO ALDERSHOT]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _15th May 1860_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many, many thanks for your very kind letter
received on Saturday. We returned yesterday evening from Aldershot,
where we spent two very pleasant days with very warm weather. Sunday
was a beautiful day and we rode over to Farnham, the Bishop of
Winchester's Palace, and it was quite beautiful, the country is
so green and sweet--and enjoyable. The warm rain of last week has
produced a burst of Spring which is quite beautiful. Yesterday
morning it rained when we first went out, but it cleared and became a
beautiful day, and we had a pretty field day. Your old Regiment
looked extremely well. In the afternoon we saw some very interesting
rifle-shooting. The whole Army practises this now most unremittingly,
and we saw three different companies of the Guards fire at 300 yards,
and so on to 900 yards, and _hit_ the target! They fired in _volleys_.
It is very satisfactory, as this precision would be very _telling_ in
action. I think you would be interested by it.
I _hope_ you have forgiven my hurried note of Saturday--but I was _so_
anxious at the time. We go to Osborne on the 19th, I am happy to say,
till the 31st.
Affairs continue to be very threatening, and keep everybody in
suspense.... Ever, dearest Uncle, your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _22nd May 1860_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I write to you from here, where it is wonderfully
beautiful and unusually _hot_ for May--it is _quite_ like July, but
the _late_ Spring has brought out everything together in the most
wonderful manner. The foliage of many trees is hardly out yet, but
there are all the fruit-trees in fullest blossom--the lilacs and
peonies out--the thorns only beginning and every wild flower
in profusion--the grass splendidly green, and a fragrance about
everything which is too delicious; and the birds singing _most_
beautifully. The nightingales were last night singing all round the
house....
Affairs are in a most bewildered state. Lord Palmerston is _very stout
and right_ about our neighbour. I am glad to be able to _refute
most positively_ the report of our _ships_ having _prevented_ the
Neapolitans from firing; the _case_ is _quite_ clear, and the French
and Neapolitan Governments themselves have spread this falsehood.
The House of Lords have thrown the Bill for the Abolition of the
paper Duties[24] _out_ by a very large majority, which is a _very good
thing_. It will save us a large amount of revenue.
I must end for to-day. Hoping that these lines will find you quite
well, ever your devoted _Daughter_ (I _wrote_ by mistake _but_ will
leave, as it _only_ expresses what _my feelings_ are) and Niece,
VICTORIA R.
We have quite a small party on the 1st, with some choral singing.
[Footnote 24: This part of Mr Gladstone's financial scheme had
lost a good deal of its early popularity: it had only passed
the third reading in the Commons by the small majority of
nine, and the Premier had already told the Queen that the
Peers would perform a public service by rejecting it. The
majority against it in the House of Lords was 89.]
[Pageheading: THE HOUSE OF LORDS AND MONEY BILLS]
[Pageheading: COMMITTEE OF THE COMMONS]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
94 PICCADILLY, _22nd May 1860_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to state that the Cabinet met to-day at half-past twelve to consider
what (if anything) should be done in consequence of the vote of the
House of Lords last night. Lord John Russell, Mr Gladstone, and Mr
Milner Gibson were desirous of finding some means of visiting their
displeasure upon the House of Lords, but it was shown to them that
the only measures which could be adopted were far too violent for the
occasion, and that the House of Commons itself is powerless in the
matter. When the Lords do anything inconsistent with the asserted
privileges of the House of Commons, as, for instance, inserting a
taxing Clause in a Bill sent up to them, or making an alteration in
a Money Bill sent up to them, the House of Commons is necessarily
invited to do something afterwards in the matter, by assenting to what
has been done by the Lords; and the Commons then assert their claimed
rights by throwing out the Bill thus, improperly, as the Commons say,
meddled with by the Lords; but when the Lords throw out a Bill there
is nothing for the Commons to do, as the Bill has vanished, and the
Commons are therefore furnished with no opportunity of asserting the
right which they may claim. But, moreover, the Commons have always
contended that the Lords cannot originate or alter a Money Bill, but
it has never been contended that the Lords may not reject a Money
Bill, though there are few instances of their having done so. These
arguments at length prevailed, and by four o'clock it was agreed that
Viscount Palmerston should give notice that he would on Thursday move
that a Committee be appointed to examine the Journals of the House
of Lords to ascertain the fate of the Bill thus lost like Sir John
Franklin, and that on Friday he should move the appointment of a
Committee to search for precedent applicable to the case. This course
it was thought, while binding the Government to no particular course,
would in some degree satisfy those who think some step necessary. The
measures mentioned, though it is fair to say not actually proposed,
were that Parliament should be prorogued, and reassembled either in
the Autumn or Winter, that then the same Bill should be brought
in, and be sent up to the Lords, and that if that Bill were again
rejected, Parliament should be dissolved. It was objected to all this,
that the case did not warrant such a course; that whether the Lords
have or have not overstepped their proper functions, the opinion of
the great majority of the public is that the Lords have done a right
and useful thing (in confirmation of which it may be stated that the
people in the gallery of the House of Lords are said to have joined
in the cheers which broke out when the numbers of the division were
announced).
Viscount Palmerston, at the meeting of the House, gave notice
accordingly that he should on Thursday move for a Committee to search
the Lords' Journals--a usual form of motion; and that he should on
Friday move to appoint a Committee to search for precedents in order
to ascertain facts; but he added that he did not take this course with
any view of hostility towards the House of Lords. An attempt was made
by Mr Whalley and Mr Digby Seymour to set up a complaint that this was
not the sort of proceeding which the gravity of the occasion required,
but this endeavour was put down by an unmistakable manifestation of a
contrary opinion by the rest of the House....
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Somerset._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _29th June 1860_.
Before sanctioning the proposed change in the Naval Uniform,[25] the
Queen wishes to know what the State occasions are on which the full
dress is to be worn. The officers generally wear an undress without
epaulettes, which in consequence are of little inconvenience to
them. She has always understood the Service to cling very much to its
present uniform, and she would be sorry to shock their feelings.
