of a _King_ has the highest rank and dignity in the realm after her
husband assigned to her by law, the _husband_ of a _Queen regnant_
is entirely ignored by the law. This is the more extraordinary, as
a husband has in this country such particular rights and such great
power over his wife, and as the Queen is married just as any other
woman is, and swears to obey her lord and master, as such, while by
law he has no rank or defined position. This is a strange anomaly.
No doubt, as is the case _now_--the Queen _can_ give her husband the
highest _place_ by _placing_ him _always near her person_, and the
Nation would give it him as a _matter of course_. Still, when I first
married, we had much difficulty on this subject; much bad feeling was
shown, and several members of the Royal Family showed bad grace
in giving precedence to the Prince, and the late King of Hanover
positively resisted doing so. I gave the Prince precedence by issuing
Letters Patent, but these give no rank in Parliament--or at the
Council Board--and it would be far better to put this question beyond
all doubt, and to secure its settlement for _all future Consorts of
Queens_, and thus have this omission in the Constitution rectified.
Naturally my own feeling would be to give the Prince the same title
and rank as I have, but a Titular King is a complete novelty in
this country, and might be productive of more inconveniences than
advantages to the individual who bears it. Therefore, upon mature
reflection, and after considering the question for nearly _sixteen
years_, I have come to the conclusion that the title which is now by
universal consent given him of "Prince Consort," with the highest rank
in and out of Parliament immediately after the Queen, and before every
other Prince of the Royal Family, should be the one assigned to the
husband of the Queen regnant _once and for all_. This ought to be done
before our children grow up, and it seems peculiarly easy to do so
_now_ that none of the old branches of the Royal Family are still
alive.
The present position is this: that while every British subject, down
to the Knight, Bachelor, Doctor, and Esquire, has a rank and position
by _Law_, the Queen's husband alone has one by _favour_--and by his
wife's favour, who may grant it or not! When granted as in the present
case, it does not extend to Parliament and the Council, and the
children may deny the position which their mother has given to their
father as a usurpation over them, having the law on their side; or if
they waive their rights in his favour, he will hold a position granted
by the forbearance of his children. In both cases this is a position
most derogatory to the Queen as well as to her husband, and most
dangerous to the peace and well-being of her family. If the children
resist, the Queen will have her husband pushed away from her side by
her children, and they will take precedence over the man whom she is
bound to obey; if they are dutiful, she will owe her peace of mind to
their continued generosity.
With relation to Foreign Courts, the Queen's position is equally
humiliating in this respect. _Some_ Sovereigns (crowned heads) address
her husband as "Brother," some as "Brother and Cousin," some merely as
"Cousin." When the Queen has been abroad, her husband's position has
always been a subject of negotiation and vexation; the position which
has been accorded to him the Queen has always had to acknowledge as
a grace and favour bestowed on her by the Sovereign whom she visited.
While last year the Emperor of the French treated the Prince as a
Royal personage, his uncle declined to come to Paris avowedly because
he would not give precedence to the Prince; and on the Rhine in 1845
the King of Prussia could not give the place to the Queen's husband
which common civility required, because of the presence of an
Archduke, the third son of an uncle of the then reigning Emperor of
Austria, who would not give the _pas_, and whom the King would not
offend.
The only legal position in Europe, according to international law,
which the husband of the Queen of England enjoys, is that of a younger
brother of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, and this merely because the
English law does not know of him. This is derogatory to the dignity of
the Crown of England.
But _nationally_ also it is an injury to the position of the Crown
that the Queen's husband should have no other title than that of
Prince of Saxe-Coburg, and thus be perpetually represented to the
country as a foreigner. "The Queen and her foreign husband, the Prince
Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha!"
The Queen has a right to claim that her husband should be an
Englishman, bearing an English title, and enjoying a legal position
which she has not to defend with a wife's anxiety as a usurpation
against her own children, her subjects, and Foreign Courts.
The question has often been discussed by me with different Prime
Ministers and Lord Chancellors, who have invariably entirely agreed
with me; but the wish to wait for a good moment to bring the matter
before Parliament has caused one year after another to elapse without
anything being done. If I become _now_ more anxious to have it
settled, it is in order that it should be so before our children are
grown up, that it might not appear to be done in order to guard their
father's position against them personally, which could not fail to
produce a painful impression upon their minds.
If properly explained to Parliament and the country, I cannot foresee
the slightest difficulty in getting such a necessary measure passed,
particularly if it be made quite clear to the House of Commons that it
is in no way connected with a desire to obtain an increased grant for
the Prince.[30]
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 30: See _post_, 28th June, 1856, note 33.]
[Pageheading: SABBATARIANISM]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st June 1856_.
The Queen understands that there is an attempt to be made to prevent
the military bands from playing when the Troops march to church on a
Sunday.
She is anxious to express to Lord Hardinge her very strong feeling on
this subject, and her wish that he should on _no_ account give way
to such a proposal. _Whatever_ has been the custom should be firmly
adhered to, and Lord Hardinge is perfectly at liberty to make use of
the Queen's name, and say he could not bring such a proposal before
her, as he knew she would not consent to it.[31]
[Footnote 31: The custom of bands playing in the public parks
on Sundays had been objected to by various religious bodies,
and in April a letter on the subject was written to Lord
Palmerston by the Archbishop of Canterbury, after which the
performances were discontinued, the Government giving way
before the threat of a vote of censure. A similar movement
was made in opposition to the playing of regimental bands. See
_ante_, 7th August, 1855, note 71.]
[Pageheading: WELLINGTON COLLEGE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd June 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I hasten to thank you for your very kind letter
of yesterday, just received. Your kind _question_ puts me into
considerable perplexity, and I think I cannot do better than by
putting you in full possession of the state of the case.
Our house is very full--and it is _possible_ that we may have very
shortly the visit of Prince Oscar of Sweden. These Princes have very
large _suites_, and I should therefore in such a case be totally
unable to lodge you and _them_. But there is another reason. While
Fritz Wilhelm is here, _every_ spare moment Vicky has (and _I_ have,
for I must chaperon this loving couple--which takes away so much of my
precious time) is devoted to her bridegroom, who is _so_ much in
love, that, even if he is out driving and walking with her, he is not
satisfied, and says he has not seen her, unless he can have her for an
hour to himself, when I am naturally bound to be acting as chaperon.
Under these circumstances I may truly say that dear Charlotte would
have very little enjoyment; she would see very little of Vicky, _I
could not_ take care of her, and I fear it would be anything but
agreeable for her. Fritz Wilhelm would besides be miserable if I took
Vicky more away from him than I already do, and therefore _while he_
is here, it would _not_, I think, be advisable that _Charlotte_ should
come. Could you _not_ come a little in August when the Prince and
Princess of Prussia have left us? Or would you prefer coming in
October, when we return from Scotland? You will easily believe,
dearest Uncle, _what_ pleasure it gives me to see you; but I know you
will understand the reasons I here give for begging you to delay this
dear visit either to August or October....
I had a little hope that the Archduke and Charlotte _might_ take a
mutual liking; it would be such a good _parti_.
We had an interesting ceremony yesterday, the laying of the first
stone of the Wellington College--which is the monument to the memory
of the dear old Duke. Dear little Arthur appeared for the first time
in public, and I hope you will approve my answer.[32]
Now, dearest Uncle, ever your truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 32: The Queen's reply to an address presented to
her, on behalf of the College, by Lord Derby.]
[Pageheading: THE NATIONAL GALLERY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord Panmure._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th June 1856_.
The Queen and Prince had intended to take their visitors down to
the Camp on Monday next--the _only day_ which we shall have for
a fortnight free from other engagements--and hears, to her _utter
astonishment_, that _all_ the troops are gone--not only the Militia,
but the 3rd Battalion of the Rifles!--and this without the Queen's
hearing _one_ word of it! The Queen is the more astonished and
annoyed, as Lord Panmure had promised that the Militia regiments
should _not_ be disembodied until there were other troops to replace
them, which will not be the case for some little time. _What_ is the
cause of this, sudden determination? The Queen is much vexed, as her
visitors will not stay long, and are very anxious to visit the Camp;
and it is of much importance that Foreign Princes should see what we
have, and in what state of efficiency our troops are.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1856_.
The Queen hopes Lord Palmerston will make it quite clear to the
subordinate Members of the Government that they cannot be allowed
to vote against the Government proposal about the National Gallery
to-morrow, as she hears that several fancy themselves at liberty to do
so.
[Pageheading: TITLE OF PRINCE CONSORT]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._[33]
ST JAMES'S SQUARE, _28th June 1856_.
