1856
_Queen Victoria to Lord Panmure._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th January 1856_.
The Queen returns the drawings for the "Victoria Cross." She has
marked the one she approves with an X; she thinks, however, that it
might be a trifle smaller. The motto would be better "For Valour" than
"For the Brave," as this would lead to the inference that only those
are deemed brave who have got the Victoria Cross.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th January 1856_.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter, and in answer to his
question expresses her opinion that Lord Cowley's presence at the
Council of War will be absolutely necessary.[1] She believes Lord
Clarendon to be agreed with her, that the value of a plan of military
campaign is entirely dependent upon the _general policy_ which the
Government intends to pursue. As none of our Commissioners at the
Council of War are in the least acquainted with the latter, they might
be drawn into plans which would not at all agree with it. Lord Cowley
would take that part of the question into his own hands, in which
it will be quite safe. The Queen thinks that it is of secondary
importance whether Count Walewski attends or not, but that the Emperor
cannot have the same need of his presence which we have of that of our
Ambassador.
[Footnote 1: A satisfactory and speedy conclusion of
hostilities appearing at this time far from probable, a
Council of War to settle the course of operations was, at the
Emperor's suggestion, summoned to meet at Paris. Lord Cowley,
Count Walewski, Prince Jerome Bonaparte, and others, were
present, besides Naval and Military representatives of the
Allies, among whom was the Duke of Cambridge.]
[Pageheading: POLICY OF CAVOUR]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th January 1856_.
The Queen has read Sir J. Hudson's[2] letter with much interest.
There is much truth in what Count Cavour says, and it must ever be our
object and our interest to see Sardinia independent and strong; as
a Liberal constitutional country, opposing a barrier alike to
unenlightened and absolute as well as revolutionary principles--and
this she has a right to expect us to support her in.
But _what_ she wants to obtain from Austria is not clear. She has no
right, however, to expect further assurances from us on wishes which
she seems even to be afraid to state distinctly.
It is clearly impossible to ask Austria to give up a portion of Italy
to her, if nothing has occurred to make this necessary to Austria. At
any rate Sardinia can have lost nothing, but on the contrary must
have gained by the position which she is placed in as an ally of the
Western Powers.
[Footnote 2: British Minister at Turin, and an enthusiastic
sympathiser with Cavour. The latter had complained to him that
if the Austrian proposals were accepted, and peace were made,
Sardinia could expect no realisation of her cherished hopes,
viz. Anglo-French support against Austria and against Papal
aggression, increased political consideration in Europe, and
the development of Constitutional Government.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th January 1856_.
The Queen now returns the draft[3] to Lord Bloomfield, which she could
only write about in haste yesterday, as being of a nature not to be
sanctioned by her. It is quite natural and excusable that our patience
should at last be worn out by the miserable policy which Prussia is
pursuing, but it can never be our interest openly to quarrel with her.
This would be simply playing the game of Russia, who would thus be
relieved from all attacks upon her and see the theatre of the war
transferred to Germany; all other complications (which would arise
therefrom)--ruinous to the best interests of the Western Powers
as they would be--the Queen need not refer to. But when the draft
concludes with a declaration to Prussia that England "_considers her
neutrality as now at an end_," this is tantamount to a declaration of
_war!_ The late articles in our newspapers, and the language of Count
Walewski to Lord Cowley, make the Queen doubly anxious to warn the
Government not to let themselves be drawn on to such a policy.
[Footnote 3: The draft expressed disapproval of the silence
maintained by the Prussian Government towards England with
regard to the Austrian proposals, of the active measures
adopted to induce the German Powers not to take part with
Austria, as well as of the extended facilities afforded by
Prussia to Russia for carrying on the war.]
[Pageheading: LETTER FROM NAPOLEON III]
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR AND PEACE]
_The Emperor of the French to Queen Victoria._
TUILERIES, _le 14 Janvier 1856_.
MADAME ET CHERE S[OE]UR,--Votre Majeste m'ayant permis de lui parler
a c[oe]ur ouvert toutes les fois que des circonstances graves se
presenteraient, je viens aujourd'hui profiter de la faveur qu'elle a
bien voulu m'accorder.
Je viens de recevoir aujourd'hui la nouvelle de la reponse de la
Russie a l'Ultimatum de Vienne, et avant d'avoir manifeste mon
impression a qui que ce soit, pas meme a Walewski, je viens la
communiquer a votre Majeste pour avoir son avis.
Je resume la question: La Russie accepte tout l'Ultimatum autrichien
sauf la rectification de frontiere de la Bessarabie, et sauf le
paragraphe relatif aux conditions _particulieres_ qu'elle declare ne
pas connaitre. De plus, profitant du succes de Kars, elle s'engage a
rendre cette forteresse et le territoire occupe en echange des points
que nous possedons en Crimee et ailleurs.
Dans quelle position allons-nous nous trouver? D'apres la convention,
l'Autriche est obligee de retirer son ambassadeur, et nous, nous
poursuivons la guerre! Mais dans quel but allons-nous demander a nos
deux pays de nouveaux sacrifices d'hommes et d'argent? Pour un interet
purement autrichien et pour une question qui ne consolide en rien
l'empire ottoman.
Cependant nous y sommes obliges et nous ne devons pas avoir l'air
de manquer a nos engagements. Nous serions donc places dans une
alternative bien triste si l'Autriche elle-meme ne semblait pas deja
nous inviter de ne point rompre toute negociation. Or en reflechissant
aujourd'hui a cette situation, je me disais: ne pourrait-on pas
repondre a l'Autriche ceci: La prise de Kars a tant soit peu change
nos situations; puisque la Russie consent a evacuer toute l'Asie
Mineure nous nous bornons a demander pour la Turquie, au lieu de la
rectification de frontiere, les places fortes formant _tete de pont_
sur le Danube, tels que Ismail et Kilia. Pour nous, nous demandons en
fait de conditions particulieres, l'engagement de ne point retablir
les forts des iles d'Aland et une amnistie pour les Tartares. Mon
sentiment est qu'a ces conditions-la la paix serait tres desirable;
car sans cela je ne puis pas m'empecher de redouter l'opinion publique
quand elle me dira: "Vous aviez obtenu le but reel de la guerre, Aland
etait tombe et ne pouvait plus se relever, Sebastopol avait eu le
meme sort, la flotte Russe etait aneantie, et la Russie promettait non
seulement de ne plus la faire reparaitre dans la Mer Noire, mais meme
de ne plus avoir d'arsenaux maritimes sur toutes ses rives; la Russie
abandonnait ses conquetes dans l'Asie Mineure, elle abandonnait son
protectorat dans les principautes, son action sur le cours du Danube,
son influence sur ces correligionnaires sujets du Sultan, etc.,
etc. Vous aviez obtenu tout cela non sans d'immenses sacrifices et
cependant vous allez les continuer, compromettre les finances de la
France, repandre ses tresors et son sang et pourquoi: pour obtenir
quelques landes de la Bessarabie!!!"
Voila, Madame, les reflexions qui me preoccupent; car autant je me
sens de force quand je crois etre dans le vrai pour inculquer mes
idees a mon pays et pour lui faire partager ma persuasion, autant je
me sentirais faible si je n'etais pas sur d'avoir raison ni de faire
mon devoir.
Mais ainsi que je l'ai dit en commencant a votre Majeste je n'ai
communique ma premiere impression qu'au Duc de Cambridge, et autour de
moi au contraire j'ai dit qu'il fallait continuer la guerre. J'espere
que votre Majeste accueillera avec bonte cette lettre ecrite a la
hate et qu'elle y verra une nouvelle preuve de mon desir de m'entendre
toujours avec elle avant de prendre une resolution. En remerciant
votre Majeste de l'aimable lettre que S.A.R. le Duc de Cambridge m'a
remise de sa part, je la prie de recevoir la nouvelle assurance de mes
sentiments de tendre et respectueux attachement avec lesquels je suis
de votre Majeste, le bon frere et ami,
NAPOLEON.
Je remercie bien le Prince Arthur de son bon souvenir.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _15th January 1856_.
... The Queen will send her letter to the Emperor this evening for
transmission to Paris. She will enclose it _open_ to Lord Clarendon,
who will seal and send it after having read it.
The Queen cannot conceal from Lord Clarendon what _her own_ feelings
and wishes at this moment are. They _cannot_ be for peace _now_, for
she is _convinced_ that this country would _not_ stand in the eyes of
Europe as she _ought_, and as the Queen is convinced she _would_ after
_this_ year's campaign. The honour and glory of her dear Army is as
_near_ her heart as almost anything, and she cannot _bear_ the thought
that "the failure on the Redan" should be our _last fait d'Armes_, and
it would cost her more than words can express to conclude a peace with
_this_ as the end. However, what is best and wisest must be done.