[Footnote 25: The principal change proposed was that full
dress should cease to be obligatory at Courts-Martial.]
[Pageheading: MR GLADSTONE SUGGESTS RESIGNATION]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
HOUSE OF COMMONS, _2nd July 1860_.
(8.30 P.M.)
Viscount Palmerston has had the honour of receiving your Majesty's
letter of this afternoon. Nothing of much importance as to Foreign
Affairs was done at the Cabinet to-day.... The material question for
discussion was the course to be pursued about the Tax Bill Report.
Lord John Russell had altered his opinion since Saturday, and had
yesterday sent Viscount Palmerston a Draft of Resolution which he
wished to be circulated to the members of the Cabinet before their
meeting at twelve to-day....
After a long discussion, the draft, of which the enclosed is a copy,
was agreed to by all except Mr Gladstone. This draft is a combination
of parts of Lord John's, parts of Sir James Graham's, and parts of
Viscount Palmerston's. No mention of course was made in Cabinet of Sir
James Graham having made any suggestion.
When all the other members had left the room Mr Gladstone requested
Viscount Palmerston to submit to your Majesty that he could no longer
continue to carry on the business of his Department.[26] His opinion
strongly was that action and not a Resolution was required, that
one of three courses ought to be pursued: either that the Paper Duty
Repeal Bill should again be sent up to the Lords; or that a Bill
should be sent up for suspending the Paper Duties for a year; or that
a Bill should be sent up reducing those duties gradually year by year;
or fourthly that with the Repeal of the Paper Duties should be coupled
the imposition of Spirit Duties. Viscount Palmerston said he really
could not undertake the communication which Mr Gladstone wished to
be submitted to your Majesty, and earnestly entreated Mr Gladstone to
reconsider the matter; he urged in detail all the reasons which ought
to dissuade such a step, and he thought that he had produced some
impression on Mr Gladstone. It was agreed between them that Viscount
Palmerston, instead of giving notice this afternoon of a Motion
to-morrow, and laying the Resolution on the table this evening, should
give notice this afternoon of a Motion for Thursday, and promise to
lay the Resolution on the table to-morrow. This gives Mr Gladstone
more time to think, and more room to turn round in. Mr Milner Gibson
has no intention of going out, and has so told Mr Gladstone, strongly
advising him to stay in; and Viscount Palmerston's impression is
that Mr Gladstone, having failed to become master of the Cabinet by a
threat of resignation, will in the end yield to the almost unanimous
decision of his colleagues. The only person who supported Mr
Gladstone's views, except Mr Milner Gibson, was the Duke of
Argyll, who, however, like Mr Gibson, had no intention whatever of
accompanying Mr Gladstone in resignation.[27]...
[Footnote 26: This is said to have been an incident of
frequent occurrence during the second administration of Lord
Palmerston.]
[Footnote 27: The Queen wrote to King Leopold: "As I told
you in my little note of Sunday, Lord John became _quite_
reasonable, and is very moderate about this affair; on the
other hand Mr Gladstone has threatened to resign--and it is
still uncertain if he will not persist in his intention. He is
terribly excited."]
[Pageheading: PRIVILEGE RESOLUTIONS]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _6th July 1860_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
begs to state that the House of Commons this night passed the three
Privilege Resolutions after two divisions.[28]...
The Debate which did not begin till half-past eight, after questions
on the adjournment to Monday, was commenced by Mr Digby Seymour,
Member for Southampton, who went into an elaborate discussion of the
precedents mentioned in the appendix to the Report of the Committee,
arguing against the right of the Lords. He attacked Viscount
Palmerston's speech, and highly praised that of Mr Gladstone, who,
he said, if he lost his place in the Cabinet in consequence of that
speech would be rewarded by a Throne in the affections of the Nation.
Mr Horsman then made a very able, eloquent, and remarkable speech,
well worth reading....
Mr Bright made an indignation speech in reply. He went over the same
ground as the former speaker about the precedents, was astonished and
shocked at Mr Horsman's speech, was displeased with the Resolutions,
and with Viscount Palmerston's speech, was in admiration unbounded of
Mr Gladstone, but all the time was so hoarse that his efforts to make
himself heard gave to his utterance an appearance of passion even
greater than that which he actually felt. After his speech the House
began skirmishing as to the question of finishing the Debate or
adjourning it, but the Resolutions were at last agreed to.
[Footnote 28: The Resolutions, which the Committee
recommended, and the House of Commons adopted, declared _inter
alia_ that the Commons had in their own hands the power "so to
impose and remit taxes, and frame bills of supply, that their
rights as to the matter, manner, measure, and time might be
maintained inviolate."]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _13th July 1860_.
MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--... Bertie has then set out on his interesting
journey,[29] which though not without fatigue will be full of
information and satisfaction for his young mind. I am glad to hear
that dear Albert went with him,[30] he can have no equal to his good
and distinguished father for kindness, and a wise guidance of his
young life....
[Footnote 29: In consequence of the loyal and patriotic
assistance rendered by Canada during the Crimean War, and the
expressed desire of the Canadians to be visited by the Queen
in person and to welcome one of her sons as Governor-General,
it was decided that the Prince of Wales should make a tour
there. During the course of the visit, which was made in
company with the Duke of Newcastle, the Prince opened the
magnificent bridge over the St Lawrence; he subsequently
availed himself of President Buchanan's invitation already
referred to (_ante_, p. 373), and was received with the
greatest enthusiasm at Washington. The Prince returned to
England in November.]
[Footnote 30: Referring to a previous letter, in which the
Queen had informed the King of the Belgians that Prince Albert
had accompanied the Prince of Wales as far as Plymouth.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _31st July 1860_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... I venture now to confide a _secret_ to
you--the details of which you shall hear verbally from us when we
have the happiness of seeing you in October. It is that _our_ surmises
respecting Louis of Hesse[31] have turned out to be true, and that
we have _reason_ to _hope_ that this _affair_ will be in due time
realised. The feelings are very reciprocal on both sides, though
nothing definitive will be settled till the young people meet again,
probably later this Autumn (_but not in Germany_). Please do not say
anything about it to any one. Your very great kindness and affection
for our children has induced me to mention this to _you_, who moreover
_saw the first dawning of these prospects_.