Lord Derby, with his humble duty ... will be prepared, as well as Lord
Lyndhurst, to give his cordial support to such a Bill as that sketched
out by the Lord Chancellor; but using that freedom which is invited by
and due to the gracious confidence reposed in him by your Majesty, he
hopes he may be pardoned for earnestly submitting to your Majesty's
serious consideration the question whether it may be expedient to
raise a discussion on such a subject during the short remainder of the
present Session of Parliament. Measures of public importance already
in progress are now beginning to be abandoned in consequence of
the advanced period of the Session, and Lord Lyndhurst concurs very
strongly in Lord Derby's apprehensions as to the result on public
feeling of the introduction of such a measure at the present moment.
If it could be stated that your Majesty contemplated a foreign visit
in the course of the summer, which rendered it desirable that a
measure should be passed to obviate the embarrassment which had been
created on previous occasions of the same sort, some case might be
made out for immediate legislation, though even then the question
would arise why it was not thought of sooner; but in the absence of
any change of circumstances, and in the present unfortunate temper of
the House of Commons, of which a proof was given last night, such
a course would probably lead to suspicions and remarks of the most
painful character. It would be said, and with some justice, that the
greater the constitutional importance of a settlement, the greater was
also the necessity of ample opportunity for consideration being given
to Parliament; and the hurry of passing the Bill would be cited as a
proof that it covered some unavowed and objectionable design. If such
suspicions should lead to the postponement of the measure, not only
would the Crown have been subjected to a mortifying defeat, but the
Bill would be open to the hostile criticisms of the Press during the
whole summer and autumn, the effect of which might even endanger its
ultimate success....
Should your Majesty be otherwise advised, Lord Derby will be ready to
give the Bill his personal support, but he would be wanting in candour
if he did not frankly state to your Majesty the serious apprehensions
which he should entertain as to the result. Such an unreserved
expression of his opinions is the only and very inadequate return
which he can make to your Majesty for the gracious confidence with
which your Majesty has honoured him, and for which he feels most
deeply grateful.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant
and Subject,
DERBY.
[Footnote 33: The Queen had sent to Lord Derby a copy of her
Memorandum, _ante_, May, 1856, a letter from Lord Palmerston to
herself on the same subject, and the sketch of a Bill drawn
up by the Lord Chancellor to give effect to her wishes. On the
25th of June 1857, the title of "Prince Consort" was conferred
on Prince Albert by Royal Letters Patent. "I should have
preferred," wrote the Queen, "its being done by Act of
Parliament, and so it may still be at some future period; but
it was thought better upon the whole to do it _now_ in this
simple way."]
[Pageheading: RETIREMENT OF LORD HARDINGE]
_Viscount Hardinge to Queen Victoria._
15 GREAT STANHOPE STREET, _10th July 1856_.
Field-Marshal Viscount Hardinge,[34] with his most humble duty to your
Majesty, is conscious that his power of serving your Majesty in the
high position of General Commanding-in-Chief has ceased in consequence
of the state of his health, which leaves him no other course to pursue
than that of placing in your Majesty's hands the resignation of his
office, the duties of which his sudden and severe illness has rendered
him incapable of performing.
Lord Hardinge cannot take this step without thanking your Majesty for
the great consideration and support which he has at all times received
at a period of no ordinary difficulty, and which have impressed him
with such sentiments of gratitude as can only cease with his life.
All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your
Majesty's dutiful and devoted Servant,
HARDINGE.
[Footnote 34: A great review of the troops lately returned
from the Crimea was held in most unfavourable weather at
Aldershot, on the 8th of July, King Leopold among others being
present; Lord Hardinge, who had brought with him the Report of
the Military Commission which had been sitting at Chelsea,
was struck by paralysis during an Audience with the Queen; the
next day Lord Panmure wrote: "His leg is entirely useless, and
his right arm visibly affected. I spoke to him for a moment as
he got into his carriage, and his head is quite clear, but his
public career is closed; and knowing his high mind as I do, I
would not be surprised to learn that he made a communication
to that effect to the Queen very shortly."]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th July 1856_.
The Queen has received the enclosed letter from Lord Hardinge,
conveying his resignation, for which she was prepared. She asks Lord
Palmerston to enable her, by the assistance of his advice, soon to
appoint a successor to the important office of Commander-in-Chief.
She has again considered the question, and is confirmed in her opinion
that the Duke of Cambridge stands almost without a competitor.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th July 1856_.
The Queen received yesterday evening Field-Marshal Lord Hardinge's
letter resigning his office of Commander-in-Chief. She cannot
sufficiently express how deeply grieved she is to feel that from Lord
Hardinge's state of health she must accept his resignation. The loss
of his services will be immense to the Queen, the country, and the
Army--and she trusts that he is well assured of her high sense of the
very valuable services he has long rendered. She hopes, however,
that she may still reckon on his advice and assistance on matters of
importance, though he will no longer command her noble Army.
She cannot conclude without expressing the Prince's and her fervent
wishes that he may rapidly recover, and his valuable life be long
preserved to all his friends, amongst whom we shall ever consider
ourselves.
[Pageheading: THE COMMANDERSHIP-IN-CHIEF]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _12th July 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to state that he has consulted with his colleagues as to the advice
to be tendered to your Majesty in regard to the appointment of a
successor to Lord Hardinge as General Commanding-in-Chief; and upon
a full consideration of the subject, the Cabinet are of opinion that
your Majesty's choice could not fall upon any General Officer better
suited to that important position than His Royal Highness the Duke
of Cambridge, and Lord Panmure will have the honour of taking your
Majesty's pleasure upon the matter officially.
It seems quite clear that there is no General Officer senior to His
Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge to whom it would in all respects
be desirable to intrust the duties of the command of the Army, and
there is no General Officer below him in seniority who has claim
sufficiently strong to justify his being preferred to His Royal
Highness....
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th July 1856_.
The Queen wishes to ask, before she sanctions this draft, whether the
Cabinet have fully considered the consequences of this declaration
to the Persians, which may be war;[35] and if so, whether they are
prepared to go to war with Persia, and have provided the means of
carrying it on? The draft itself the Queen approves.
[Footnote 35: The Shah, availing himself of the departure of
the British Minister from Teheran, laid siege to Herat, in
direct violation of a treaty of 1853.]
[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _21st July 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... We had a delightful little _sejour_ at
Aldershot--much favoured by fine weather. The first day, Wednesday,
the wind was too high for _me_ to ride, but the second (Thursday)
we had one of the prettiest and _most_ interesting field days I ever
remember. I rode about everywhere and enjoyed it so much. On Thursday
and Friday morning we visited the Camp. The new Troops from the
Crimea which we saw were the 34th, 41st, and 49th, particularly fine
Regiments; the 93rd Highlanders, the 2nd Rifle Battalion, and three
Companies of splendid Sappers and Miners, all very fine; and the Scots
Greys and Enniskillen Dragoons. The Prussians[36] were _emerveilles_
at the looks of our Troops on returning from the Crimea! We came here
on the 18th, and have really _hot_ weather.
George has been appointed Commander-in-Chief. There was really _no
one_ who could have been put over him; though in some respects it may
be a weakness for the Crown, it is a great strength for the Army....
I fear I must end here for to-day. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 36: The Prince and Princess of Prussia were on a
visit to the Queen and Prince.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _24th July 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will
give directions for the Council at Osborne at one o'clock on Monday,
according to your Majesty's desire; and he would beg to submit
for your Majesty's gracious consideration that the General
Commanding-in-Chief has usually been a Privy Councillor, and that His
Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge might, if your Majesty thought
fit, be sworn in on Monday.
Viscount Palmerston will communicate with Dr. Goodford, but he finds
that he was misled by the Headmaster and one of the Governors of
Harrow at the Speech Day; he understood from them that an additional
week's holiday would at his request be given to the boys at this
vacation in commemoration of the Peace. He has now received a letter
from the Governors to say that the school had an additional week on
the occasion of the Peace at Easter, and that an additional week will
be given, not now, but at Christmas, in commemoration of the laying
the first stone of the new Chapel. If, therefore, the Eton boys had an
additional week at Easter in honour of the Peace, as the Harrow boys
had, there will be no reason for any addition to the Eton holidays
now....
[Pageheading: SOUTH AFRICA]
_Mr Labouchere to Queen Victoria._
_26th July 1856._
With Mr Labouchere's humble duty to Her Majesty. Mr Labouchere begs to
submit the following observations in reply to Her Majesty's enquiries
respecting the Free States in the vicinity of the British Colonies in
South Africa.
There are two independent States there:--
(1.) The Transvaal Republic, founded by Boers who left the Colony for
the most part from ten to fifteen years ago. The territory on which
they are established never was British. The Government of the day,
thinking it useless and impolitic to pursue them there, entered into
a capitulation with them and recognised their independent existence.
They inhabit the plains north of the Vaal or Yellow River.
(2.) The Orange River Free State. This occupies the territory between
the Vaal River to the north and the Orange River to the south. This
territory, like the former, was occupied originally by emigrant Boers,
and was beyond the boundaries of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.