The Queen cannot yet bring herself to believe that the Russians are at
all sincere, or that it will _now_ end in peace.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _le 15 Janvier 1856_.
SIRE ET CHER FRERE,--La bonne et aimable lettre que je viens de
recevoir de la main de votre Majeste m'a cause un tres-vif plaisir.
J'y vois une preuve bien satisfaisante pour moi que vous avez apprecie
tous les avantages de ces epanchements sans reserve, et que votre
Majeste en sent comme moi le besoin dans les circonstances graves ou
nous sommes. Je sens aussi toute la responsabilite que votre confiance
m'impose, et c'est dans la crainte qu'une opinion formee et exprimee
par moi trop a la hate pourrait nuire a la decision finale a prendre
que je me vois obligee de differer pour le moment la reponse plus
detaillee sur les considerations que vous avez si clairement et si
consciencieusement developpees. Cependant, je ne veux point tarder de
vous remercier de votre lettre, et de vous soumettre de mon cote les
reflexions qui me sont venues en la lisant. La Reponse Russe ne nous
est pas encore arrivee; nous n'en connaissons pas exactement les
termes; par consequent, il serait imprudent de former une opinion
definitive sur la maniere d'y repondre, surtout comme le Prince
Gortschakoff parait avoir demande un nouveau delai du Gouvernement
Autrichien et de nouvelles instructions de St Petersbourg, et comme M.
de Bourqueney parait penser que la Russie n'a pas dit son dernier
mot. Nous pourrions donc perdre une chance d'avoir de meilleures
conditions, en montrant trop d'empressement a accueillir celles
offertes dans ce moment. Celles-ci arriveront peut-etre dans le
courant de la journee, ou demain, quand mon Cabinet sera reuni pour
les examiner. Nous sommes au 15; le 18 les relations diplomatiques
entre l'Autriche et la Russie doivent etre rompues; je crois que
notre position vis-a-vis de la Russie sera meilleure en discutant
ses propositions apres la rupture et apres en avoir vu les effets.
En attendant, rien ne sera plus utile a la cause de la paix que la
resolution que vous avez si sagement prise de dire a tous ceux qui
vous approchent qu'il faut continuer la guerre. Soyez bien sur que
dans l'opinion finale que je me formerai, votre position et votre
persuasion personnelle seront toujours presentes a mon esprit et
auront le plus grand poids.
[Pageheading: THE BRITISH ARMY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th January 1856_.
The Queen returns the Duke of Cambridge's and Lord Cowley's letters,
which together with the account which Lord Clarendon gives of his
interview with M. de Persigny causes the Queen no little anxiety. If
negotiations on a vague basis are allowed to be begun, the Russian
negotiator is sure to find out that the French are ready to grant
anything....
However, whatever happens, one consolation the Queen ever will have,
which is--that with the one exception of that failure on the _Redan_,
her noble Army--in spite of every possible disadvantage which any army
could labour under, _has_ invariably been victorious, and the Russians
have always and everywhere been beaten excepting at Kars, where
_famine_ alone enabled them to succeed.
Let us therefore not be (as alas! we have often been) its detractors
by our croaking.
[Pageheading: POSITION OF THE EMPEROR]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _17th January 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
concludes that Lord Lansdowne informed your Majesty that the Cabinet,
after hearing from Lord Clarendon a statement of the course of
the recent negotiations as explained by the despatches which Lord
Clarendon read, came to the decision that no further step should be
taken, and no further communication should be made to the Government
of France on the matters at issue, until the final decision of the
Russian Government on the pure and simple adoption of the Austrian
ultimatum[4] should be known. Viscount Palmerston begs to congratulate
your Majesty upon the telegraphic message received this morning from
Sir Hamilton Seymour, announcing that the Russian Government has
adopted that Austrian ultimatum. So far so well, and the success which
has attended firmness and steadiness of purpose in regard to those
conditions may be looked upon as a tolerably sure indication that a
perseverance in the same course will bring the Russian Government to
consent to those remaining conditions which the Austrian Government
has not yet (as it says) made known to the Cabinet of Petersburg.
With regard to the letter of the Emperor of the French to your
Majesty, and the statements made to Lord Clarendon by the Count de
Persigny as to the difficulties of the Emperor's internal position
with respect to finance, and a general desire for peace throughout
the Nation, Viscount Palmerston expressed his opinion to the Cabinet
yesterday that all those representations were greatly exaggerated. He
is convinced that the Emperor of the French is perfectly master of his
own position, and that he can as to peace or war take the course which
he may determine to adopt.
The cabal of stock-jobbing politicians, by whom he is surrounded,
_must_ give way to him if he is firm. They have no standing place in
the confidence and respect of their fellow-countrymen, they represent
nothing but the Stock Exchange speculations in which they are engaged,
and the Emperor's throne would probably be stronger, rather than
weaker, if they were swept away, and better men put in their places.
And it is a very remarkable circumstance that at the very moment when
your Majesty and your Majesty's Government were being told that
the Emperor would be unable to go on with the war on account of the
difficulty of finding money, the French Government was putting forth
in the _Moniteur_ an official statement showing that they have a
reserve surplus of twenty-one millions sterling for defraying the
expenses of a campaign in the ensuing spring, without the necessity of
raising any fresh loan.
Viscount Palmerston fully concurs in the sentiment of regret expressed
by your Majesty to Lord Clarendon that the last action of the war in
which your Majesty's troops have been engaged, should, if peace be now
concluded, have been the repulse at the Redan; but however it may suit
national jealousy, which will always be found to exist on the other
side of the Channel, to dwell upon that check, yet your Majesty may
rely upon it that the Alma and Inkerman have left recollections which
will dwell in the memory of the living and not be forgotten in the
page of history; and although it would no doubt have been gratifying
to your Majesty and to the Nation that another summer should have
witnessed the destruction of Cronstadt by your Majesty's gallant Navy,
and the expulsion of the Russians from the countries south of the
Caucasus by your Majesty's brave Army, yet if peace _can_ now be
concluded on conditions honourable and secure, it would, as your
Majesty justly observes, not be right to continue the war for the
mere purpose of prospective victories. It will, however, be obviously
necessary to continue active preparations for war up to the moment
when a definite Treaty of Peace is signed, in order that the Russians
may not find it for their interest to break off negotiations when the
season for operations shall approach, emboldened by any relaxation
on the part of the Allies induced by too ready confidence in the good
faith of their adversary....
[Footnote 4: See _ante_, 19th November, 1855, note 91.]
[Pageheading: DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE AT PARIS]
_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._
TUILERIES, _20th January 1856_.
MY DEAR COUSIN,--Your letters of the 14th and 18th have reached me,
and I am happy to find by them that you approve in conjunction with
the Government with what has been done by me and my colleagues whilst
at Paris.[5] I have given all the messages and carried out all the
instructions as contained in your letters, and I trust as far as
possible I have been enabled to do some good. On the other hand, I
cannot deny that the feelings universally expressed here as to the
prospects of a speedy peace are so different from those felt in
England, that it is extremely difficult to produce any impression in
the sense that we could wish it. France wishes for peace more than
anything else on earth, and this feeling does not confine itself
to Walewski or the Ministers--it extends itself to all classes. The
Emperor alone is reasonable and sensible in this respect, but his
position is a most painful one, and he feels it very much. The fact
is that public opinion is much more felt and more loudly expressed
in this country than anybody in England at all imagines. No doubt the
Emperor can do much that he wishes, but still he cannot go altogether
against a feeling which so loudly expresses itself on all occasions,
without thereby injuring his own position most seriously. I have
written to Clarendon very fully on this subject, and have explained to
him my reasons for wishing to return to England as soon as possible,
now that our military mission is concluded. It is essential that
I should see the members of the Government, and that I should
communicate to them the exact state of feeling here and the views of
the Emperor as to the mode of smoothing down all difficulties. This
can only be done by a personal interview on the part of somebody
thoroughly aware of the present position of affairs. Probably at this
moment I am in a better position to do this than anybody else, from
the peculiar circumstances in which I have been placed while here, and
it is this feeling which makes me desirous to return to England with
the least possible delay. It is my intention therefore to start
with my colleagues to-morrow, Monday night, for England, to which
arrangement the Emperor has given his sanction, and by which time he
will be prepared to tell me what he thinks had best be done, from his
view of the question. I think it my duty to communicate this to you,
and hope that you will give my resolution your sanction. I beg to
remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,
GEORGE.