Dear Mamma starts to-day for Edinburgh--sleeping to-night at York.
With Albert's affectionate love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 31: Prince Louis of Hesse, afterwards Grand Duke
Louis IV.]
[Pageheading: TRANQUILLITY OF INDIA]
_Queen Victoria to Earl Canning._
OSBORNE, _2nd August 1860_.
The Queen thanks Lord Canning very much for a most interesting letter
of the 30th of May, giving a most comprehensive and gratifying account
of his progress through her Indian dominions, and of his reception
of the different Princes and Chiefs. Such reception and such kind
considerate treatment of them is, as Lord Canning knows, entirely
in unison with the Queen's _own_ feelings, and both the Prince and
herself have been peculiarly gratified at reading this account, and
feel sure of the good effect it must have on these Princes, and on
India in general.
We have just seen Lord Clyde looking wonderfully well; he speaks in
high terms of Lord Canning, and enthusiastically of dear Lady Canning.
Alas! another most valuable public servant and friend of ours, Lord
Elphinstone,[32] only returned to die! Lord Canning will grieve much
no doubt to hear this.
Both he and Lady Canning will have heard with interest of the birth
of our second grandchild and first grand-daughter.[33] Nothing can go
better than the Princess Royal does. Of the Prince of Wales's arrival
in Canada we could not yet hear, but shall do so in a few days.
This country and Europe continue to be in a state of alarms, or rather
more profound distrust in, the conduct and purposes of our neighbour.
Fortunately the feeling of Germany is so unanimous upon this subject,
and the Emperor's attempt to produce disaffection or division there
has so signally failed and produced so diametrically a contrary
effect, and Belgium has shown such an enthusiastic spirit of loyalty
only equal to the public spirit which this country has shown in the
Volunteer movement, that it is to be hoped these sinister designs are
checked for a time at least.
With the Prince's kind remembrance to Lord Canning, the Queen
concludes, hoping this letter will find him in good health, and Lady
Canning safely returned from her expedition.
[Footnote 32: See _ante_, 25th January, 1859, note 8.]
[Footnote 33: The Princess Charlotte of Prussia, now
Hereditary Princess of Saxe-Meiningen, was born on the 24th of
July.]
[Pageheading: VISIT TO SCOTLAND]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
HOLYROOD, _7th August 1860_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have _many_ excuses for sending a few hurried
lines from here, instead of my usual letter, but I was much hurried
yesterday; the separation from baby quite upset me, as she too cried
very much--but she is consoled again.
Many thanks for your dear letter of the 3rd, which I shall duly answer
on Friday.
We came down here by _night_ train, arriving at eight. We paid dear
Mamma a visit at her really charming residence at Cramond,[34] quite
near the sea, with beautiful trees, and very cheerful.
And this afternoon she was present the whole time at the splendid
Volunteer Review, which lasted from half-past three till near six,
in the open carriage with me, and enjoyed it so much; and I was so
_happy_ to have _her_ with me on this memorable occasion, having
had _you_ with me on the previous occasion.[35] And it was
magnificent--finer decidedly than in London--there were more (1,400
more), and then the scenery here is so splendid! That fine mountain
of Arthur's Seat, crowded with thousands and thousands to the very
top--and the Scotch are very noisy and demonstrative in their loyalty.
Lord Breadalbane, at the head of his Highlanders, was the picture of
a Highland chieftain. The dust was quite fearful! At nine we leave for
Balmoral. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 34: The Duchess of Kent was spending the summer at
Cramond House, near Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 35: The Review in Hyde Park, which took place on the
23rd of June.]
[Pageheading: THE HIGHLANDS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BALMORAL, _10th September 1860._
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--I have no letter from you, but trust you are quite
well. Here we have had a week of very fine weather, but since Saturday
it has been extremely cold. We made a most delightful incognito
expedition on Tuesday last, 4th, returning on Wednesday, 5th. We drove
off from here quite early at eight, for twenty-one miles up to the
_Geldie_, a small river--_rode_ from here on ponies across the hills
to Glen Fishie, a beautiful spot, where the old Duchess of Bedford
used to live in a sort of encampment of wooden huts--on to Loch Inch,
a beautiful but not wild lake (another twenty miles), crossed the
Spey in a ferry, and posted in very rough vehicles to Grantown, again
twenty miles, coming in there at nine. We passed close by Kinrara
where you used to be, but, unfortunately, not by the house. _No_ one
knew us--anywhere or at the little inn. We went under the names of
Lord and Lady Churchill, and Lady Churchill and General Grey who went
with us, under the names of Miss Spencer and Dr Grey! Two maids
_only_ went with us (whom we had sent round with our things), and
_no_ servants but our two excellent Highlanders, viz. Albert's
first stalker or head keeper, and _my own Highland servant_ and
factotum--_both_ excellent, intelligent, devoted people. _Only_ when
we had _left_ was it found out. We posted to Tomantoul, a wretched
village--fourteen miles, _in four hours!!_ with a pair of wretched
tired horses--over a big hilly road. At Tomantoul we again took our
ponies and rode by Avon Side and Glen Avon, also very fine; back to
Loch Bulig--eight miles from here--whence we returned home in our
carriage. It was a _most delightful_ and enjoyable, as well as
_beautiful_, expedition. I have been besides on many other ones for
the day.
In Italy I fear the state of affairs is very distressing--but really
the miserable, weak, and foolish conduct of the King of Naples[36] and
the squabbles of the whole family takes away all one's sympathy! We
leave here alas! on Saturday, stop till Monday evening at Edinburgh to
see Mamma, and go on that night straight to Osborne, where we expect
to arrive on Tuesday for breakfast. With Albert's affectionate love,
ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 36: King Francis had just fled from Naples to Gaeta,
and Garibaldi shortly afterwards arrived in Naples.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
BROADLANDS, _18th September 1860._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will
have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty at Osborne to-morrow.