But Sir Harry Smith, in 1849, after a severe military struggle with
the Boers, thought proper without authority from home to annex it to
British Dominion.[37] This annexation was ratified by Lord Grey,
and the country remained for three or four years under British rule.
Afterwards it was resolved to abandon it, during the administration
of the Duke of Newcastle, as a result of the general revision of our
affairs which took place at the conclusion of the Kaffir War. The
Orange River Territory was recognised as a separate Republic in 1854.
It is certainly true that the existence of these Free States may
complicate our relations with the Kaffirs, and possibly be a source
of danger to the security of British dominion in South Africa. But the
latter danger seems very remote. They possess _no_ portion of the
sea coast, and are altogether a pastoral people, and are engaged in a
constant struggle with the barbarous tribes in their neighbourhood.
To retain and protect these territories would have involved an immense
expenditure, and been attended with great difficulties. Besides, the
same question would have speedily recurred, as these emigrant Boers
would have soon gone further into the interior, and again have
asserted their independence. Our present relations with both these
States are very amicable. When Governor Sir George Grey went to the
Cape all these questions had been finally disposed of.[38]
There seems to be good reason to hope that the apprehensions of a
Kaffir War will not be realised. The Colony is very prosperous, and
is beginning to export wool in large quantities. The new legislature
appears to be disposed to act harmoniously with the Governor, and to
be actuated by a spirit of loyalty and attachment to this country.
What they most want is a supply of European settlers, which it is to
be hoped that the soldiers of the German and Swiss Legions will give
them.
[Footnote 37: See _ante_, vol. ii., Introductory Note to Chapter
XVII, and 25th October, 1848, note 45.]
[Footnote 38: Sir George Grey had been sent out by the Duke
of Newcastle in 1854. He had previously been Governor of South
Australia and New Zealand successively. He returned to New
Zealand as Governor in 1861, and was Premier of the Colony,
1877-1884. He died in 1898, and was buried in St Paul's
Cathedral.]
[Pageheading: FOREIGN ORDERS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _30th July 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I am much grieved to have to retract the
permission which in my letter of yesterday I said I would give to Lord
Westmorland.[39] When I said so, I had _not_ received the opinion of
the Ministers, which I have since done, and this is, I am sorry to
say, conclusive _against_ it. I quite overlooked _one_ very important
case of very late date, viz. the Plenipotentiary at Paris--on whom the
Emperor pressed very hard to confer his order in commemoration of the
Peace; but it was refused, and the Emperor was a good _deal hurt_. If
_now_ Lord Westmorland received the permission, the Emperor might with
_right_ complain. I am much grieved, dearest Uncle, at all this, but
it was quite unavoidable, and I was at the time much distressed at
your giving the order to Lord Westmorland as I foresaw nothing but
difficulties. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 39: King Leopold had proposed to bestow a decoration
on Lord Westmorland.]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _1st August 1856_.
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... When your excellent Ministers will consider
things coolly, which is not to be expected in this hot weather, I am
sure they will come to other conclusions. The rule is a _very wise
one_, and has been kept up even at the time of those great congresses
of Paris, Vienna, and ditto Paris in 1815. But in cases of particular
affection and feeling _not_ connected with politics, there have been
during the reigns of George IV. and William IV. exceptions. The Duke
of Devonshire was sent to the Coronation, I think, of the Emperor
Nicholas, because one knew the Emperor liked him. And he has worn ever
since that diamond star of the St Andrew of the largest dimensions.
Our Napoleon is too wise not to understand that a treaty has a direct
political character. And, during the next fifty years of your glorious
reign, there will be most probably a great many more treaties and
congresses. You may get all sorts of things during that time, but you
cannot either by the power of heaven or of earth get a new uncle, who
has kept his word twenty-five years; rather an undertaking considering
circumstances.... I remain, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
ON BOARD THE _Victoria and Albert_,
_14th August 1856_.
DEAREST UNCLE,--You will be surprised to get a letter so soon again
from me, and still more on _so_ trivial a subject, but I come as a
petitioner for a supply of the cakes or _Oblaten_ which you kindly
always send me, but which have come to a dead _stop_, having been too
rapidly consumed; _all_ the children having taken to eat them. As I
am not a very good breakfast eater, they are often the _only_ things
I _can_ take at that time, and consequently I miss them much. May I
therefore beg them to be sent?
We are still here; profiting by the _bad_ sea, to visit many beautiful
_points de vue_ in this really beautiful country. We saw yesterday one
of the loveliest places possible--_Endsleigh_--the Duke of Bedford's,
about twenty miles from here.
The weather is so bad, and it blows so hard, that we shall go back
to Southampton to-morrow by railroad--a beautiful line which we have
never seen. I must close in haste. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
We went to Saltram, Lord Morley's, this afternoon.
[Pageheading: LORD GRANVILLE'S MISSION]
[Pageheading: THE CZAR ALEXANDER]
[Pageheading: CORONATION OF THE CZAR]
_Earl Granville to Queen Victoria._[40]
MOSCOW, _30th August 1856_.
Lord Granville presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs,
according to your Majesty's desire, to submit to your Majesty the
impressions which he has received during the short time of his stay in
this country.
Lord Granville's conversation with the Emperor of Russia, and what he
has heard from various reliable sources, have led him to the following
conclusions respecting His Imperial Majesty.
He is handsome, but thinner and graver than when he was in England.
When speaking with energy to Lord Granville his manner seemed to be
rather an imitation of some one else than his own, and he did not look
Lord Granville in the face. His usual manner is singularly gentle and
pleasing. He does not give the idea of having much strength either of
intellect or of character, but looks intelligent and amiable.
Although the education of a Caesarwitch must be subject to pernicious
influences, the present Emperor has had advantages which those in his
position have not usually had. The Emperor Nicholas came to the throne
without having had the confidences of his predecessor. He initiated
his son into everything that was going on, while others who knew the
good-nature of the Grand Duke Alexander's character, told him that
which they did not tell his father. He was supposed to have different
tastes from the late Emperor, but, since the death of the latter, he
has liked the late Emperor's favourite residence which he himself had
formerly disliked, he has taken to all the military pursuits of
his father, and is said to have shown undignified haste in issuing
regulations about, and in appearing in, new uniforms. He is liked by
those who surround him, but is blamed for not having those habits of
punctuality and of quick decision in business which characterised the
late Emperor.
There is still much talk of stimulants to be applied by His Imperial
Majesty to commerce and to the development of the resources of the
country.... There are persons, however, here well qualified to judge,
who doubt whether much more will be performed than has formerly
been done, after brilliant promises at the beginning of a reign. His
Imperial Majesty is not supposed to have that power of will which will
enable him to deal with the mass of corruption which pervades every
class in this country. The Empress,[41] a woman of sense and ability,
is believed to have great influence with her husband when he is with
her, but he is generally guided by the person who speaks last to
him before he acts--and His Imperial Majesty has not the talent of
surrounding himself with able men. His Ministers certainly do not
appear to be men of that remarkable intellect as have been usually
supposed to be employed by the Court of St Petersburg. Count Orloff
is stated to have but little influence, and to have lost his
former activity. Prince Gortschakoff is clever in society, of easy
conversation and some smartness in repartee. He is vain, a great
talker, and indiscreet. It is difficult to keep him to the point. He
flies about from one thing to another, and he is so loose in his talk,
that the repetition of isolated phrases might lead to impressions of
his meaning, which would not be correct....
The Serf Question is admitted by all to be of a very difficult
character, and will become more so as the wealth of the country
increases. Indeed when that state of things occurs, it is more than
likely that popular movements will take place, and it is frightful to
consider the immediate results of a revolution in a country organised
as this is at present. No country in Europe will furnish so fair a
chance of success to Socialism. The reins of Government were held so
tight during the last reign, that even the relaxation which now exists
is not altogether without danger.
The preparations for the Coronation are on an immense scale. The
present estimate of the expenses is L1,000,000; the last Coronation
cost half that sum; the Coronation of Alexander, L150,000; while that
of the Emperor Paul did not exceed L50,000. The military household of
the present Emperor consists of one hundred and twenty generals--that
of Nicholas, at the beginning of his reign, consisted of twenty.
Your Majesty is spoken of by the Emperor and by the Society here with
the greatest respect. Lord and Lady Granville have met with nothing
but remarkable civility from all classes.
Lord Granville has had great pleasure in seeing His Royal Highness
Prince Frederick William of Prussia in such good health and spirits.
His only anxiety was an interval of fourteen days during which His
Royal Highness did not hear from England. That anxiety has been
relieved by a letter received to-day. Lord Granville ventures to
request your Majesty to present his respectful remembrances to the
Princess Royal with his congratulations at Her Royal Highness's
complete recovery. Lord Granville begs to advise Her Royal Highness,
when residing abroad, not to engage a Russian maid. Lady Wodehouse
found hers eating the contents of a pot on her dressing-table--it
happened to be castor oil pomatum for the hair.