[Footnote 5: At the Council of War. See _ante_, 7th January, 1856,
note 1.]
[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND FRANCE]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th January 1856_.
The Queen sends a letter which she wishes Lord Clarendon to give to
General La Marmora.[6] We have been extremely pleased with him (indeed
he is a universal favourite) and found him so sensible, mild, and
right-minded, in all he says--and a valuable adviser to the King.
The Queen wishes _just_ to mention to Lord Clarendon that the Duke of
Cambridge told her that the Emperor had spoken to _him_ about what the
King of Sardinia had said relative to _Austria and France_, asking
the Duke whether such a thing had been said.[7] The Duke seems to have
answered as we could wish, and the Queen pretended _never_ to have
_heard_ the report, merely saying that as the proposed ultimatum
was then much talked of, it was very possible the King might
unintentionally have mistaken the observations of the Ministers and
ourselves as to our being _unable_ to _agree_, without great caution,
to what appeared to be _agreed_ on beforehand between _France_ and
_Austria_, and possibly _might_ have in his blunt way stated something
which alarmed the Emperor--but that she could not imagine it could be
anything else. There seems, however, really no _end_ to _cancans_ at
_Paris_; for the Duke of Cambridge seems to have shared the same fate.
The two atmospheres of France and England, as well as the Society, are
so different that people get to talk differently. It seems also that
the King got frightened lest he should at Paris be thought too liberal
in his _religious_ views (having been complimented for it) which he
was very proud of--and thought it necessary to tell the _Emperor_ he
was a _good Catholic_. This is not unnatural in his peculiar position.
When Lord Clarendon goes to Paris, he will be able to _silence_ any
further allusion to these idle stories which only lead to mischief,
and which even Lord Cowley seems to have made more of (as to his own
feelings upon them) than was necessary, but that is equally natural.
Speaking of his King--General La Marmora said: "Il ne dira jamais ce
qu'il ne pense pas, mais il dit quelquefois ce qui serait mieux qu'il
ne dit pas." He more than any other regrets the King's not having seen
more of the world, and says his journey had done him a _great_ deal of
good.
[Footnote 6: The Sardinian Commander had been attending the
Council of War at Paris.]
[Footnote 7: The King of Sardinia was reported to have told
the Emperor that the latter's loyalty to the Alliance was
questioned by Great Britain, and that it was conjectured in
London that he was in favour of co-operation with Austria
instead.]
[Pageheading: THE SPEECH FROM THE THRONE]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
_28th January 1856._
The Queen returns to Lord Palmerston the draft of the speech, which
she thinks _extremely well_ worded, and which she therefore trusts
will be (with the exception of those passages marked) as little
altered as possible. Lord John Russell used to say that as soon as
a speech was discussed in the Cabinet, it was so much _pruned_ and
altered as to lose all its force. The Queen must own that she is
_much_ alarmed at hearing that the _papers_ of the War Council were to
be printed and circulated amongst the Cabinet, as she fears that the
secrecy, which is so necessary, upon which the Emperor laid so _much
stress_, will be very difficult to be maintained. The Emperor's
opinion at least, the Queen hopes, will _not_ be printed or generally
circulated?
The Queen must again press for a very early decision on the subject.
If this is allowed to _drag_, it will appear, particularly to the
_Emperor_, as if we were not really in earnest, though we stickled so
much for our additional conditions, which might lessen the hopes
of peace. Of course the Government must not give any answer on this
subject--should Parliament be so indiscreet as to ask _what_ the
result of the deliberations of the Council of War has been.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
Windsor Castle, _29th January 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--You will kindly forgive my letter being short, but
we are going to be present this morning at the wedding of Phipps's
daughter[8] with that handsome lame young officer whom you remember
at Osborne. It is quite an event at Windsor, and takes place in St
George's Chapel, which is very seldom the case.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 25th, by which I am glad to
see that dear good Philip has arrived safe and well and brought back
_de bons souvenirs_. We shall always be _happy_ to see him.
The _peace negotiations_ occupy every one; _if_ Russia is _sincere_,
they will end most probably in peace; but _if_ she is _not_, the war
will be _carried_ on with _renewed vigour_. The recollection of last
year makes one _very distrustful_.
England's policy throughout has been the _same_, _singularly
unselfish_, and _solely_ actuated by the _desire_ of _seeing Europe
saved_ from the _arrogant_ and _dangerous pretensions_ of that
_barbarous power_ Russia--and of having _such safeguards_ established
for the _future_, which may ensure us against a _repetition_ of
similar _untoward events_.
I repeat now, what we have said from the beginning, and what I have
_repeated_ a _hundred_ times, _if Prussia_ and _Austria_ had held
_strong and decided_ language to _Russia in_ '53, we should _never_
have had _this war!_
Now I must conclude. With Albert's best love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 8: Maria Henrietta Sophia, daughter of Sir Charles
Beaumont Phipps, K.C.B., Keeper of the Privy Purse, married
Captain Frederick Sayer, 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers.]
[Pageheading: MISS NIGHTINGALE]
_Queen Victoria to Miss Florence Nightingale._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _[January] 1856_.
DEAR MISS NIGHTINGALE,--You are, I know, well aware of the high sense
I entertain of the Christian devotion which you have displayed during
this great and bloody war, and I need hardly repeat to you how warm my
admiration is for your services, which are fully equal to those of my
dear and brave soldiers, whose sufferings you have had the _privilege_
of alleviating in so merciful a manner. I am, however, anxious of
marking my feelings in a manner which I trust will be agreeable to
you, and therefore send you with this letter a brooch, the form and
emblems of which commemorate your great and blessed work, and which,
I hope, you will wear as a mark of the high approbation of your
Sovereign![9]
It will be a very great satisfaction to me, when you return at last to
these shores, to make the acquaintance of one who has set so bright an
example to our sex. And with every prayer for the preservation of your
valuable health, believe me, always, yours sincerely,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 9: The presentation took place on the 29th of
January. The jewel resembled a badge rather than a brooch,
bearing a St George's Cross in red enamel, and the Royal
cypher surmounted by a crown in diamonds. The inscription
"Blessed are the Merciful" encircled the badge which also bore
the word "Crimea."]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th February 1856_.
With respect to Lord Clarendon's observation that he hopes that the
Queen "will approve of his upholding the Sardinians in the Conference
and in all other respects," she can only assure him that she is _most
sincerely_ anxious that he should do so, as the Queen has the greatest
respect for that noble little country, which, since it has possessed
an honest, straightforward as well as courageous King, has been a
bright example to all Continental States.
The Queen rejoices to hear that Count Cavour is coming to Paris.
The Queen hopes that the determination not to admit Prussia will be
adhered to.[10] She hears that Baron Beust[11] means to go to Paris
to represent the German Confederation; this should be prevented by all
means.
[Footnote 10: Prussia was not admitted to the sitting of the
Conference until a later stage.]
[Footnote 11: Prime Minister of Saxony.]
[Pageheading: BELGIAN NEUTRALITY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th February 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I had the happiness of receiving your kind letter
of the 8th on Saturday, and thank you much for it. I gave your kind
message to Colonel Phipps, who was much gratified by it. We came here
in wretched weather yesterday, leaving Mamma _still_ at Frogmore.
The Conferences will begin very shortly; Lord Clarendon starts for
Paris on Friday. _No_ one but him could undertake these difficult
negotiations. _No_ one can tell _what_ the result will be--and I will
say nothing, for I have _too strong_ personal feelings to speak upon
the subject.
With respect to your answer respecting your _neutrality_, and the
possibility of your being obliged to break it, I must repeat that I
see _no possibility_ or _eventuality_ that _could oblige_ you to do
so. _Belgium_ of its own accord bound itself to remain neutral, and
its very existence is _based_ upon that neutrality, which the other
Powers have guaranteed and are bound to maintain _if Belgium keeps_
her engagements. I cannot at all see HOW you could _even_ entertain
the question, for, as I just said, the _basis_ of the _existence_ of
Belgium is her _neutrality_.
The weather is so mild that we should almost hope Stockmar would start
soon. If _he_ can't come himself, he should send his son for a few
days, who could bring us any confidential communication from his
father, and could be the bearer of any from us. Something of this kind
is most necessary, for it is overwhelming to write to one another upon
so many details which require immediate answer....
With Albert's love, and ours to your young people, believe me, always,
your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
_14th February 1856._
The Queen has seen in the reports of the House of Commons that a
return has been moved for of all the decorations of the Bath given
since the war. The Queen hopes the Government will not allow the House
of Commons so much further to trespass upon the prerogatives of
the Crown as now _virtually_ to take also the control over the
distribution of honours and rewards into their hands.