Your Majesty must naturally feel regret at shortening so much your
Majesty's agreeable holiday in the Highlands, though the happiness of
meeting the Princess Royal must amply make amends for it; but the
fact is that of all the gifts which good fairies were in the habit
of bestowing on their favourites, that which would have been the most
desirable would have been the power which the Irishman ascribed to a
bird, of being in two places at one and the same time.
[Pageheading: AUSTRIAN PROPOSAL]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
OSBORNE, _20th September 1860._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
submits the accompanying letters which he has received from Lord John
Russell, together with Lord John's letter to him; and he certainly
agrees with Lord John in thinking that a meeting at present between
your Majesty and the Emperor of Austria, though in many
respects likely to be useful, would on the whole be so liable
to misconstruction, and would prove such a fertile source of
misrepresentation, that it would be better to avoid it. Such a meeting
would undoubtedly be useful to the Emperor of Austria, by reason of
the good advice which he would receive from your Majesty, and from His
Royal Highness the Prince Consort; but your Majesty will probably
be able to find some other way of conveying to the Emperor counsel
calculated to save him from some of the dangers by which he appears to
be beset.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
_21st September 1860._
The Queen received these letters from Lord Palmerston, who likewise
communicated to her Lord John Russell's letter, respecting the hint
thrown out by Count Rechberg[37] of a meeting with the Emperor of
Austria. The Queen agrees with Lord Palmerston, that while such an
interview might for many reasons have been desirable, under present
circumstances it might lead to much talk and to many rumours which
might do harm, or at any rate give rise to useless conjectures. It
would therefore be better to "nip this project in the bud" as Lord
John suggests, but care should be taken to do this in such a manner as
not to let it appear that there was any disinclination on the Queen's
part to meet the Emperor of Austria.
[Footnote 37: In a letter to Mr Julian Fane, Count Rechberg,
the Austrian Foreign Minister, had said that he had desired to
bring about an interview between the Queen and the Emperor of
Austria, but that there would have been difficulties in the
way. Lord John Russell was of opinion that the idea should
be nipped in the bud, and in this Lord Palmerston fully
concurred.]
[Pageheading: APPEAL FROM KING OF NAPLES]
_The King of Naples to Queen Victoria._
GAETA, _le 6 Octobre 1860._
MADAME MA S[OE]UR,--Le memorandum qu'a la date d'aujourd'hui mon
Gouvernement adresse a celui de votre Majeste, les protestations que
dans ces derniers temps je lui ai fait parvenir donneront a votre
Majeste une idee claire des conflits par lesquels j'ai passe, et de la
situation ou je me trouve.
A la sagacite de votre Majeste ne peut echapper la transcendance des
evenements qui se passent dans le Royaume des Deux Siciles, et dans
les Etats Pontificaux. J'etais, et je suis seul a lutter contre
toutes les forces de la revolution Europeenne. Cette revolution s'est
presentee avec un pouvoir que jamais on ne lui avait connu, armes,
parcs d'artillerie, munitions, vaisseaux, rien ne lui a manque, pas
meme les ports d'une puissance pour se recruter, et son drapeau pour
la couvrir.
Ces evenements etablissent un nouveau droit public, fonde sur la
destruction des anciens traites et des principes reconnus du droit
des gens. La cause que je defends seul a Naples n'est pas seulement ma
propre cause; elle est la cause de tous les Souverains et de tous les
Etats independants.
La question qui se debat dans le Royaume des Deux Siciles, est une
question de vie ou de mort pour d'autres Etats d'Europe.
C'est a ce titre, et non par un interet personnel que j'ose m'adresser
a la haute raison de votre Majeste, a Sa prevoyance et a Sa justice.
La grande position qu'occupe votre Majeste dans le monde, Sa sagesse,
les relations amicales qui ont toujours existe entre nos deux
familles, et la bienveillance particuliere dont votre Majeste a daigne
toujours m'honorer, me font esperer, que votre Majeste verra dans cet
appel que je fais avec confiance a Sa politique et a Sa justice,
une nouvelle preuve du respect que j'ai eu toujours pour Elle, de
l'affection sincere, et des sentiments de haute consideration avec
lesquels j'ai l'honneur d'etre, Madame ma S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste,
le bon Frere,
FRANCOIS.
[Pageheading: TOUR OF PRINCE ALFRED]
[Pageheading: SARDINIA AND NAPLES]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _2nd November 1860._
MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--... Bertie's visit seems to have gone off most
splendidly; its effects will be useful. The enemies of England always
flatter themselves that mischief may come from that part of the world.
To see, therefore, friendly feelings arise, instead of war, will
disappoint them much. Alfred's appearance at the Cape[38] has also
been a most wise measure. South Africa has a great future to expect,
it is a pity it is so far and I too old to go there; the plants alone
are already a great temptation. I should like very much to hear what
came to your knowledge of the Warsaw meeting.[39] Prince Gortschakoff
tried hard to make it believe that it would bring _Russia nearer to
France_. If this was to be the result of the meeting it would be a
very sad one indeed....
The way in which the English Press misunderstands all these things is
quite lamentable. The meeting of the Sovereigns had this time a better
object than the oppression of the liberties of Nations; that this
should not be seen by people who would be the first sufferers of
the supremacy of a certain power is very lamentable, but they see
everything only according to the colour of _their_ spectacles. _Le
Flibustive_ movement at Naples is very shameful, but that poor King
has been so calumniated that Garibaldi is the rage of the present
moment; Colonel Walker[40] has been shot, and Garibaldi, who comes out
of that self-same school, is divinised. But it is time I should end.
With my best love to dear Albert, I remain ever, my beloved Victoria,
your devoted old Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 38: Prince Alfred, who, some time before, had been
appointed to the _Euryalus_, in the course of the summer
visited South Africa. After making a tour through Kaffraria,
Natal, and the Orange Free State, he returned to Cape Town,
where, in September, he laid the foundation stone of the
breakwater in Table Bay. In a letter written by the Prince
Consort a few weeks earlier to Baron Stockmar, he remarks upon
the noteworthy coincidence that almost in the same week in
which the elder brother would open the great bridge across the
St Lawrence, the younger would lay the foundation stone of the
breakwater for the Cape Town Harbour. "What a cheering picture
is here," he wrote, "of the progress and expansion of the
British race, and of the useful co-operation of the Royal
Family in the civilisation which England has developed and
advanced" (_Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. v. p. 88).]