Lord Granville has been requested to convey to your Majesty and to
His Royal Highness Prince Albert the Prince of Nassau's expressions of
devotion and respect. The atmosphere in which His Highness at present
resides does not appear to have had much influence on His Highness's
opinions.
[Footnote 40: Lord Granville was appointed head of a special
mission, with the temporary rank of Ambassador, to attend the
Coronation of the Czar Alexander.]
[Footnote 41: Marie Alexandrovna, formerly the Princess Marie
of Hesse, daughter of the Grand Duke Louis II.]
[Pageheading: CHURCH APPOINTMENTS]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
ST LEONARDS, _6th September 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to submit for your Majesty's gracious approval that Dr Tait, Dean
of Carlisle, should be appointed Bishop of London with a clear
explanation to him that the Diocese will probably be divided into
two--one of London and one of Westminster.
That the Bishop of Ripon[42] should be appointed Bishop of Durham,
with a like explanation that the Diocese of Durham may possibly be
divided into two--one for Durham and one for Northumberland.
That the Dean of Hereford[43] should be appointed Bishop of Ripon; and
that Dr Trench[44] be appointed Dean of Westminster with the condition
that he is not to receive any fees or emoluments arising out of
appointments of Knights of the Bath.
Dr Trench is a man of the world and of literature, and would in
those respects be well suited to be Dean of Westminster, and if his
tendencies are, as some persons suppose, rather towards High Church
opinions, his position as Dean would not afford him any particular
means of making those opinions prevail; while his appointment would
show that the patronage of the Crown was not flowing exclusively in
one direction.
Viscount Palmerston will, on another occasion, submit to your Majesty
the names of persons for the Deaneries of Hereford and Carlisle.[45]
[Footnote 42: Charles Thomas Longley (1774-1868) became Bishop
of Durham 1856, Archbishop of York 1860, and Archbishop of
Canterbury 1862.]
[Footnote 43: Richard Dawes, who became Dean in 1850, and
restored the Cathedral. He did not become Bishop of Ripon;
Robert Bickersteth, a Canon of Salisbury, being eventually
appointed. See _post_, 24th November, 1856, note 60.]
[Footnote 44: Richard Chenevix Trench (1807-1886), Archbishop
of Dublin from 1864-1884.]
[Footnote 45: Francis Close (1797-1882), Rector of Cheltenham,
succeeded Dr Tait as Dean of Carlisle.]
_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES'S PALACE, _17th September 1856._
MY DEAR COUSIN,--This morning the reply from Baden reached me, and I
hasten to inform you at once of the purport of it, embodied in a
very excellent letter written by my sister Mary, who _declines_ the
proposal made to her on the part of the King of Sardinia, for some
very excellent and weighty reasons.[46]
I must confess that I fully agree with her in the view she has
taken, and, I can say with truth, that I think her decision is a very
judicious and very correct one, and I am not at all sorry she has
come to it. As I know that Clarendon was very anxious to have an early
reply, I have in the first instance sent Mary's letter on to him, and
have requested him, after perusing it, to send it on to you, and I
hope you will not think that I have been wanting in respect to you in
so doing. With many thanks to you for your great kindness in having
left the decision of this weighty matter entirely in our hands, I beg
to remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,
GEORGE.
[Footnote 46: The King had, in January 1855, lost his consort,
Queen Marie Adelaide, daughter of the Archduke Renier of
Austria. Lord Clarendon wrote to Baron Marochetti:--...
"The Queen's first care was for the happiness of Princess
Mary, and it was the wish of Her Majesty and of Her Majesty's
Government that the decision should be left to the unbiassed
judgment of Her Royal Highness.
"Princess Mary, having maturely weighed the matter in all its
different bearings, has come to the conclusion that it is
her duty as regards both the King of Sardinia and herself to
decline the offer, which you were empowered to make on the
part of His Majesty.
"Princess Mary fully appreciates the many excellent and
noble qualities of the King. She does not doubt that in him
individually she would be happy, and she thinks that the
alliance would be popular in England; but Her Royal Highness
feels that as the Protestant Queen of Sardinia she must be in
a false position, and that a wife can never find herself thus
placed without injury to her husband.
"Princess Mary is deeply attached to her religion, which is
the first consideration in this world, and in the free and
undisturbed exercise of that religion, however much it might
be sanctioned by the King, and supported by His Majesty's
Government, she feels that she would be the object of
constant suspicion, that her motives would be liable to
misconstruction, and that the King would be exposed to grave
embarrassments, which time would only serve to increase.
"I am not surprised at this decision, which, from my knowledge
of Princess Mary's profound religious feeling, I rather led
you to anticipate; but I am bound to say that with reference
to her religion, and with reference to that alone, Her
Royal Highness has, in my opinion, decided with wisdom and
foresight.
"I am convinced, however, that in renouncing upon
conscientious grounds the brilliant position which has been
offered to her, of which she fully appreciated the advantages,
Princess Mary can only have added to the respect which the
King already feels for the noble and elevated character of Her
Royal Highness."]
[Pageheading: THE KING OF PORTUGAL]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BALMORAL, _19th September 1856._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I cannot have your kind and confidential letter of
the 15th answered, and therefore write to-day to thank you for it. You
may rely on our divulging nothing. We are, however, both very anxious
that dear Pedro should be preferred.[47] He is out and out _the_
most distinguished young Prince there is, and besides that, good,
excellent, and steady according to one's heart's desire, and as one
could wish for an _only and beloved daughter_. For Portugal, too, an
_amiable_, well-educated Queen would be an immense blessing, for there
_never_ has been one. I am sure you would be more likely to secure
Charlotte's happiness if you gave her to Pedro than to one of those
innumerable Archdukes, or to Prince George of Saxony. Pedro should,
however, be written to, if you were favourably inclined towards him.
I must end now, hoping soon to hear from you again. Pedro is _just_
nineteen; he can therefore well wait till he has completed his
twentieth year. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 47: Both the Queen and King Leopold were desirous
of arranging a marriage between King Pedro and the Princess
Charlotte, which, however, did not take place. See _post_,
10th October, 1856, 16th June, 1857, and 3rd May, 1859.]
[Pageheading: RUSSIAN PROCRASTINATION]
_Queen Victoria to the Empress of the French._
[_Draft._][48]
_Septembre 1856._
Je regrette autant que V.M.I. les divergences existantes entre les
vues de nos deux Gouvernements au sujet du Traite de Paris.[49] [Il
est impossible pour nous cependant de ceder aux Russes les demandes
qu'ils mettent en avant, seulement parcequ'elles sont soutenues par la
France. Le fait est que] Ma maniere d'envisager la situation actuelle
est celle-ci: les Russes ne cessent de suivre la meme politique des le
commencement de la complication Orientale jusqu'a present. Ils cedent
ou la force majeure les y contraint, mais tachent de se reserver par
des chicanes ou subterfuges les moyens de reprendre a un temps plus
opportun leurs attaques sur l'independance et l'integrite de cette
pauvre Turquie. [Nous au contraire sommes determines.] La France
et l'Angleterre au contraire ont manifeste leur determination de la
sauver et de l'assurer contre ces attaques. C'etait la la cause de la
guerre; c'etait la le but de la paix; mon Gouvernement n'oserait le
sacrifier vis-a-vis de mon peuple par complaisance envers l'Empereur
de Russie. Un coup d'oeil sur la Carte, par exemple, demontre qu'en
detruisant Ismail, Kilia, etc., etc. [(acte auquel nous ne venons qu'a
present d'apprendre que la France avait donne son assentiment a
notre insu)] la Russie a prive l'aile droite de la nouvelle ligne
de frontiere de toute defense; tandis qu'en substituant le nouveau
Bolgrad a celui connu au Congres elle pousserait un point strategique
au centre, couperait la partie cedee de la Bessarabie du reste
de l'Empire Ottoman, et se mettrait a meme de devenir de nouveau
maitresse de la rive gauche du Danube, quand elle le voudra. Comme
dans ce cas [nous] nos deux pays sont tenus par Traite a reprendre les
armes, il me parait de notre devoir a prevenir de tels dangers. Ces
dangers seront ecartes a l'instant que la France s'unira a nous pour
tenir un langage ferme a la Russie, qui tache de nous desunir et il ne
faut pas qu'elle y reussisse.
Je vous exprime la toute ma pensee, sachant que l'Empereur attend une
franchise entiere de son amie, convaincue aussi, que si son opinion
differe de la mienne, c'est du au moins d'importance qu'il attache
peut-etre aux points en dispute avec la Russie, et a un sentiment
de generosite envers un ennemi vaincu, auquel il me serait doux de
m'abandonner avec lui, si je pouvais le faire de maniere a concilier
les interets de la Turquie et de l'Europe.