[Pageheading: TERMS OF PEACE]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _15th February 1856_.
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to thank you for your dear kind letter of
the 12th. Madame de Sevigne says, with great truth, that a letter to
be a good letter ought to be as if one heard the person speak; your
dear letters are always so, and you would therefore be praised by
Madame de Sevigne, and that very deservedly. Lord Clarendon is, Heaven
be praised, well calculated to bring matters to a happy conclusion. I
will try to make some impression on the mind of the Emperor Alexander,
his best policy will be the most honest. By all I can learn they
wish most sincerely the conclusion of this war. If on the side of the
Allies only the things which really protect the territories of
the present Turkish Empire are asked, the Russians ought not to
man[oe]uvre, but grant it, and the Allies also ought to be moderate.
You are very properly never to be contradicted, but there are a few
things to be remarked. This neutrality was in the real interest of
this country, but our good Congress here did _not_ wish it, and even
opposed it; it was _impose_ upon them. A neutrality to be respected
must be _protected_. France at all time in cases of general war can
put an end to it, by declaring to us _Vous devez etre avec nous ou
contre nous_. If we answer _Nous sommes neutres_, they will certainly
try to occupy us; then the case of self-defence arises and the claim
to be protected by the other powers....
My beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: THE CONFERENCE]
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _le 15 Fevrier 1856_.
SIRE ET CHER FRERE,--Mes Commissaires pour le Conseil de Guerre sont
a peine revenus de Paris et notre plan de campagne est a peine arrete,
que mes Plenipotentiaires pour la Conference de paix se mettent
en route pour assister sous les yeux de V.M. a l'[oe]uvre de la
pacification. Je n'ai pas besoin de vous recommander Lord Clarendon,
mais je ne veux pas le laisser partir sans le rendre porteur de
quelques mots de ma part.
Quoique bien convaincue qu'il ne pourra dans les discussions
prochaines s'elever de questions sur lesquelles il y aurait divergence
d'opinions entre nos deux Gouvernements, j'attache toutefois le plus
haut prix a ce que l'accord le plus parfait soit etabli avant que les
conferences ne soient ouvertes; et c'est dans ce but que j'ai charge
Lord Clarendon de se rendre a Paris quelques jours avant, afin qu'il
put rendre un compte exact des opinions de mon Gouvernement, et jouir
de l'avantage de connaitre _a fond_ la pensee de V.M.
J'eprouverai un sentiment d'intime satisfaction dans ce moment
critique, et je le regarderai comme une preuve toute particuliere
de votre amitie, si vous voulez permettre a Lord Clarendon de vous
exposer personnellement mes vues et d'entendre les Votres de Votre
proper bouche.
Les operations de nos armees et de nos flottes combinees, sous un
commandement divise, ont ete sujettes a d'enormes difficultes; mais
ces difficultes ont ete heureusement vaincues. Dans la Diplomatie
comme a la guerre, les Russes auront sur Nous le grand avantage de
l'unite de plan et d'action, et je les crois plus forts sur ce terrain
que sur le champ de bataille; mais a coup sur, nous y resterons
egalement victorieux, si nous reussissons a empecher l'ennemi de
diviser nos forces et de nous battre en detail.
Sans vouloir jeter un doute sur la sincerite de la Russie en acceptant
nos propositions, il est impossible d'avoir a ce sujet une conviction
pleine et entiere. J'ai tout lieu de croire cependant que nul effort
et nul stratageme ne seront negliges pour rompre, s'il etait possible,
ou au moins pour affaiblir notre alliance. Mais je repose a cet egard
dans la fermete de V.M. la meme confiance qui saura detruire
toutes ces esperances, que j'ai dans la mienne et dans celle de mes
Ministres. Cependant, on ne saurait attacher trop d'importance a
ce que cette commune fermete soit reconnue et appreciee des le
commencement des negociations, car de la dependra, j'en ai la
conviction, la solution, si nous devons obtenir une paix dont les
termes pourront etre consideres comme satisfaisants pour l'honneur de
la France et de l'Angleterre, et comme donnant une juste compensation
pour les enormes sacrifices que les deux pays ont faits. Une autre
consideration encore me porte a attacher le plus haut prix a cet
accord parfait, c'est que si, par son absence, nous etions entraines
dans une paix qui ne satisferait point la juste attente de nos
peuples, cela donnerait lieu a des plaintes et a des recriminations
qui ne pourraient manquer de fausser les relations amicales des deux
pays au lieu de les cimenter davantage comme mon c[oe]ur le desire
ardemment.
D'ailleurs, je ne doute pas un moment qu'une paix telle que la France
et l'Angleterre ont le droit de la demander sera bien certainement
obtenue par une determination inebranlable de ne point rabaisser les
demandes moderees que nous avons faites.
Vous excuserez, Sire, la longueur de cette lettre, mais il m'est si
doux de pouvoir epancher mes sentiments sur toutes ces questions si
importantes et si difficiles, avec une personne que je considere non
seulement comme un Allie fidele, mais comme un ami sur lequel je puis
compter en toute occasion, et qui, j'en suis sure, est anime envers
nous des memes sentiments.
Le Prince me charge de vous offrir ses hommages les plus affectueux,
et moi je me dis pour toujours, Sire et cher Frere, de V.M.I., la tres
affectionnee S[oe]ur et Amie,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE CRIMEAN ENQUIRY]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th February 1856_.
The subject to which Lord Palmerston refers in his letter of last
night, and upon which the Cabinet is going to deliberate to-day, has
also caused the Queen much anxiety.
A Civil Commission is sent out by the Government to enquire into the
conduct of the officers in command in the Crimea; this is done without
any consultation with the Commander-in-Chief. They report to the
Government, inculpating several general officers and others in high
command; this report is not communicated to the military authorities,
nor to the persons affected by it, but is laid on the table of both
Houses of Parliament.[12] These officers then for the first time
find themselves accused under the authority of Government, and that
accusation communicated to the Legislature without ever having been
heard in answer or allowed an opportunity to defend themselves. It
is stated in both Houses by the Government that the officers may send
papers in reply if they choose! But who is to be the Judge on the
trial? The Press, of course, and the _Times_ at the head, have already
judged and condemned, and the House of Commons is now moving _in
default of another Judge_ to constitute its tribunal by a Committee of
Enquiry.
It is quite evident if matters are left so, and military officers of
the Queen's Army are to be judged as to the manner in which they have
discharged their military duties before an enemy by a Committee of the
House of Commons, the command of the Army is at once transferred from
the Crown to that Assembly.
This result is quite inevitable if the Government appear as accusers,
as they do by the report of their Commission, and then submit the
accusation for Parliament to deal with, without taking any steps of
their own!
The course suggested by Sir James Graham and alluded to by Lord
Palmerston, of following the precedent of the enquiry into the
Convention of Cintra,[13] appears therefore to the Queen to be the
only prudent one.
The Queen thinks it most unfair to the officers to publish their
statements beforehand, as these will not go before judges feeling
the weight of their responsibility, but before the newspapers who are
their sworn enemies and determined to effect their ruin, for which
they possess unlimited means.
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to read this letter to the Cabinet.
[Footnote 12: Sir John MacNeill and Colonel Tulloch had
been sent out to the Crimea early in 1855 to investigate the
breakdown of various military departments. They had issued a
preliminary report in the summer of 1855, and a final one in
January 1856, which was presented to Parliament. The officers
specially censured were Lord Lucan (who had been given the
command of a Regiment), Lord Cardigan, Inspector of Cavalry,
Sir Richard Airey, Quartermaster-General, and Colonel Gordon,
Deputy Quartermaster-General. Lord Panmure wrote on the 17th
of February that the Government recommended the appointment
of a Commission of Enquiry, consisting of General Sir Howard
Douglas and six other high military officers. The Commission
sat at Chelsea, and made its report in July, exonerating the
officers censured.]
[Footnote 13: The Convention of Cintra was concluded on
the 30th of August 1808. It was founded on the basis of an
armistice agreed upon between Sir Arthur Wellesley and General
Kellerman, on the day after the battle of Vimiera, and some of
its provisions were considered too favourable to the French. A
Board of Enquiry, under the presidency of Sir David Dundas,
in the first instance exculpated the British officers; but the
Government having instructed the members of the Board to give
their opinions individually, four were found to approve and
three to disapprove the armistice and convention.]