[Footnote 39: The Emperors of Russia and Austria, and the
Prince Regent of Prussia met at Warsaw on 20th October, and
held a conference which extended over several days.]
[Footnote 40: Walker, in the course of one of the Nicaraguan
revolutions, had seized the supreme power, and had been
recognised as President by the U.S. Government; he was
afterwards expelled, and, on venturing to return, was
arrested, and shot on the 25th of September 1860.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd November 1860._
The Queen returns the enclosed draft,[41] which she is afraid is not
likely to produce the beneficial results which Lord John seems to
anticipate.
The expression of our hope, that Rome and Venetia, from their Italian
nationality, will soon share in the freedom and good government of
the rest of Italy, can only be understood as a declaration on our part
that we wish to see them share the annexation to Sardinia, after that
of the Two Sicilies shall have been completed.
The declaration at the end after the quotations of the former
protests, vague as it is, viz. "That if other Powers interfere England
would do as she pleases," means either nothing at all (for England
is free to do as she pleases) or it means a threat of war, either
an empty threat, or one intended to be followed up when the occasion
arises. The first would hardly be dignified for a great Power like
England, and as to the second, the Queen for one is not prepared to
decide to go to war to ensure the success of the Italian Revolution.
But is such a declaration at the present moment called for by anything
that has happened? Another despatch has accepted as satisfactory the
French explanation about the order given to the fleet before Gaeta,
and Austria has renewed her assurances that she will not interfere;
the only Power likely to continue to interfere and to produce
war--Sardinia--is held to have an exceptional right to it, as an
"Italian" Power.
The Queen thinks this important despatch should not be laid before
her again without its having received the deliberate consideration
and assent of the whole Cabinet, and in case Lord John should bring it
before them the Queen would wish him to communicate this letter also
to them, as embodying her views on the subject.
[Footnote 41: This draft despatch, prepared in order to be
sent to all the Powers, expressed approval of the Italian
Revolution. It concluded: "Her Majesty's Government deem
it right to declare that if any other Power should attempt
forcible interference, Her Majesty's Government will hold
themselves free to act in such a manner as the rights of
nations, the independence of Italy, and the interests of
Europe may seem to them to require."]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _3rd November 1860._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty....
With regard to the position of Great Britain, Lord John Russell
is bound to advise that it shall not suffer by the change of
circumstances.
From 1815 to 1859 Austria ruled Italy. If Italians had reason to
complain, England had nothing to fear from the use of Austrian
influence against British interests.
But if France were to sway the united Navies of Genoa and Naples, and
Great Britain to look on from fear or apathy, or excessive love of
peace, she might soon have to defend her possessions of Malta, Corfu,
and Gibraltar.
Austria would hardly attempt any new aggression on Italy, unless she
were assisted by France.
Italy as one Power would derive strength from the declaration of Great
Britain, as a disinterested friend.
A letter of Lord Cowley will show your Majesty the suspicions and
doubts which exist as to French policy in Italy.[42] All these
projects will be scattered to the winds by the word of the British
Government.
[Footnote 42: Lord Cowley wrote that he had heard through
Count Metternich that the Emperor of the French would never
consent to the annexation of Naples to Piedmont, that he
wished the Pope to retain Umbria and the Marches, and that the
Romagna should be an independent State.]
[Pageheading: REPLY TO KING OF NAPLES]
_Queen Victoria to the King of Naples._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd November 1860._
SIR, MY BROTHER,--The letter I have received from your Majesty, dated
from Gaeta on the 6th of October, is altogether devoted to political
considerations.
These considerations have for a long time occupied the thoughts of
my confidential advisers, and I have directed them to convey to my
Ministers abroad such instructions as occasion appeared to me to
require.
I will therefore confine this letter to those topics which are not the
immediate subjects of political controversy.
Upon your Majesty's accession to the Throne I lost no time in assuring
your Majesty of my sincere wishes for the prosperity of your reign,
and the permanence of your dynasty.
At the same time I was fully aware of the difficulties of the period
at which your Majesty succeeded to the Crown. That these difficulties
should not have been surmounted, and that they should now threaten to
overwhelm the Monarchy, of which your Majesty is the heir, is to me a
source of deep concern.
It only remains that I should ask your Majesty to express to the
Queen my sincere sympathy in her misfortunes. I avail myself of this
opportunity to renew to your Majesty the assurance of the invariable
friendship and high consideration with which I am, Sir, my Brother,
your Majesty's good Sister,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: RETURN OF PRINCE ALFRED]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th November 1860_.
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--... Here we have the happiness of having our dear
Alfred back since the 9th, who gives _very_ interesting accounts of
his expedition, and has brought back _many_ most interesting trophies,
splendid horns of _all_ those wonderful animals, photographs, etc. He
_is_ grown, though very _short_ for his age, but I think less so than
his brother at the same age. Major Cowell[43] gives an _excellent_
report of him in _every way_, which, as you will readily believe,
makes us _very_ happy. He is really such a dear, gifted, handsome
child, that it makes one doubly anxious he should have as few failings
as mortal men can have. Our poor Bertie is still on the Atlantic,
detained by very contrary winds, which those large vessels with only
an auxiliary screw and only eight days' coal cannot make any way
against. Two powerful steamers have now gone out to look for him and
bring him in....
With Albert's affectionate love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 43: Major (afterwards Sir John) Cowell was appointed
as Tutor to Prince Alfred in 1856. He was then a Lieutenant
of Engineers, and had been Adjutant to Sir Harry Jones at
Bomarsund and before Sebastopol.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _22nd November 1860_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to submit that, as it appears from a despatch from Lord Cowley
that the commercial negotiations at Paris have been brought to a
conclusion, and that Mr Cobden has left Paris, the time has come
for your Majesty to consider what substantial mark of your Majesty's
approval your Majesty would be pleased to confer upon Mr Cobden.