[Footnote 48: This is the original draft, which appears to
have been modified later by the omission of the sentences in
brackets.]
[Footnote 49: The Treaty had involved the restitution of
the fortress and district of Kars to Turkey. The Russians,
however, delayed the stipulated evacuation in an unwarrantable
manner. Ismail also was included within the portion of
Bessarabia to be ceded to Turkey, but, instead of surrendering
it intact, the Russians destroyed its fortifications; they
also laid claim to Serpent's Island at the mouth of the
Danube, which was within the ceded portion, and of Bolgrad,
the future ownership of which was, owing to the inaccuracies
of maps, in dispute. The English Government sent a fleet to
the Black Sea to enforce the obligations of the Treaty, while
the French Government seemed to make unnecessary concessions
to Russia.]
[Pageheading: ALTERATIONS SUGGESTED]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
TAYMOUTH, _21st September 1856_.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
ventures to express his opinion that the Empress might think the tone
of your Majesty's letter rather too severe. It is by no means severe,
but perfectly just and true as regards the conduct of Russia and
France, and on that very account it might wound the _amour-propre_ of
the Emperor.
Lord Clarendon ventures to suggest the omission of the second sentence
beginning by "_il est impossible_," and of the parenthesis at the
bottom of the second page.[50] In the concluding sentence it might
perhaps be better to say "_la France et l'Angleterre_" instead of
"_nous_," which would possibly be taken as an announcement of separate
action. Your Majesty might perhaps think it right to add after the
last words "_tels dangers_"--"_ces dangers seront ecartes a l'instant
que la France s'unira a nous pour tenir un langage ferme a la
Russie qui tache de nous desunir et il ne faut pas a s qu'elle y
reussisse_."[51]
[Footnote 50: _I.e._ the passage from "acte auquel" to "notre
insu."]
[Footnote 51: The Prince wrote in reply to this letter: "The
draft of letter to the Empress of the French has been altered
in every particular as you suggest, and I will send you a
corrected copy of it by to-morrow." See _post_, 10th November,
1856, note 54.]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge._
BALMORAL, _22nd September 1856_.
MY DEAR GEORGE,--I waited to thank you for your letter of the 17th
till I had received Mary's from Lord Clarendon, which I did yesterday
morning, and which I now return to you. It is admirably written, and
does dear Mary the greatest credit; she puts it on the _right_ ground,
viz. that of the _Protestant feeling_ which should _always_ actuate
our family, and to this we _now must_ keep. It _effectually_ closes,
however, the door to _all Catholic_ proposals--whether from Kings or
Princes, which makes matters easier.
I must say, however, that I think it very wrong of _certain_ ladies to
have spoken of Mary's feelings and wishes on the subject, which has no
doubt encouraged the idea when they had no reason for doing so.
I am very glad that the decision has been so entirely dear Mary's own,
and that _she is_ convinced of my anxious wish for her happiness and
welfare--which I have as much at heart as if she were my own sister.
It is very necessary, however, that _not_ a word should be breathed of
this whole affair, and I trust that you will caution your mother and
sisters and their relations to be very silent on the subject, as it
would be otherwise very offensive to the King.
With Albert's love, ever your very affectionate Cousin,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD HARDINGE]
_Queen Victoria to Viscountess Hardinge._
BALMORAL, _26th September 1856_.
MY DEAR LADY HARDINGE,--Where can I find words to express to you
our _deep heartfelt_ sorrow at the sad and totally unexpected news
conveyed to us by telegraph yesterday.[52]
My first thought was for you, dear Lady Hardinge, whose whole
existence was so completely bound up in _his_, that this blow must be
awful indeed. We feel _truly_ and sincerely what we, and the country,
have lost in your dear, high-minded, noble husband, whose _only_
thought was _his duty_. A more loyal, devoted, fearless public servant
the Crown never possessed. His loss to _me_ is one of those which in
our times is quite _irreparable_. Added to all this we have ever
had _such_ a true affection and personal friendship for dear Lord
Hardinge, and know how warmly these feelings were requited. _All_
who had the pleasure of knowing him must ever remember his benevolent
smile and kind eye.
But I speak of ourselves and of what we have lost, when I _ought_ only
to express _our_ sympathy with _you_, in your present overwhelming
loss, but I could not restrain my pen, and the expression of our
feelings may perhaps be soothing to your bleeding heart.
Most truly also do we sympathise with your children.
Pray do not think of answering this yourself, but let us hear through
your son or daughter how you are. Ever, dear Lady Hardinge, with the
sincerest regard and truest sympathy, yours affectionately,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 52: Lord Hardinge, who had only temporarily rallied
from the stroke he had received at Aldershot, died on the
24th.]
[Pageheading: THE ARCHDUKE MAXIMILIAN]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _10th October 1856_.
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Since your kind letter of the 2nd I have not had
any communications from you. I can well understand that it grieves you
to leave the Highlands. It is not a great proof of the happiness of
human kind, that all love to be elsewhere than at the place where
their real residence is, notwithstanding all songs of home sweet home,
etc. I plead quite guilty to this, though I used to be much attached
to my old home at Coburg and to Claremont. That the weather should
have been unfavourable is a great pity; here we have had a most
beautiful and mild weather till the 8th, when a severe thunderstorm
put an end to it.
Poor Lord Hardinge! I believe after all, though all these people
pretend _not_ to mind it, that the Press killed him. I once told Lady
Maryborough and the late Duchess of Wellington that it was fortunate
the Duke cared so little for the Press. "Care little," they said;
"why, nothing annoys and irritates him more." I find it natural; doing
one's best, working with all one's nerves, and to be abused for it, is
not pleasant.
To explain the real state of dear Charlotte's affair I enclose the
only copy of my letter which exists, and pray you kindly to send it me
back. My object is and was that Charlotte should decide as _she_
likes it, and uninfluenced by what I might prefer. _I_ should _prefer_
Pedro, that I confess, but the Archduke[53] has made a favourable
impression on Charlotte; I saw that long before any question of
engagement had taken place. The Archduke is out at sea, and nothing
can well be heard before the 25th of this month. If the thing takes
place the Emperor ought to put him at the head of Venice; he is well
calculated for it.
I am going on the 15th to Ardenne for a week. I have been since that
revolution of 1848 kept away from it almost entirely, compared
to former days. And now, with my best love to Albert, I must end,
remaining ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly devoted and only
Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 53: The Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph of
Austria, afterwards Emperor of Mexico.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BALMORAL, _13th October 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I am truly thankful for your kind letter and the
very confidential enclosure which I return, and which has interested
us both very much, and is truly kind and paternal. I _still hope_ by
your letter that Charlotte has not finally made up her mind--as we
both feel so strongly convinced of the immense superiority of Pedro
over any other young Prince even _dans les relations journalistes_,
besides which the position is so infinitely preferable. The Austrian
society is _medisante_ and profligate and worthless--and the Italian
possessions very shaky. Pedro is full of resource--fond of music, fond
of drawing, of languages, of natural history, and literature, in all
of which Charlotte would suit him, and would be a _real_ benefit to
the country. If Charlotte asked _me_, I should not hesitate a moment,
as I would give any of my own daughters to him were he not a Catholic;
and if Charlotte consulted her friend Vicky I know what _her_ answer
would be as she is so very fond of Pedro.
_14th._--I could not finish last night, and so continue to-day. I
shall be most anxious to hear from you about Charlotte, when a _final_
decision has been taken.
Since the 6th we have the _most beautiful weather_--with the country
in the _most_ brilliant beauty--but _not_ the bracing weather which
did one so much good; yesterday and to-day it is _quite_ warm and
relaxing. Albert has continued to have wonderful sport; not only has
he killed seven more stags since I wrote, but the finest, largest
stags in the whole neighbourhood--or indeed killed in almost any
forest!...
Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: MILITARY EFFICIENCY]
_Queen Victoria to Lord Panmure._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th November 1856_.
The Queen has received Lord Panmure's two boxes of the 4th. She is
glad to hear that the Military and the Defence Committees of the
Cabinet are to be reassembled. The absence of all plans for our
defences is a great evil, and hardly credible. There should exist a
well-considered general scheme for each place supported by a detailed
argument; this when approved by the Government, should be sanctioned
and signed by the Sovereign, and not deviated from except upon
resubmission and full explanation of the causes which render such
deviation necessary; no special work should be undertaken which does
not realise part of this general scheme. The Queen trusts that Lord
Panmure will succeed in effecting this.
It is very much to be regretted that so few of the soldiers of
the German Legion should have accepted the liberal terms of the
Government. Those should, however, be made to sail soon.