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S CORDIALITY]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _18th February 1856_.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
begs to say that he dined last night at the Tuileries, and had a
conversation of two hours with the Emperor, which was in all respects
satisfactory. On no occasion has Lord Clarendon heard the Emperor
express himself more warmly or with greater determination in favour
of the Alliance, and H.M. entirely concurred with Lord Clarendon, that
upon the perfect understanding between the two Governments, and the
conviction on the part of others that the Alliance was not to be
shaken, depended the facility with which negotiations might be
conducted, and the terms on which peace would be made. Lord Clarendon
spoke with the utmost frankness about the flattery that had been
and would continue to be addressed to His Majesty, and the contrast
perpetually drawn between England and France, to the disparagement of
the former, for the purpose of disturbing the relations between them;
but that your Majesty and your Majesty's Government had always treated
these tricks with contempt, because the confidence in the Emperor's
honour and loyalty was complete. Lord Clarendon dwelt particularly
upon the feelings of your Majesty and of the Prince on this subject,
and the pleasure it gave the Emperor was evident; and he desired Lord
Clarendon to say that your Majesty should never find such confidence
misplaced.
He promised Lord Clarendon that he would give Baron Brunnow and
Count Buol to understand that if they thought the Alliance could be
disturbed by them they would find themselves grievously mistaken, and
that it would be waste of time to try and alter any conditions upon
which he had agreed with the English Government.
The Emperor appeared to be much gratified by your Majesty's letter,
for the first thing he said to Lord Clarendon on coming into the room
before dinner was "_quelle charmante lettre vous m'avez apportee de
la Reine_," and then began upon the extraordinary clearness with which
your Majesty treated all matters of business, and the pleasure he
derived from every discussion of them with your Majesty....
The Empress was looking in great health and beauty. She was in the
highest spirits, and full of affectionate enquiry for your Majesty.
[Pageheading: OUDH]
[Pageheading: THE KING'S APPEAL]
_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._
CALCUTTA, _19th February 1856_.
The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to your Majesty,
and has the honour of submitting to your Majesty a copy of a
Proclamation, whereby the Kingdom of Oudh has been placed exclusively
and permanently under the authority of your Majesty's Government.[14]
The various considerations, and the course of public events, which
led to this necessity, have long since been laid before your Majesty's
Government in great detail.
The Governor-General during the past summer communicated to the Home
Authorities his readiness to remain in India as long as he dared,
namely, for one additional month, until the 1st of March, for the
purpose of carrying into effect the proposed policy regarding Oudh--if
it was desired that he should do so.
The orders from the Home Government reached the Governor-General only
upon the 2nd of January, leaving barely two months for the assembling
of the military force which was necessary to provide against all
risks--for the negotiations with the King--and for the organisation of
the future Civil and Military Administration of Oudh.
Every preparation having been completed, the Resident at Lucknow
waited upon the King in person--communicated to him the resolution
which the British Government had taken--and tendered for his
acceptance a new Treaty, whereby the transfer of the Government of
Oudh would have been made a matter of amicable agreement.
The King wholly refused to sign any Treaty. He declared himself ready
to submit to the will of the British Government in all things. He bade
the Resident observe that every mark of power had already been laid
down by His Majesty's own orders--the guns at the palace gates were
dismounted, the guards bore no arms, and, though drawn up as usual in
the Court, they saluted the Resident with their hands only; while not
a weapon was worn by any officer in the Palace.
The King gave way to passionate bursts of grief and anger--implored
the intercession of the Resident in his behalf--and finally,
uncovering his head, he placed his turban in the Resident's hands.
This act--the deepest mark of humiliation and helplessness which a
native of the East can exhibit--became doubly touching and significant
when the head thus bared in supplication was one that had worn a royal
crown.
The Government, however, had already borne too long with the wrongs
inflicted by the sovereigns of Oudh upon their unhappy subjects. The
clamorous grief of the King could not be allowed to shut out the cry
of his people's misery. The King's appeal, therefore, could not be
listened to; and as His Majesty, at the end of the three days' space
which was allowed him for deliberation, still resolutely refused to
sign a Treaty, the territory of Oudh was taken possession of, by the
issue of the Proclamation which has now been respectfully submitted to
your Majesty.
It is the fourth kingdom in India which has passed under your
Majesty's sceptre during the last eight years.[15]
Perfect tranquillity has prevailed in Oudh since the event which
has just been narrated. General Outram writes that the populace of
Lucknow, more interested than any other community in the maintenance
of the native dynasty, already "appear to have forgotten they ever had
a King." In the districts the Proclamation has been heartily welcomed
by the middle and lower classes; while even the higher orders, who of
course lose much in a native state by the cessation of corruption and
tyranny, have shown no symptoms of dissatisfaction.
There seems every reason to hope and expect that the same complete
tranquillity will attend the further progress of our arrangements for
the future administration of Oudh....
The Governor-General has only further to report to your Majesty that
Lord Canning arrived at Madras on the 14th inst., and that he will
assume the Government of India on the last day of this month.
The Governor-General will report hereafter Lord Canning's arrival at
Fort William; and he has now the honour to subscribe himself, your
Majesty's most obedient, most humble and devoted Subject and Servant,
DALHOUSIE.
[Footnote 14: In a letter of the 13th, Mr Vernon Smith had
told the Queen that the Press rumours of "annexation" were
premature, and that the use of the word itself had been
avoided in Lord Canning's correspondence with the Court of
Directors.]
[Footnote 15: The earlier annexations were those of the Punjab
(1849), Pegu (1852), and Nagpur (1853); some minor additions
were also made under what was called the "doctrine of lapse."]
[Pageheading: PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1856_.
The Queen returns Lord Clarendon's letter.
The matter becomes very serious, and it would be a bad position for
us to be left quite alone in the Conference, which the Russians, the
Queen has every reason to believe, are anxiously striving to bring
about. In fact, well-informed persons pretend that this was the main
aim of Russia in accepting the Austrian ultimatum and going to Paris.
Would it not answer to take this line: to say to Russia, "You have
accepted the ultimatum, _pur et simple_, and have now again recognised
its stipulations as preliminaries of peace. You will, therefore, first
of all, have to execute them; you may then come to the question of
Kars and say you mean to keep it--then you will see that Europe, bound
to maintain the integrity of Turkey, will be obliged to go on with
the war, and it will be for you to consider whether you mean to go on
fighting for Kars; but at present this is not in question, as you are
only called upon to fulfil the engagements to which you have solemnly
pledged yourself"?
Perhaps Lord Palmerston will discuss this suggestion with his
colleagues to-night.
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _27th February 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to state that as the result of the deliberations of the Cabinet this
evening, the accompanying telegraphic message is proposed to be sent
to-morrow morning to Lord Clarendon. It is founded upon the substance
of your Majesty's memorandum of this afternoon. Viscount Palmerston
has taken another copy of this draft.
_Telegram to the Earl of Clarendon._
_28th February 1856_.
[_Enclosure._]
Your letter has been considered by the Cabinet.
Russia should be told that she cannot recede from the conditions
which she deliberately agreed to by a _pur et simple_ acceptance at
Petersburg, which she afterwards formally recorded in a protocol at
Vienna, and which she has within a few days solemnly converted into
preliminaries of peace.
Those engagements must be fulfilled, and those conditions must be
carried into execution.
As to Kars, Austria, France, and Great Britain have undertaken to
maintain the integrity of the Turkish Empire, and that integrity must
be maintained.
Russia received no equivalent for giving up the principalities which
she had occupied as a material pledge. She can receive none for giving
up Kars.
If Russia determines to carry on the war, rather than give up Kars,
things must take their course.
[Pageheading: TRANQUILLITY OF INDIA]
_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._
GOVERNMENT HOUSE, _29th February 1856_.
Lord Dalhousie presents his most humble duty to your Majesty.
The guns are announcing from the ramparts of Fort William that Lord
Canning has arrived. In an hour's time he will have assumed the
Government of India. Lord Dalhousie will transfer it to him in a
state of perfect tranquillity. There is peace, within and without. And
although no prudent man will ever venture to predict the certainty
of continued peace in India, yet Lord Dalhousie is able to declare,
within reservation, that he knows of no quarter in which it is
probable that trouble will arise.[16]
Lord Dalhousie desires that his very last act, as Governor-General,
should be to submit to your Majesty a respectful expression of the
deep sense he entertains of your Majesty's constant approbation of
his public conduct while he has held the office of Governor-General
of India; together with a humble assurance of the heartfelt gratitude
with which he shall ever remember your Majesty's gracious favour
towards him through the eight long years during which he has borne the
ponderous burden he lays down to-day.
Lord Dalhousie begs permission to take leave of your Majesty, and has
the honour to subscribe himself, with deep devotion, your Majesty's
most obedient, most humble and faithful Subject and Servant,
DALHOUSIE.