Mr Cobden has now for about twelve months been laboriously employed
without salary or emolument in negotiating the complicated details of
commercial arrangements between England and France, which cannot
fail to tend to the material advantage of both countries, but more
especially to the increased development of the industry and commerce
of your Majesty's subjects. It would be an ungracious proceeding to
leave the services of Mr Cobden with no other acknowledgment than
the praises contained in a Foreign Office despatch, and Viscount
Palmerston therefore with the concurrence of Lord John Russell would
beg to submit for the gracious approval of your Majesty that Mr Cobden
might be offered his choice of being created a Knight Grand Cross
of the Civil Order of the Bath, or of being made a Member of your
Majesty's Privy Council.
(_Note, in Queen's hand._--Was agreed to offer him either to be made a
P.C., or a Baronet.)[44]
[Footnote 44: Mr Cobden declined both the Honours.]
[Pageheading: THE EMPRESS OF AUSTRIA]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _22nd November 1860_.
MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I have to thank you for a most kind letter
of the 20th. I hope you will see the young and very nice Empress of
Austria,[45] perhaps you made a little excursion to Plymouth. I had,
and have still, some cold, and therefore I was apprehensive of waiting
at the station on the 20th in the evening; I sent Marie and Philip
to receive the Empress. Yesterday before daybreak I went myself to
Antwerp. I first paid the Empress a visit, and then I took her to your
beautiful ship. She was much struck with it, and it was _very kind_
of you, and indeed, for an invalid, invaluable. It will show,
besides, that even beyond Garibaldi, and that amiable, disinterested
_Annex_ander, you can feel some interest. I saw the Empress already
dressed for her departure, but I think there is something very
peculiar about her, which is very pleasing. Poor soul, to see her go
away under, I fear, not very safe circumstances, as she coughs a great
deal, quite grieves one; though it certainly increased my stupid cold,
still I should have been sorry not to have assisted at her going to
sea. It was a beautiful day, but this night it has begun to blow from
the West-south-west, which I fear will create a sea to the Westward.
That you had your sons about you must have been a great satisfaction
to you. Bertie got well through his truly tremendous tour. I think
that the effect on the Americans will last for some time. That the
poor Duke of Newcastle got home without accident is surprising. Affy
has something most winning, and is a dear little rogue. Eugenie's
expedition[46] is most astonishing. She also coughs much, and I never
heard Scotland recommended for Winter excursions. I believe that the
death of her sister affected her a good deal. She seems to have been a
good deal _choquee_ that she had been dancing in Africa when that poor
sister was dying. Next to this, there seems a difference of opinion
with her master on the subject of the Pope. You will recollect that
at the time of his elections the clergy rendered him undoubted good
service; I even doubt that he would have been elected without their
aid. Now he puts the axe to the root of the whole Catholic Church
by destroying the Pope, and he does this _without the slightest
provocation_, and for the benefit of the revolution _et des
revolutionnaires_....
I remain ever, my beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 45: The Empress Elizabeth was on her way to Madeira,
in a ship placed at her disposal by the Queen.]
[Footnote 46: The Empress of the French was making a tour in
England and Scotland for the benefit of her health; she
had sustained a bereavement by the death of her sister, the
Duchess of Alba.]
[Pageheading: BETROTHAL OF PRINCESS ALICE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st December 1860_.
DEAREST UNCLE,--I hasten to announce to you that yesterday our dear
young couple here were engaged, and that we _are all_ very happy.[47]
Louis was spoken to yesterday on our return from Aldershot by
Albert,--who told him he would have an opportunity of speaking to
Alice--and this opportunity he took last night after dinner when
he was standing alone with her at the fire, and every one else was
occupied in talking. They whispered it to me, and then, after we left
the drawing-room, we sent for good Louis--and the young people met and
confirmed in a very touching manner _what_ they had merely been able
to whisper to one another before. He was very much overcome. He is
a dear, good, amiable, high-principled young man--who I am sure will
make our dearest Alice _very_ happy, and she will, I am sure, be a
most devoted loving wife to him. She is _very, very_ happy, and it is
a pleasure to see their young, happy faces beaming with love for
one another. Alice is so extremely reasonable and quiet. She wishes
everything kind and affectionate to be said to you, and _hopes_ for
your _blessing!_ I am very, very happy, so are we both, but I am still
a good deal agitated and flurried by the whole event.
On Tuesday the Empress arrives, but only to luncheon. I must end now
in haste. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
Pray tell it to good Philip, and also to Leopold and Marie.
[Footnote 47: See _ante_, 31st July, 1860, and note 31.]
[Pageheading: THE SEE OF WORCESTER]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st December 1860_.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's second letter respecting the
Bishopric of Worcester,[48] just as she was going to answer the first.
While not objecting to the nomination of Mr Bayley,[49] she wanted to
point out the importance of, at a future vacancy, not to confine the
selection to respectable parish priests, but to bear in mind that the
Bench of Bishops should not be left devoid of some University men of
acknowledged standing and theological learning; it would be seriously
weakened if, in controversies on points of doctrine agitating the
Church, no value were attached to the opinions at least of some
of those who are to govern her. Lord Palmerston may now have an
opportunity of selecting a stronger man of Liberal views from
Cambridge.
[Footnote 48: Bishop Henry Pepys had died in November, and was
succeeded in the following January by Canon Henry Philpott of
Norwich, Master of St Catharine's College, Cambridge.]
[Footnote 49: Probably the Rev. Emilius Bayley, Rector of St
George's, Bloomsbury; now the Rev. Sir Emilius Laurie.]
[Pageheading: EPISCOPAL APPOINTMENTS]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _2nd December 1860_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
very sincerely congratulates your Majesty upon the arrangement of
a marriage which bids so fair to secure for Her Royal Highness the
Princess Alice that happiness to which her amiable and estimable
qualities so justly entitle her.