The returns of the different Departments for the last quarter show a
lamentable deficiency in small arms. Fifty-two thousand three hundred
and twenty-two for the whole of the United Kingdom is a sadly small
reserve to have in store; we should never be short of 500,000. The
Queen was struck also with the little work done at Enfield. It appears
that during the whole quarter this new and extensive establishment has
completed only three muskets!
With regard to some of the barracks, the tenders have not even yet
been accepted, although the year is nearly drawing to a close.
The Queen hopes soon to receive the returns for the Fortification
Department, which is fully two months in arrear....
With respect to the list for the Bath, the Queen is somewhat startled
by the large number. Before sanctioning it, she thinks it right to ask
for an explanation of the services of the officers, and the reasons
for which they are selected for the honour. She returns the list for
that purpose to Lord Panmure, who will perhaps cause the statement
to be attached to each name. This, of course, does not apply to the
foreigners. Amongst the Sardinians, however, the Queen observes the
absence of the names of the Military Commissioners attached first to
Lord Raglan and afterwards to General Simpson. The first was a Count
Revel, who has frequently applied for the honour, and the Queen thinks
ought to have it.
[Pageheading: FRANCE AND RUSSIA]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _10th November 1856_.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty, and humbly begs to transmit
a letter from the Empress which was left here this afternoon by M. de
Persigny, who also left a despatch from Count Walewski, of which Lord
Clarendon begs to transmit a copy.[54] It is a most unsatisfactory
result of all the tripotage that has been going on, as it is an
invitation _pur et simple_ to reassemble the conference with Prussia,
and to abide by the decision of the majority.
Lord Clarendon is to see M. de Persigny to-morrow morning.
[Footnote 54: Count Walewski had written to Count Persigny:
"The communications which I have received give us cause to
fear that Her Majesty's Government may persist in declining
the proposal to reassemble the Conference.... We only know
of five Powers which have had an opportunity to express an
opinion on the point at issue.... It appears that Sardinia has
not yet formed her decision. We cannot therefore foresee in
what sense the majority will pronounce, and it is evident to
us that the reunion will realise the object desired, that of
bringing on a decision which cannot be questioned by any one,
seeing that it will have been obtained by the concurrence of
the Representatives of all the Powers."]
[Pageheading: NEUCHATEL]
_The Empress of the French to Queen Victoria._
COMPIEGNE, _le 7 Novembre 1856_.
MADAME ET TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,--Je viens apres plus de deux mois
m'excuser pres de votre Majeste d'une faute bien involontaire; par
quelques mots que Persigny m'a dit j'ai cru comprendre que votre
Majeste s'etonnait que je ne lui eusse pas ecrit en reponse a sa
lettre. La seule crainte d'ennuyer votre Majeste m'a empeche de le
faire, je croyais d'ailleurs que vous n'aviez pas besoin d'assurances
sur la bonne foi et surtout sur la bonne volonte de l'Empereur.
J'espere que grace a Dieu tous les petits differens qui ont surgi dans
ces derniers temps s'aplaniront, car c'est l'interet des deux pays, et
le v[oe]u le plus cher que nous puissions former.[55]
L'Empereur a ete bien peine d'apprendre les fausses suppositions
auxquelles out donne lieu un desaccord momentaire; il n'aurait jamais
suppose que le desir de maintenir un engagement pris peut-etre meme
trop a la hate, mais dont un honnete homme ne peut se departir ait pu
faire croire que l'alliance avec votre Majeste ne lui etait pas tout
aussi chere et tout aussi precieuse qu'auparavant; il est heureux de
penser que la reunion de la conference sera un moyen de tout arranger,
puisque l'opinion de la Sardaigne n'etait pas encore connue; elle
creera par sa voix une majorite, et le Gouvernement francais ne
faisant rien pour influencer l'opinion du Piemont, le cabinet de votre
Majeste peut sans concession accepter cette combinaison. Je ne saurais
assez dire combien pour ma part je suis tourmentee, car je voudrais
partout et en tout voir nos deux pays marcher d'accord et surtout
quand ils ont le meme but. Nous sommes a Compiegne depuis trois
semaines, l'Empereur chasse souvent, ce qui l'amuse beaucoup et lui
fait beaucoup de bien...
L'Empereur me charge de le mettre aux pieds de votre Majeste. Je la
prie en meme temps de ne point nous oublier aupres du Prince Albert,
et vous, Madame, croyez au tendre attachement que [je] vous ai voue et
avec lequel je suis, Madame et tres chere S[oe]ur, de votre Majeste la
toute devouee S[oe]ur,
EUGENIE.
[Footnote 55: Besides the complications arising out of the
procrastination of Russia, in carrying out the Treaty of
Paris, an international difficulty had lately arisen
in Switzerland. A rising, professedly in defence of the
hereditary interests of the King of Prussia, took place in
the Canton of Neuchatel, but was suppressed, and some of the
insurgents taken prisoners by the Republican Government.
The King of Prussia virtually expressed his approval of the
movement by claiming the liberation of the prisoners, and
his action was, to some extent, countenanced by the French
Emperor. The matter was finally adjusted in 1857.]
[Pageheading: M. DE PERSIGNY]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _11th November 1856_.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
begs to transmit the letters which arrived yesterday together with a
copy of Count Walewski's despatch.
Lord Clarendon begs to return his thanks to your Majesty for allowing
him to see the Empress's letter.... The letter does not seem to require
an answer at present.
Lord Clarendon had a conversation of two hours this morning with M. de
Persigny, who fought all his battles o'er again, but did not say
much beyond what Lord Cowley had reported. He is quite sure that the
Emperor is as staunch as ever to the Alliance, and that he believes
all his own personal interests as well as those of France are bound up
with England. He said, too, that the Empress was not the least taken
in by the flatteries of Russia, which she estimates at their _juste
valeur_.
M. de Persigny seems to have performed an act of painful duty and
rather of true devotion, by giving the Empress some advice about her
own conduct and the fate she was preparing for herself if she was not
more properly mindful of her position and the obligations it entails.
Lord Clarendon has seldom heard anything more eloquent or more
touching than the language of M. de Persigny in describing what he
said to the Empress, who appears to have taken it in the best part,
and to have begun acting upon the advice the next day. M. de Persigny
has no doubt that Count Walewski will soon be removed from his present
office, and will be _promoted to St. Petersburg_, but Lord Clarendon
will wait to believe this until it is a _fait accompli_, as it is more
likely than not that when M. de Persigny is no longer on the spot to
urge the Emperor, Count Walewski will resume his influence.
Count Walewski's despatch made a very unfavourable impression upon
the Cabinet, who were of opinion that upon such an invitation and such
slender assurances respecting the course that Sardinia might take,
we ought not to give up our solid and often repeated objections to
reassembling the Congress--at all events it was considered that we
ought to have a positive answer from Turin before we gave a final
answer....
[Pageheading: SIR ALEXANDER COCKBURN]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _13th November 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to state that Sir Alexander Cockburn[56] accepts the office of
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, but expresses a strong wish not
altogether to be shut out from Parliamentary functions. His health,
which has frequently interfered with his attendance in the House of
Commons, makes him feel uncertain as to the future, and he is not
desirous of being immediately placed in the House of Lords, but he
would be glad to be allowed to look forward to such a favour from
your Majesty at some future time if he should find his health stand
sufficiently good to give him a fair prospect of being useful in the
House of Lords. He says that with the Baronetcy of an uncle he will
succeed to an estate of L5,000 a year, independent of what he has
realised by his own professional exertions; and that consequently
there would be a provision for a Peerage. Viscount Palmerston begs to
submit for your Majesty's gracious approval that such a prospect
might be held out to Sir Alexander Cockburn. The Chancellor and
Lord Lansdowne and Lord Granville concur with Viscount Palmerston in
thinking that much public advantage would arise from the presence of
both Sir Alexander Cockburn, and of the Master of the Rolls,[57] in
the House of Lords, and there are numerous precedents for the Chief
Justice of the Common Pleas, and for the Master of the Rolls being
Peers of Parliament.[58] Their judicial duties would no doubt prevent
them from sitting in the morning on appeal cases, but their presence
in the evening in debates in which the opinions and learning of men
holding high positions in the legal profession would be required,
could not fail to be of great public advantage. Of course any
expectation to be held out to Sir Alexander Cockburn would for the
present be a confidential and private communication to himself....
[Footnote 56: Sir Alexander Cockburn's parliamentary success
dated from his speech in the Don Pacifico debate; see _ante_,
vol. ii., p. 252, note 23. He was made Solicitor-General shortly
after, and then Attorney-General, being reappointed to
the latter office in the end of 1852. He had defended both
McNaghten and Pate for attacks on the Queen's person. The
uncle whom he soon afterwards succeeded as baronet was now
Dean of York.]
[Footnote 57: Sir John Romilly, created a peer in 1866.]