[Footnote 16: It has been, however, freely alleged that the
failure to repress acts of insubordination in the administration
of Lord Dalhousie was a contributory, if not the direct, cause
of the events of 1857. See _post_, Introductory Note to Chapter
XXVI, and Walpole's _History of England from the Conclusion of
the Great War in 1815_, ch. xxvii., and authorities there
referred to.]
[Pageheading: LORD CLARENDON'S INSTRUCTIONS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, [_? March_] _1856_.
The Queen returns these letters to Lord Palmerston. She entirely
concurs in Lord Palmerston's general views of the question, but at the
same time she thinks--as circumstances, which are beyond our control,
may so vary from day to day or even from hour to hour--that Lord
Clarendon should receive full powers to act according to what may
appear to him to be best and wisest at the time, even if it should not
be in strict accordance with what we originally contemplated and must
naturally wish. Such a power would certainly not be misplaced in Lord
Clarendon's hands; his firmness, and his sense of what this country
expects, are too well known to lead us to doubt of his permitting
anything but what would _really_ be for the best of this country, and
for the maintenance of the Alliance.
[Pageheading: THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th March 1856_.
With reference to Lord Clarendon's letter, the Queen must say that
she, though _very reluctantly_, shares his opinion, that we have no
choice _now_ but to accept the peace, even if it is not all we could
desire, and if another campaign might have got us better terms. She
feels certain that the bad accounts of the French Army in the Crimea,
which appears to suffer _now_ all the misery which ours suffered last
year at the worst time of the siege, will more than ever indispose the
Emperor from risking a renewal of hostilities. It is affirmed that the
French have beyond 20,000 men in hospital!
If we are to have this peace, however, the Queen must again agree with
Lord Clarendon that we ought not _ourselves_ to depreciate it, as our
Press has done the deeds of our Army.
With regard to the principalities, it is the Queen's opinion that
nothing will oppose a barrier to Russia and her intrigues but
the arrangement which will satisfy the people themselves, viz. an
_hereditary monarchy_. The example of Egypt might perfectly well be
followed in Wallachia and Moldavia.
The subject of Poland would, in the Queen's opinion, be much better
left unintroduced into the present negotiations; we have no claim
arising out of this war to ask Russia to make concessions on that
head, which, moreover, would be treated by her as an internal question
not admitting of foreign interference.
The clause in the Treaty of Vienna about the Bonapartes is a dead
letter, as this very Treaty, now to be signed, will prove, and the
Emperor would act very unwisely to call for an alteration in which all
Powers who signed the original Treaty would claim to be consulted. We
have every interest not to bring about a European Congress _pour la
Revision des Traites_, which many people suspect the Emperor wishes to
turn the present Conference into.
The Queen wishes only to add that, should Prussia be asked to join in
the final Treaty on the ground of her having been a party to the July
Treaty, we should take care that it does not appear that this was
an act of courtesy of all the other Powers towards Prussia except
England, who need not be made to take additional unpopularity in
Germany upon herself.
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _18th March 1856._
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
begs to say that the Emperor gave him to-day the most satisfactory
report of the Empress and the young Prince.[17] There appears to be
little or no fever now, and a great power of sleeping. The Emperor's
eyes filled with tears when he described the tortures of the Empress
and his own sensations. He said he hardly knew how to express his
gratitude for the interest which your Majesty had manifested for the
Empress, and for the letters which he had received from your Majesty
and the Prince.
The Prussian Plenipotentiaries[18] were admitted at the close of the
Conference this afternoon--all important matters under negotiation
having been concluded.
Count Walewski made an ineffectual attempt to make it appear by a
doubtful form of expression that Prussia had taken part throughout in
the negotiations. Lord Cowley and Lord Clarendon said that they wished
to show all courtesy to Prussia, but could not consent to sign what
was manifestly untrue....
[Footnote 17: The Prince Imperial, Napoleon Eugene Louis Jean
Joseph, was born on the 16th of March.]
[Footnote 18: Baron Manteuffel and Count Hatzfeldt.]
[Pageheading: THE PRINCESS ROYAL]
_Extract of a Letter from Mr Cobden to a Friend._[19]
MIDHURST, _20th March 1856._
... It is generally thought that the young Prince Frederic William
of Prussia is to be married to our Princess Royal. I was dining
_tete-a-tete_ with Mr Buchanan, the American Minister, a few days ago,
who had dined the day before at the Queen's table, and sat next to
the Princess Royal. He was in raptures about her, and said she was
the most charming girl he had ever met: "All life and spirit, full
of frolic and fun, with an excellent head, and a _heart as big as
a mountain_"--those were his words. Another friend of mine, Colonel
Fitzmayer, dined with the Queen last week, and in writing to me a
description of the company, he says, that when the Princess Royal
smiles, "it makes one feel as if additional light were thrown upon the
scene." So I should judge that this said Prince is a lucky fellow, and
I trust he will make a good husband. If not, although a man of peace,
I shall consider it a _casus belli_....
[Footnote 19: Submitted to the Queen.]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _29th March 1856._
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
begs to say that the Emperor sent General Ney to him this morning to
request that Lord Clarendon would convey the cordial thanks of the
Emperor to your Majesty for the _feu de joie_ fired by your Majesty's
troops in the Crimea upon the announcement of the birth of the Prince
Imperial.
Lord Clarendon was much embarrassed by a letter this morning from
Lord Palmerston, desiring that the signature of the Treaty should be
postponed till Monday, in case the Cabinet should have any amendments
to propose; and Lord Clarendon humbly hopes that your Majesty may not
be displeased at his not having acted upon this injunction, because
he had promised to sign the Treaty to-morrow in accordance with the
general wish of the Congress, notwithstanding that it was Sunday, and
he could not therefore go back from his engagement--every preparation
is made for illuminations, not alone at Paris, but throughout France,
as all the Prefects have been informed of the signature--the odium
that would have fallen [on] us all would have been extreme throughout
Europe it may be said, and it would have been regarded as a last
proof of our unwillingness to make peace. The friendly feeling of the
Congress towards the English P.P.'s[20] would have changed, and they
probably would have agreed to no amendments, requiring that all
the seven copies of the Treaty should be recopied. In short, Lord
Clarendon felt that he had no choice but to take upon himself the
responsibility of signing to-morrow; but he has suggested that Lord
Palmerston's private letter should be converted into a despatch,
in order that the sole and entire blame should rest with Lord
Clarendon....[21]
[Footnote 20: _I.e._, Plenipotentiaries.]
[Footnote 21: For the chief stipulations of the Treaty, see
_ante_, Introductory Note to Chapter XXV. In addition to the
actual Treaty, an important declaration was made as to the
rules of international maritime law, to be binding only on
the signatory powers, dealing with the following points:--
(_a_) Abolition of Privateering.
(_b_) Neutral flag to cover enemy's goods, other than
contraband of war.
(_c_) Neutral goods, other than contraband of war, under
enemy's flag, to be exempt from seizure.
(_d_) Blockades to be binding must be effective,
_i.e._ maintained by adequate marine force.]
[Pageheading: TERMS ARRIVED AT]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _30th March 1856._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in
submitting the accompanying letter from Lord Clarendon, he begs to
state that he informed Lord Clarendon by the messenger yesterday
evening that all he had done and agreed to was approved, and that he
might sign the Treaty to-day. It was to be signed at half-past twelve
this day.
Viscount Palmerston begs to congratulate your Majesty upon an
arrangement which effects a settlement that is satisfactory for the
present, and which will probably last for many years to come, of
questions full of danger to the best interests of Europe. Greater
and more brilliant successes by land and sea might probably have been
accomplished by the Allies if the war had continued, but any great
and important additional security against future aggressions by Russia
could only have been obtained by severing from Russia large portions
of her frontier territory, such as Finland, Poland, and Georgia; and
although by great military and financial efforts and sacrifices those
territories might for a time have been occupied, Russia must have been
reduced to the lowest state of internal distress, before her Emperor
could have been brought to put his name to a Treaty of Peace finally
surrendering his sovereignty over those extensive countries; and
to have continued the war long enough for these purposes would have
required greater endurance than was possessed by your Majesty's
Allies, and might possibly have exhausted the good-will of your
Majesty's own subjects....