With respect to bishops, Viscount Palmerston would beg to submit that
the bishops are in the Church what generals of districts are in the
Army: their chief duties consist in watching over the clergy of their
diocese, seeing that they perform properly their parochial duties, and
preserving harmony between the clergy and the laity, and softening
the asperities between the Established Church and the Dissenters. For
these purposes it is desirable that a bishop should have practical
knowledge of parochial functions, and should not be of an overbearing
and intolerant temperament. His diocesan duties are enough to occupy
all his time, and the less he engages in theological disputes the
better. Much mischief has been done by theological bishops, and if the
Bench were filled with men like the Bishops of Oxford and Exeter there
would be no religious peace in the land. Nor have men chosen merely
for their learning succeeded better; Thirlwall, Bishop of St David's,
and Blomfield, the late Bishop of London, were chosen on account of
their learning; the former is acknowledged to be inefficient, the
latter greatly mismanaged his diocese. The theological learning of
the Bishop of Exeter[50] has caused much mischief to the Established
Church. Viscount Palmerston would also beg to submit that the
intolerant maxims of the High Church bishops have exasperated the
Dissenters who form a large portion of the nation, and have given
offence to many good Churchmen. The Bishop of Exeter, the late Bishop
of Carlisle,[51] and the late Bishop of Rochester,[52] the two latter
individuals kind-hearted and good-natured men, refused to consecrate
burial grounds unless a wall of separation divided the portion
allotted to Churchmen from the portion allotted to Dissenters--a
demand which gave offence to both communities. Viscount Palmerston
would beg to submit that several of the bishops whom he has had the
honour of recommending to your Majesty had distinguished themselves by
their classical and academical attainments, and he may mention in this
respect the names of Baring, Longley, Tait, Wigram, and Waldegrave.
Viscount Palmerston can assure your Majesty that although his
selection of bishops has been much found fault with by the High
Church, Puseyite, and semi-Catholic Party, they have given great
satisfaction to the nation at large, and Viscount Palmerston has
received communications to that effect, verbal and written, from
persons of all classes, and political parties in all parts of the
country. The people of this country are essentially Protestant, they
feel the deepest aversion to Catholicism, and they see that the High
Church, Tractarian, and Puseyite doctrines lead men to the Church of
Rome. The disgraceful scenes last year at St George's in the East[53]
were only an exaggerated outburst of a very general and deeply-rooted
feeling. Viscount Palmerston believes that the clergy of the
Established Church were never more exemplary in the performance of
their duties, more respected by the Laity and, generally speaking, on
better terms with the Nonconformist body than at the present time.
[Footnote 50: Henry Phillpotts, who was Bishop from 1830 to
1869.]
[Footnote 51: The Hon. Henry Montagu Villiers, who was
transferred to Durham.]
[Footnote 52: George Murray, who had died in the previous
February.]
[Footnote 53: For a considerable period, during 1859,
discreditable scenes of brawling took place at this Church as
a protest against the High Church practices of the Rector, the
Rev. Bryan King.]
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS OF NAPLES]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th December 1860_.
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--I have to thank you for another dear letter of
the 29th. I trust that you have received both mine now. We expect the
Empress at half-past one, and I will certainly give her your message.
She is very amiable, and one must like her. There seems to be no
doubt that there were many scenes, partly about the Pope, and also on
account of her sister's funeral; she was so angry with Fould about it
that she insisted on his dismissal.[54] Then the Priests are said to
try and work upon her, and say that her son will die if the Emperor
continues _dans cette voie_ against the Pope.
We saw Mr Elliot[55] from Naples yesterday, who has always been very
fair. He says that _if_, when the King came to the Throne, he had
_only_ insisted on the laws of the country being properly carried
out, _no_ reforms or change in the Constitution would have been
necessary--but from the want of energy, and also no strength of
intellect and great indecision of character of the poor King, as well
as an unfortunate _Pietaet_ for the memory of his father, nothing right
was done; bad counsellors surrounded him, the Queen Mother had a bad
influence, and finally everything was given up as lost--when it might
yet have been prevented. They dislike extremely being annexed, but
prefer it to having back the former state of things.
We have since ten or twelve days almost incessant rain, so that we
shall soon be on an island. This is the more distressing as we can't
go to Osborne at present--there being a sort of epidemic fever which
the doctors declare is in the air and that it would be running too
great a risk if we went. But we have perpetual sunshine in the house
when we look at our dear young lovers, who are _so_ happy, so devoted
to each other, that it does one good to see it; he is so modest and
unassuming that we feel as if he was one of our own children; and he
is _so_ good and amiable, has such an open honest character, such
a warm heart, such high principles, and is withal so merry and
_aufgeweckt_ that I feel we have _gained_ a son and shall _not_ lose a
daughter--for we shall be able to have them a good deal with us, Louis
not having any duties to detain him much at home at present. I can't
say what happiness and comfort it is to me. I feel my dear child
will first of all have a peaceful, quiet, happy home, without
difficulties--and secondly, that she will not be entirely cut off from
us and monopolised as our poor Vicky is.
I add a few lines since we have seen the Empress. She came at
half-past one, and stayed till a little after three. She looked very
pretty, but very sad--and in speaking of her health and of her return
from Algiers began to cry. She seems to be much better, however, for
her journey; before she could neither eat nor sleep, nor would she
take notice of anything. She never mentioned the Emperor but once when
she offered his compliments, and there was not the slightest allusion
to politics. It is altogether very strange. She remains another week
in England, and then goes back as she came. I gave her your message,
and she enquired after you. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 54: See _ante_, 15th May, 1859, note 38.]
[Footnote 55: See _ante_, 17th July, 1859, note 62.]
[Pageheading: VISIT OF THE EMPRESS EUGENIE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
_Windsor Castle, 11th December 1860_.