[Footnote 58: _E.g._, Lord Eldon in the former office; Lord
Langdale in the latter.]
[Pageheading: PRINCE CHARLES OF LEININGEN]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _21st November 1856_.
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--On Vicky's sixteenth birthday I cannot write on
black-edged paper, it looks too gloomy, and I begin by wishing you joy
on this day, with the sincere hope that it will also _dans l'avenir_
prove to you one of satisfaction and happiness. I must now turn to
your kind and affectionate letter of the 19th. I was sure that your
warm heart would feel deeply the loss we have sustained.[59] You must,
however, remember that you were ever a most affectionate sister, and
that Charles was fully aware and most grateful for these your kind and
sisterly sentiments. The real blow was last year; if that could
have been mitigated, life might have been preserved under tolerable
circumstances. As things, however, proceeded, if the present attack
could have been warded off, Charles's existence would have been one
of the most awful suffering, particularly for one whose mental
disposition was quick and lively. Your sentiments on this occasion do
you honour; it is by feelings like those you express that evidently
_der Anknuepfungspunkt_ with a future life must be looked for, and
that alone with such sentiments we can show ourselves fit for such an
existence.
For your precious health we must now claim that you will not permit
your imagination to dwell too much on the very melancholy picture of
the last moments of one whom you loved, however natural it may be, and
however difficult it is to dismiss such ideas.
Feo feels all this in a most beautiful and truly pious way. It is
strange that November should be so full of sad anniversaries. I can
well understand what Vicky must have suffered, as it could not be
expected that Fritz Wilhelm could quite understand her grief....
Now I must leave you, remaining ever, my beloved Victoria, your truly
devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
My best love to Albert.
[Footnote 59: The Queen's half-brother, Prince Charles of
Leiningen, had died on the 13th.]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _24th November 1856_.
The Queen approves the recommendation of Mr Bickersteth[60] for the
vacant Bishopric of Ripon, but she cannot disguise from herself that
however excellent a man Mr Bickersteth may be, his appointment will be
looked upon as a strong party one, as he is one of the leaders of the
Low Church Party; but perhaps Lord Palmerston may be able in the case
of possible future appointments to remove any impression of the Church
patronage running unduly towards party extremes.
[Footnote 60: Mr Bickersteth (a nephew of Lord Langdale, a
former Master of the Rolls) was then Rector of St Giles'. Lord
Palmerston had written that he thought him well qualified
for a diocese "full of manufacturers, clothier-workmen,
Methodists, and Dissenters."]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S GRIEF]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th November 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I was again prevented from writing to you yesterday
as I intended, by multitudinous letters, etc. I therefore come
only to-day with my warmest thanks for your most kind, feeling, and
sympathising letter of the 23rd, which I _felt deeply_.
Poor dear Charles, I loved him _tenderly_ and _dearly_, and feel every
day _more_ how impossible it is that the great blank caused by his
loss should _ever_ be filled up, and how _impossible it is to realise_
the dreadful thought that I shall never see his dear, dear face again
in this world! All the accounts of his peaceful death, of his fine
and touching funeral, seem to me to be the descriptions of _another
person's_ death and burial--not poor dear Charles's.
Don't fear for my health, it is particularly good--and _grief_ never
seems to affect it; little worries and annoyances fret and irritate
me, but _not great_ or sad events. And I _derive_ benefit and _relief_
both in my body and soul in _dwelling_ on the sad object which is
_the_ one which fills my heart! The having to think and talk of other
and indifferent things (I mean _not_ business so much) is very trying
to my nerves, and does me harm.
Vicky is well again, and the young couple seem really very fond of
each other. We have from living [together] for twelve days--as we did
entirely alone with him and Vicky in our own apartments--got to know
him much more intimately, and to be much more _a notre aise_ with him
than we could be in the London season, and he is now quite _l'enfant
de la maison!_ He is excellent and very sensible. I hope that you may
be equally pleased and satisfied with _your_ future son-in-law.
I must now conclude in great haste; excellent Stockmar is particularly
well and brisk. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _8th December 1856_.
Lord Palmerston's explanation of Lord Panmure's object in proposing
the appointment of a Director-General of Education of the Army in
the Civil Department of its Government has but confirmed the Queen's
apprehensions as to the effect of that step, if sanctioned. The Queen
has for some time been expecting the proposal of a well-digested and
considered plan for the education of the officers of the Army, and
knows that the Duke of Cambridge has had such a one elaborated.
Surely, in the absence of any fixed and approved system of education,
it would be most imprudent to establish an Office for the discharge of
certain important functions which are not yet defined. The Queen must
therefore ask that the system of education to be in future adopted
should first be submitted to her, and afterwards only the plan for the
machinery which is to carry this out, the fitness of which can only be
properly judged of with reference to the object in view.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
OSBORNE, _12th December 1856_.
The Queen returns the enclosed letters. Sir H. Bulwer's is a clever
composition, showing his wit and powers of writing.
The Queen has never, however, seen anything from him producing the
impression that great and important affairs would be safe in his
hands.
The mission to Washington will be difficult to fill.[61] Is it
necessary to be in a hurry about it? Lord Elgin is sure to perform the
duties very well, but is his former position as Governor-General of
Canada not too high for him to go to Washington as Minister?...
[Footnote 61: A complaint had been made by the Government of
the United States of the unlawful enlistment in that country
of recruits for the English army, and Mr Crampton, the
British Minister at Washington, had been dismissed. Diplomatic
relations were resumed after a suspension of some months; and
Lord Napier was appointed British Minister in March 1857.]
[Pageheading: THE MAHARAJAH DHULEEP SINGH]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
OSBORNE, _15th December 1856._
The Queen has seen the Memorandum which the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh
has sent to the East India Company; she thinks all he asks very fair
and reasonable, and she trusts that the East India Company will be
able to comply with them. As we are in complete possession since 1849
of the Maharajah's enormous and splendid Kingdom, the Queen thinks we
ought to do _everything_ (which does not interfere with the safety of
her Indian dominions) to render the position of this interesting and
peculiarly good and amiable Prince as agreeable as possible, and not
to let him have the feeling that he is _a prisoner_.
His being a Christian and completely European (or rather more English)
in his habits and feelings, renders this much more necessary, and at
the same time more easy.
The Queen has a very strong feeling that everything should be done to
show respect and kindness towards these poor fallen Indian Princes,
whose Kingdoms we have taken from them, and who are naturally very
sensitive to attention and kindness.
Amongst all these, however, the Maharajah stands to a certain degree
alone, from his civilisation, and likewise from his having lost his
kingdom when he was a child entirely by the faults and misdeeds of
others.[62]
[Footnote 62: In reply, Mr Vernon Smith stated that he had
brought all the Queen's wishes before the Company.]
[Pageheading: MILITARY EDUCATION]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _18th December 1856._
In answer to Lord Palmerston's explanation with regard to Colonel
Lefroy's[63] appointment, the Queen has to say, that if he is to be
made Inspector of Regimental Schools, she has no objection; but she
must protest against his being made _Director_ of Education for the
Army generally. We want a Director-General of Education very much, but
he ought to be immediately under the Commander-in-Chief, if possible
a General Officer of weight, assisted by a Board of Officers of the
different Arms.
Education ought to be made one of the essential requisites of an
officer, and the reports on his proficiency ought to go direct through
the proper superior from the bottom to the top, particularly if
selection by merit is to receive a greater application for the future.
If for his military proficiency and moral discipline, an officer is to
be responsible to his Military chief, but for his mental acquirements
to a Civil department, the unity of the system will be broken and the
Army ruined; and this _must_ be the case if the superintendence of the
education is separated from the Military command.
The subject of Military Education has, as Lord Palmerston says, often
been discussed in Parliament, which expects that some sufficient
arrangement shall be made for it. But the mere creation of a place
for an officer, however meritorious, to find him an equivalent for one
which has to be reduced, can hardly be so called, and may even defeat
the object itself. This subject is a most important one, and ought to
be thoroughly examined before acting. The Queen understands that the
Duke of Cambridge has transmitted to Lord Panmure a complete scheme,
which must be now before him. If Lord Palmerston, Lord Panmure,
the Duke of Cambridge, and the Prince were to meet to consider this
scheme, and the whole question in connection with it, the Queen would
feel every confidence that a satisfactory decision would be arrived
at.
[Footnote 63: John Henry Lefroy, who now became
Inspector-General of Army Schools, was an artillery officer of
considerable scientific attainments. Many years later he was
K.C.M.G. and Governor of Tasmania.]