[Pageheading: THE TREATY OF PARIS]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _30th March 1856._
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly
begs to congratulate your Majesty upon the signature of peace this
afternoon. It is not to be doubted that another campaign must have
brought glory to your Majesty's arms, and would have enabled England
to impose different terms upon Russia, but setting aside the cost and
the horrors of war, in themselves evils of the greatest magnitude,
we cannot feel sure that victory might not have been purchased too
dearly--a continuation of the war would hardly have been possible
either with or without France--if we had dragged her on with us it
would have been most reluctantly on her part, her finances would have
suffered still more, she would have borne us ill-will, would have
acted feebly with us, and would on the first favourable occasion
have left us in the lurch. If we had continued the war single-handed,
France would feel that she had behaved shabbily to us, and would
_therefore_ have hated us all the more, and become our enemy sooner
than under any other circumstances; a coalition of Europe might then
have taken place against England, to which the United States would
but too gladly have adhered, and the consequence might have been most
serious.
Lord Clarendon would not make such an assertion lightly, but he feels
convinced that your Majesty may feel satisfied with the position now
occupied by England--six weeks ago it was a painful position here,
everybody was against us, our motives were suspected, and our policy
was denounced; but the universal feeling now is that we are the only
country able and ready, and willing, if necessary, to continue the
war; that we might have prevented peace, but that having announced
our readiness to make peace on honourable terms we have honestly and
unselfishly acted up to our word. It is well known, too, that the
conditions on which peace is made would have been different if England
had not been firm, and everybody is, of course, glad _even here_ that
peace should not have brought dishonour to France.
Lord Clarendon, therefore, ventures to hope that the language
in England with respect to the peace will not be apologetic or
dissatisfied. It would be unwise and undignified, and would invite
criticism if such language were held before the conditions are
publicly known.
[Pageheading: END OF THE WAR]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st March 1856._
The Queen thanks Lord Clarendon much for his two letters of Saturday
and yesterday; and we congratulate _him_ on the success of his
_efforts_ in obtaining the Peace, for to him _alone_ it is due, and
also _to him alone_ is due the dignified position which the Queen's
beloved country holds, and which she owes to a straightforward,
steady, and unselfish policy throughout.
Much as the Queen disliked the idea of _Peace_, she has become
reconciled to it, by the conviction that France would either not have
continued the war, or continued it in such a manner that _no_ glory
could have been hoped for for us.
We have a striking proof of this in Pelissier not having obeyed the
Emperor's orders and never having thought of occupying Sak.[22] _This
really might_ be hinted to the Emperor....
The Queen finds Lord Palmerston very well pleased with the Peace,
though he struggled as long as he could for better conditions....
[Footnote 22: The word is so written in the original draft.
There was a place of the name near Old Fort in the Crimea,
but this is more probably an abbreviation for Sakatal in
Caucasia.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _1st April 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... _Peace is signed!_ But till the ratifications
have taken place its terms cannot be known. That so _good_ a Peace
_has_ been obtained, and that this country stands in the high position
she now does by _having_ made peace, but _not_ yielding to _unworthy_
and dishonourable terms, is _all_ owing to Lord Clarendon, whose
difficulties were immense, and who cannot be too highly praised.
May I beg to remind you to make enquiries, _quietly_, about the
young Prince of Orange[23]--as to his education, _entourage_, and
disposition? Pray also don't forget to try and let us have a _new_
Russian; it would be infinitely _better_.[24]
We were much grieved to hear the day before yesterday from Sommer
that poor Stockmar had had a relapse, but the illness is clearly of
a spasmodic nature and therefore _not_ at all dangerous, and the pain
had speedily left him, but of course left him again weaker, which is
most distressing.
Now with Albert's affectionate love and our reiterated _warmest_
thanks, in which Vicky is included, for your having so VERY kindly
come over for her Confirmation, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece
and Child,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 23: Prince William Nicholas, born 1840, elder son of
King William III. of Holland.]
[Footnote 24: The new Russian Ambassador was Count
Creptowitch.]
_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._
PALAIS DE BUCKINGHAM, _le 3 Avril 1856_.
SIRE ET MON CHER FRERE,--V.M. me permettra de lui offrir toutes mes
felicitations a l'occasion de la paix qui a ete conclue sous vos
auspices, et peu de jours seulement apres l'heureux evenement qui vous
a donne un fils. Quoique partageant le sentiment de la pluspart de
mon peuple qui trouve que cette paix est peut-etre un peu precoce,
j'eprouve le besoin de vous dire que j'approuve hautement les termes
dans lesquels elle a ete concue, comme un resultat qui n'est pas
indigne des sacrifices que nous avons faits mutuellement pendant cette
juste guerre, et comme assurant autant que cela se peut, la stabilite
de l'equilibre Europeen....
Le Prince me charge de vous offrir ses hommages les plus affectueux,
et je me dis pour toujours, Sire et cher Frere, de V.M.I., la bien
affectionnee S[oe]ur et Amie,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: HONOURS GRATEFULLY DECLINED]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _6th April 1856_.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty....
Lord Clarendon humbly begs in Lord Cowley's name and his own most
gratefully to acknowledge the kind and gracious intention of your
Majesty to raise each of them a step in the Peerage, and they venture
to hope that your Majesty will not have been displeased at their
having respectfully declined this great distinction. Lord Cowley's
reason was his extreme poverty, and the feeling that an accession of
rank would only aggravate the inconvenience he already experiences
from being a Peer....
Lord Clarendon felt that courtesy titles to his younger sons would be
a positive injury to them in working for their bread, and he relied
upon your Majesty's unvarying kindness for appreciating his reluctance
to prefer himself to his children. He may, with entire truth, add that
the knowledge that your Majesty has approved of their conduct is ample
and abundant reward for Lord Cowley and himself. Lord Clarendon hopes
it is not presumptuous in him to say that he would not exchange your
Majesty's letters of approval for any public mark of your Majesty's
favour....
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON AND THE GARTER]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th April 1856_.
Now that the moment for the ratification of the Treaty of Peace is
near at hand, the Queen wishes to delay no longer the expression
of her satisfaction as to the manner in which both the War has been
brought to a conclusion, and the honour and interests of this country
have been maintained by the Treaty of Peace, under the zealous and
able guidance of Lord Palmerston. She wishes as a public token of her
approval to bestow the Order of the Garter upon him. Should the two
vacant Ribbons already have been promised to the Peers whose names
Lord Palmerston has on a former occasion submitted to the Queen, there
could be no difficulty in his being named an extra Knight, not filling
up the next vacancy which may occur; this course was followed when
Lord Grey received the Garter from the hands of King William.
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _11th April 1856_.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
unable to express in words the gratification and thankfulness which he
feels upon the receipt of your Majesty's most gracious and unexpected
communication of this morning. The utmost of his ambition has been so
to perform the duties of the high position in which your Majesty has
been pleased to place him, as to prove himself not unworthy of the
confidence with which your Majesty has honoured him; and the knowledge
that your Majesty has found no reason to be dissatisfied with your
choice; and that his endeavour properly to discharge his duties to
your Majesty and the country have met with your Majesty's approval
would of itself be an ample reward for any labour or anxiety with
which the performance of those duties may have been attended, and,
therefore, the gracious communication which he has this morning
received from your Majesty will be preserved by him as in his eyes
still more valuable even than the high honour which it announces your
Majesty's intention to confer upon him.
That high and distinguished honour Viscount Palmerston will receive
with the greatest pride as a public mark of your Majesty's gracious
approbation, but he begs to be allowed to say that the task which he
and his colleagues have had to perform has been rendered comparatively
easy by the enlightened views which your Majesty has taken of all the
great affairs in which your Majesty's Empire has been engaged, and
by the firm and steady support which _in_ all these important
transactions your Majesty's servants have received from the Crown.
[Pageheading: SERVICE RETRENCHMENTS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _12th April 1856_.
The Queen returns the draft of Treaty, which she approves, and of
which she would wish to have a copy.
The Queen believes that the Cabinet are going to consider to-day the
amount of retrenchments which may be necessary in the Army and Navy.
She trusts and _expects_ that this will be done with great
_moderation_ and very _gradually_; and that the difficulties we have
had, and the sufferings which we have endured, may not be forgotten,
for to the miserable reductions of the last thirty years are entirely
owing our state of _helplessness_ when the War began; and it would
be unpardonable if we were to be found in a similar condition, when
another War--and _who_ can tell _how_ soon there may be one?--breaks
out.
We must _never_ for a moment forget the very peculiar state of France,
and _how entirely all there_ depends upon _one_ man's life.
We _ought_ and _must_ be prepared for every _eventuality_, and we have
splendid material in that magnificent little Army in the Crimea.
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to the Cabinet.
[Pageheading: LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR]
_The Emperor of the French to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _le 12 Avril 1856_.