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--I have to thank you for two _most_ kind letters
of the 4th and 7th. Your kind interest in our dear child's
happiness--your approval of this marriage of our dear Alice, which,
I cannot deny, has been for _long_ an ardent wish of mine, and just
therefore I feared _so_ much it _never_ would come to pass, gives
us the greatest pleasure. _Now_--that _all_ has been so _happily_
settled, and that I find the young man so very charming--my joy, and
my _deep_ gratitude to God are very great! He is so loveable, so
very _young_, and like one of our own children--not the _least in
the way_--but a dear, pleasant, _bright_ companion, full of fun and
spirits, and I am _sure_ will be a _great_ comfort to us, besides
being an excellent husband to our dear, good Alice, who, though
radiant with joy and much in love (which well she may be), is as quiet
and sensible as possible.
The Empress is still here, and enjoys her liberty of _all_ things. We
went to town for the Smithfield Cattle Show yesterday, and visited her
at Claridge's Hotel. She very civilly wanted us to avoid the trouble,
but we felt that it would not be civil if we did not, and that
hereafter even the French might say that she had not been treated with
due respect. She looked very pretty, and was in very good spirits, but
again carefully avoided any allusion to her husband and to politics,
though she talked a great deal about all she was seeing!...
I must now wish you good-bye. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXX
Early in 1861--a year destined to close in sorrow and
desolation--Queen Victoria experienced a heavy grief in the death of
her mother, the Duchess of Kent, at the age of seventy-four.
In January, fresh overtures were made to Lord Palmerston by the
Conservative leaders, with a view of supporting him in office against
the dissentients in his Ministry, especially Lord John Russell and Mr
Gladstone, whose views on the questions of Reform and National Defence
respectively were opposed to those of the Premier. Lord Palmerston was
indifferent to the support of Mr Gladstone; but a unity of view on
the Italian policy of the Government held the three Liberal statesmen
together.
The attack on the Paper Duties was repeated by Mr Gladstone, who, on
this occasion, combined all his fiscal proposals in a single Bill. The
measure, after strong opposition, passed the Commons by a majority of
fifteen, and the Peers subsequently accepted the Budget, which took a
penny off the income tax, while maintaining the existing tea and sugar
Duties. In July, Lord John Russell, who had entered Parliament in
1813, before he came of age and had been leader of the House of
Commons at the time of the Queen's accession, was transferred to the
House of Lords. In August, the Queen and the Prince Consort, with the
Prince of Wales and Prince Alfred, paid a third visit to Ireland.
The affairs of Italy still continued to attract public attention.
At the end of 1860, the French fleet had been despatched to Gaeta
to protect the interests of King Francis; this protection, given
in violation of the principle of non-intervention, was withdrawn in
January, and the garrison surrendered to the Piedmontese Admiral. On
the 18th of February, the new Parliament of Italy met at Turin, the
debates emphasising the vital necessity of including both Rome and
Venetia in a united nation; Victor Emmanuel was declared King of
Italy, a title promptly recognised by Great Britain; but in June, to
the profound grief of the Italian nation, Cavour, its Prime Minister,
and the mainspring of the Piedmontese policy, died while still in the
prime of life.
King Frederick William of Prussia had died in January, and was
succeeded by his brother, William I., Prince of Prussia, who was
crowned with Queen Augusta, at Koenigsberg, on the 18th of October,
Lord Clarendon attending as British representative. In the following
month, King Pedro of Portugal, son and successor of Donna Maria, and
his brother Ferdinand, died of typhoid fever; another brother, Prince
John, succumbed to the same malady before the close of the year.
Events of great importance took place in North America, where the
secession of South Carolina was followed by that of other Southern
States. The delegates of the latter assembled in February at
Montgomery, Alabama, and nominated Jefferson Davis as their President,
Abraham Lincoln having been previously elected as the new President
of the United States. The first shot had been fired, on the 9th of
January, in Charleston Harbour, where a Secessionist battery opened
its guns on a vessel sent by the Federal Government to reinforce Fort
Sumter. In April, the Confederate troops attacked the Fort, which
was compelled to surrender, whereupon President Lincoln issued a
proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteers; President Davis replied
by issuing (in default of an official fleet) letters of marque to
privately owned vessels, and Lincoln declared the Southern ports in
a state of blockade. In May, Lord John Russell announced that the
British Government would recognise the South as a belligerent power,
and a proclamation of neutrality was issued. At Bull Run, on the
21st of July, the Federals were defeated, and fled in confusion to
Washington. Hostilities continued during the year, and Great Britain
was nearly involved in war, by the seizure, on the 8th of November, by
the captain of a Federal vessel, the _San Jacinto_, of Messrs Slidell
and Mason, the envoys accredited by the Confederate States to Great
Britain and France. This high-handed action was taken while the envoys
in question were passengers to Europe, by the British mail steamer
_Trent_, between Havana and St Thomas, and the public mind of Great
Britain was greatly excited in consequence; but eventually the envoys
were transferred to a British ship-of-war, and arrived in Great
Britain, not, however, until in view of a threatened aggression on
British North America, troops had been despatched from England to
strengthen the Canadian garrisons on the frontier. The despatch
of Lord Russell to the American Government, which led to a pacific
result, had been revised by Prince Albert, in the direction of leaving
open to that Government an honourable retreat from the aggressive
attitude they had taken up; the Prince's action in this respect, the
beneficial effect of which it would be difficult to exaggerate,
was destined to be the last of a long series of political services
rendered to this country.
It had become apparent in the autumn that Prince Albert's normal
health was impaired, and in November he began to suffer from
persistent insomnia; towards the end of the month the fever originated
which was to prove fatal to him. He suffered at first from rheumatic
pains and constant weakness, until, early in December, what was
thought to be influenza developed, and the Prince was confined to
his room. By the 11th his condition, though not hopeless, had become
grave, and the serious nature of the illness was made public; and,
although on the 12th the Queen could write hopefully to King Leopold,
the malady continued to increase. On the evening of the 13th, a rally
took place, and encouraging reports were brought hourly to the Queen
through the night; but congestion of the lungs supervened on the
following day, in the closing hours of which, to the inexpressible
grief both of the Queen and her subjects, the Prince passed peacefully
away. The letters of the Queen to King Leopold and Lord Canning
express, in language to which nothing can be added, the intensity of
her grief, and, no less, the noble and unselfish courage with which
she resolved to devote her life to her children and country.