[Pageheading: BESSARABIA]
_The Emperor of the French to Queen Victoria._
[_Undated._]
MADAME ET TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,--Le Prince Frederic Guillaume m'a remis
la lettre que votre Majeste a bien voulu lui donner pour moi. Les
expressions si amicales employees par votre Majeste m'ont vivement
touche et quoique je fusse persuade que la diversite d'opinion de nos
deux Gouvernements ne pouvait en rien alterer vos sentiments a mon
egard, j'ai ete heureux d'en recevoir la douce confirmation. Le Prince
de Prusse nous a beaucoup plu et je ne doute pas qu'il ne fasse le
bonheur de la Princesse Royale, car il me semble avoir toutes les
qualites de son age et de son rang. Nous avons tache de lui rendre
le sejour de Paris aussi agreable que possible, mais je crois que ses
pensees etaient toujours a Osborne ou a Windsor.
Il me tarde bien que toutes les discussions relatives au Traite de
Paix aient un terme, car les partis en France en profitent pour tenter
d'affaiblir l'intimite de l'alliance.[64] Je ne doute pas neanmoins
que le bon sens populaire en fasse promptement justice de toutes les
faussetes qu'on a repandues.
Votre Majeste, je l'espere, ne doutera jamais de mon desir de marcher
d'accord avec son Gouvernement et du regret que j'eprouve quand
momentairement cet accord n'existe pas.
En la priant de presenter mes hommages a S.A.R. la Duchesse de Kent
et mes tendres amities au Prince, je lui renouvelle l'assurance de
la sincere amitie et de l'entier devouement avec lesquels je suis, de
votre Majeste, le bon Frere et Ami,
NAPOLEON.
[Footnote 64: A settlement with Russia of the disputed
Bessarabian frontier was at length decided upon, on lines
suggested by the Emperor to the British Government.]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
THE GROVE, _22nd December 1856._
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
begs to transmit a letter from Lord Cowley, which contains the report
of a curious conversation with the Emperor, and which might make
a despatch not very unlike Sir H. Seymour's when he reported the
partitioning views of the Emperor Nicholas.[65]
It is curious that in both cases the bribe to England should be Egypt.
The Emperor of the French said nothing about the share of the spoils
that France would look for, but His Majesty means Morocco, and Marshal
Vaillant[66] talked to Lord Clarendon of Morocco as necessary to
France, just as the Americans declare that the United States are not
safe without Cuba....
[Footnote 65: See _ante_, 9th May, 1854, note 30. The Queen
does not appear to have preserved a copy of Lord Cowley's
letter.]
[Footnote 66: Minister of War.]
[Pageheading: THE DISPUTE ADJUSTED]
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._
CHATEAU DE WINDSOR, _le 31 Decembre 1856._
SIRE ET CHER FRERE,--Je saisis avec empressement l'occasion de la
nouvelle annee pour remercier votre Majeste de son aimable lettre, en
vous priant d'agreer mes bons v[oe]ux autant pour le bonheur de V.M.
que pour celui de l'Imperatrice et de votre fils.
La nouvelle annee commence encore avec le bruit des preparatifs
de guerre, mais j'espere qu'on restera aux preparatifs et apres le
rapprochement qui a eu lieu entre vous, Sire, et la Prusse, j'ai toute
confiance qu'il vous sera possible d'assurer une solution pacifique
de cette question Suisse,[67] malheureusement envenimee par
l'amour-propre froisse de tous cotes.
Je suis bien heureuse que nos difficultes survenues a l'execution du
Traite de Paris soient maintenant entierement aplanies et que ce que
V.M. signalait dans votre lettre comme une esperance soit a present
une realite. Rien ne viendra desormais, je l'espere, troubler notre
bonne entente qui donne une garantie si importante au bien-etre de
l'Europe. Nous avons ete bien contents d'apprendre que notre futur
gendre vous ait tant plu; il nous a ecrit plein de reconnaissance de
l'aimable accueil que vous lui avez donne et plein d'admiration de
tout ce qu'il a vu a Paris.
Ma mere se remet peu a peu de la terrible secousse qu'elle a eprouvee,
et me charge ainsi que le Prince de leurs felicitations pour le jour
de l'an.
J'embrasse l'Imperatrice et me dis pour toujours, Sire et cher Frere,
de V.M.I., la bien affectionnee S[oe]ur, et fidele Amie,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 67: See _ante_, 7th November, 1856, note 55.]
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXVI
The closing months of 1856 had witnessed the beginning of a dispute
with China, a party of Chinese having boarded the lorcha _Arrow_, a
vessel registered under a recent ordinance of Hong Kong, arrested the
crew as pirates, and torn down the British flag. The Captain's right
to fly the flag was questionable, for the term of registry, even if
valid in the first instance, which was disputed, had expired (though
the circumstance was unknown to the Chinese authorities), and the
ship's earlier history under the Chinese flag had been an evil one.
But Sir John Bowring, British Plenipotentiary at Hong Kong, took
punitive measures to enforce treaty obligations; Admiral Seymour
destroyed the forts on the river, and occupied the island and fort of
Dutch Folly. In retaliation, the Chinese Governor Yeh put a price on
Bowring's head, and his assassination, and that of other residents, by
poison, was attempted. The British Government's action, however, was
stigmatised as highhanded, and a resolution censuring them was carried
in the Commons, being moved by Mr Cobden and supported by a coalition
of Conservatives, Peelites, and the Peace Party,--Lord John Russell
also opposing the Government. In consequence of this vote, Parliament
was dissolved, and at the ensuing election the Peace Party was
scattered to the winds; Bright, Milner Gibson, and Cobden all losing
their seats. Lord Palmerston obtained a triumphant majority in the
new House of Commons, of which Mr J. E. Denison was elected Speaker in
succession to Mr Shaw-Lefevre, now created Viscount Eversley. At
the end of the year an ultimatum was sent to Governor Yeh, requiring
observance of the Treaty of Nankin, Canton was bombarded, and
subsequently occupied by the English and French troops.
Hostilities with Persia were terminated by a treaty signed at Paris;
the Shah engaging to abstain from interference in Afghanistan, and to
recognise the independence of Herat.
A century had passed since the victory of Clive at Plassey, but the
Afghan disasters and the more recent war with Russia had caused doubts
to arise as to British stability in India, where the native forces
were very large in comparison with the European. Other causes, among
which may be mentioned the legalising of the remarriage of Hindoo
widows, and a supposed intention to coerce the natives into
Christianity, were operating to foment dissatisfaction, while recent
acts of insubordination and symptoms of mutiny had been inadequately
repressed; but the immediate visible provocation to mutiny among the
Bengal troops was the use of cartridges said to be treated with
a preparation of the fat of pigs and cows, the use of which was
abhorrent, on religious grounds, both to Hindoos and Mohammedans. The
Governor-General assured the Sepoys by proclamation that no offence to
their religion or injury to their caste was intended; but on the
10th of May the native portion of the garrison at Meerut broke out
in revolt. The Mutineers proceeded to Delhi, and were joined by the
native troops there; they established as Emperor the octogenarian
King, a man of unscrupulous character, who had been living under
British protection.
Great cruelties were practised on the European population of all ages
and both sexes, at Lucknow, Allahabad, and especially Cawnpore; by
the end of June, the Sepoys had mutinied at twenty-two stations--the
districts chiefly affected being Bengal, the North-West Provinces,
and Oudh. To cope with this state of things, a large body of British
soldiers on their way to China were diverted by Lord Elgin to India,
and a force of 40,000 men was despatched from England round the Cape;
while Sir Colin Campbell was sent out as Commander-in-Chief. Meanwhile
reinforcements had been drawn from the Punjab, which had remained
loyal. Lucknow was for a long time besieged by the rebels, and
Sir Henry Lawrence, its gallant defender, killed. The garrison was
reinforced on the 25th of September by General Havelock; but the
non-combatants could not be extricated from their perilous position
till November, when the Garrison was relieved by Sir Colin Campbell.
Delhi was taken in the course of September, but a considerable period
elapsed before the rebellion was finally suppressed. Summary vengeance
was inflicted on the Sepoy rebels, which gave rise to some criticism
of our troops for inhumanity; but Lord Canning, the Governor-General,
was no less severely blamed for his clemency; and the general verdict
was in favour of the measures adopted by the military and civilian
officers, whose zeal and capacity suppressed the Mutiny.
Before the Dissolution of Parliament, Mr Gladstone and Mr Disraeli had
joined in an attack on the budget of Sir George Lewis, and the
Peelite ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer seemed for the moment disposed
definitely to return to the Conservative party. To the Divorce Bill,
the chief legislative result of the second Session, Mr Gladstone gave
a persistent and unyielding opposition: but it passed the Commons by
large majorities; a Bill for the removal of Jewish disabilities was
much debated, but not carried. In August, another visit, this time of
a private character, was paid by the Emperor and Empress of the
French to the Queen at Osborne. In the middle of November a series of
commercial disasters of great magnitude took place. The Government,
as in 1847, authorised the infringement for a time of the Bank Charter
Act, and a third session was held to pass an Act of Indemnity.