MADAME ET TRES CHERE S[OE]UR,--Votre Majeste m'a fait grand plaisir en
me disant qu'elle etait satisfaite de la conclusion de la paix, car
ma constante preoccupation a ete, tout en desirant la fin d'une guerre
ruineuse, de n'agir que de concert avec le Gouvernement de votre
Majeste. Certes je concois bien qu'il ait ete desirable d'obtenir
encore de meilleurs resultats, mais etait-ce raisonnable d'en attendre
de la maniere dont la guerre avait ete engagee? J'avoue que je ne
le crois pas. La guerre avait ete trop lentement conduite par nos
generaux et nos amiraux et nous avions laisse le temps aux Russes de
se rendre presque imprenables a Cronstadt comme en Crimee. Je crois
donc que nous aurions paye trop cherement sous tous les rapports les
avantages que nous eussions pu obtenir. Je suis pour cette raison
heureux de la paix, mais je suis heureux surtout que notre Alliance
sorte intacte des conferences et qu'elle se montre a l'Europe aussi
solide que le premier jour de _notre union_. (Je prie le Prince Albert
de ne pas etre jaloux de cette expression.)
Nous avons appris avec la plus vive satisfaction que les projets que
votre Majeste avait concus pour le bonheur de la Princesse Royale
allaient bientot se realiser. On dit tant de bien du jeune Prince
Frederic Guillaume que je ne doute pas que votre charmante fille ne
soit heureuse. L'Imperatrice, qui attend avec impatience le moment de
pouvoir ecrire a votre Majeste, a ete bien touchee de votre aimable
lettre. Vers le commencement de Mai nous irons a St Cloud ou votre
souvenir nous y accompagne toujours, car ces lieux nous rappellent
le sejour de votre Majeste et nous faisons des v[oe]ux pour qu'un si
heureux evenement puisse se renouveler.
Je prie votre Majeste de me rappeler au souvenir du Prince Albert
et de recevoir avec bonte l'assurance des sentiments de respectueuse
amitie avec lesquels je suis, de votre Majeste, le devoue Frere et
Ami,
NAPOLEON.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st April 1856_.
The Queen has heard from Colonel Phipps that Lord Hardinge is most
anxious for her sanction to the paper submitted yesterday, if even as
merely a temporary measure, before the mail goes this evening, as all
the shipping at Balaklava is waiting for it. She hopes Lord Hardinge
will see how inconvenient and unpleasant it must be to the Queen to
have important matters submitted at such short notice that they cannot
even be discussed by her without detriment to the public service, and
trusts that she may not again be placed in a similar position. She has
now signed the paper, but _only_ as a temporary measure, and upon the
understanding that Lord Hardinge will submit to her, between this and
the next mail, the arrangements which are now wanting.
She has also signed the proposal about Canada, but must express her
conviction that General Le Marchant,[25] as Civil Governor of the
Colony, cannot possibly attend to the command of the Brigade, which
ought to have a distinct Commander. There may be Artillery in Canada,
but is it horsed? and in Batteries?
We are rapidly falling back into the old ways!
[Footnote 25: Sir John Gaspard Le Marchant, 1803-1874,
Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia from 1852 to 1857.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _6th May 1856_.
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Having returned late from a drive, I have but
little time to spare to thank you for your kind letter of the 2nd.
Last Thursday (1st) was our darling Arthur's sixth birthday, which he
enjoyed duly. On the 3rd we received Brunnow[26]--who was so nervous
and humble, and so _emu_ that he could hardly speak. He dines with us
to-night, and the dinner is given for him, being a _funny collection
of antagonistic elements_--Granville, Clarendon, Lansdowne, Aberdeen,
Graham, John Russell, Derby, and Malmesbury! "The Happy Family," I
call it.
The Opposition have taken the line of disapproving the Peace and
showing great hostility to Russia.
To-morrow we have a Levee, and on Thursday a ball in our fine new
room, which we open on that day; and on Friday there is a _Peace_ Fete
at the Crystal Palace. On Saturday we go out of town; and now I must
end, begging to be forgiven for so hurried a scrawl, but I had to
write a long letter and to _sit_ to Winterhalter. Ever your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 26: He had come to England, charged with a special
mission.]
[Pageheading: COLONIAL GOVERNORSHIPS]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Labouchere._
OSBORNE, _14th May 1856_.
The Queen has received Mr Labouchere's letter, and hastens to express
her opinion that Mr Wilson[27] would not be at all a proper person to
be Governor of so large and important a Colony as Victoria. It ought
to be a man of higher position and standing, and who could represent
his Sovereign adequately....
She wishes further to observe that Mr Labouchere should in future take
care that, while he tries to ascertain the feelings of people as to
their accepting the offer of a Colonial appointment, before he submits
them to the Queen, that these enquiries should be made in such a
manner as not to lead these persons to _expect_ the appointment,
else, if the _Queen_ does not approve of them, the whole odium of the
refusal will fall upon her. The best way, and the way in which similar
appointments are conducted in the other Offices, would be to mention
the names first to the Queen, and if she approves of them, to
ascertain the feelings of the respective candidates. This would avoid
all difficulties on the subject.
[Footnote 27: James Wilson, the founder of _The Economist_,
was at this time Financial Secretary to the Treasury. In 1859
he accepted the new office of Financial Member of the Council
of India, but died in the following year.]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Labouchere._
_14th May 1856_.
The Queen would quite approve of the selection of Sir H. Bulwer, Lord
Lyttelton, or Sir H. Barkly for Victoria. She is decidedly of opinion
that the Governor should be an Englishman and not a Colonist. Now that
self-Government has been established in the Colonies, the person of
the Governor is the only connection remaining with the Mother Country;
and if the Government were once filled from among the public men in
the Colonies, this would become a precedent most difficult to break
through again, and possibly paving the way for total separation.[28]
[Footnote 28: Sir Henry Bulwer declined. Sir Henry Barkly was
appointed.]
[Pageheading: NAVAL POLICY]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Charles Wood._
OSBORNE, _18th May 1856_.
The Queen has to thank Sir C. Wood for his long and clear statement
as to the present position of the Naval Force, which she quite
understands. She attaches the greatest importance to perfect faith
being kept with the sailors, and on that account was distressed to
hear of the misapprehension at Portsmouth the other day.
A good system for a Naval Reserve would be most important. The Queen
thinks a Commission, composed chiefly of _younger officers_ still
conversant with the _present_ feelings of our sailors, would best be
able to advise on the subject; the old Admirals are always and not
unnaturally somewhat behind their time.
With respect to the policy of not too rapidly reducing our naval
armaments, Sir C. Wood only anticipates the Queen's most anxious wish
on this subject, for we cannot tell what may not happen anywhere at
any moment; our relations with America are very unsettled, and our
Alliance with France _depends_ upon the life of one man. And it
is best to be prepared, for else you excite suspicion if you have
suddenly to make preparations without being _able_ to state for what
they are intended.
With regard to the Sailors' Homes, the Queen concurs in the advantage
of leaving them to private management; but the Government, having so
large a stake in the sailors' welfare, would act wisely and justly to
make a handsome donation to all of them at the present moment, taking
care that this should be used by the different establishments for
their permanent extension. Five thousand pounds amongst them would
be by no means an unreasonable sum to give as a token of the interest
taken in the well-being of these brave men when no immediate return in
shape of service was expected for it.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
OSBORNE, _21st May 1856_.
The Queen is very anxious about the fixing of our Peace establishment
both for the Army and Navy. Although Lord Hardinge's proposals are
before the Government already for some time, no proposal has yet been
submitted to the Queen; and on enquiry from Sir C. Wood, he stated
but two days ago that no reduction of the Navy was yet settled. On
the other hand, the Queen sees from the Chancellor of the Exchequer's
speech that he specifies the sums by which both Army and Navy
estimates are to be reduced. This _prejudges_ the whole question,
and will deprive the Government of all power freely to consider
these important questions. The Queen was, moreover, sorry to find
Mr Disraeli, Mr Gladstone, and Sir Francis Baring agreeing with the
doctrine of the _Times_ and Lord Grey that we ought _not_ to improve
our state of preparation for war; and if we had been better prepared
for the late war, we should have been still more disappointed.[29]
[Footnote 29: In the course of an elaborate reply, Lord
Palmerston stated that the country had never been in a better
condition of defence than at the present time, but he insisted
that the Militia, which from 1815 to 1832 had been allowed
to become extinct, must be maintained in an efficient
state--120,000 strong.]
[Pageheading: TITLE OF PRINCE CONSORT]
[Pageheading: PRECEDENCE OF PRINCE ALBERT]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _May 1856_.