CHAPTER VIII. ON THE CANON, GENUINENESS, VERSIONS, USE, AND VALUE OF HOLY

SCRIPTURE.

Unnatural as it may appear, it is notwithstanding true that we find much

less clear ideas in regard to the _canon_ of Holy Scripture in the earlier

ages than in the later. The word scripture was used, as we shall see, in a

latitude with which no church or party in later times has used it.

Irenæus quotes all the books which we of the Church of England esteem

canonical, except Ruth, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Ecclesiastes,

Canticles, Obadiah, Nahum, Zephaniah, and Haggai. But the mere

circumstance of his not citing them cannot, of course, imply any doubt as

to their inspiration or canonicity. He had no occasion to do so for the

purposes of his argument. It is only wonderful that he thought himself

obliged to quote so largely upon such a subject.

But besides the writings which we esteem canonical, he quotes others which

we reject from the canon. He not only repeats sentiments from them, as

when he introduces a sentiment which occurs in the book of Wisdom(292), or

the story of Susanna(293), without, however, mentioning the books

themselves; he also quotes the story of Bel and the Dragon(294) as truly

relating the words of the prophet Daniel, and the book of Baruch(295) as

truly recording those of Jeremiah, and uses the latter as inspired. In

short, Irenæus quoted from the Septuagint version of the Scriptures; and

he consequently read the stories of Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon, as

part of the book of Daniel, and the book of Baruch as a continuation of

that of Jeremiah. There is, in fact, great reason to think that he

believed in the inspiration (in some sense) of the whole of the books

contained in that version. But if so, that does not _prove_ (as we shall

see presently), that they were all esteemed by the Church as canonical.

But then there is a circumstance which must prevent the Church of Rome

from appealing to him with success in support of the canonicity of any of

the books of the Apocrypha; and that is, that he quotes, under the express

name of Scripture, a work which the whole Church, from not long after his

time, has agreed to regard as merely human, if not altogether spurious—I

mean the _Shepherd_ of Hermas(296). It is true that he is not singular in

so speaking; for Clement of Alexandria directly ascribes inspiration to

Hermas(297). And yet Tertullian, who was contemporary with Clement,

affirms(298) that the Italian Churches had in express councils declared

his book apocryphal.

I argue thus on the supposition that his single authority is appealed to.

If he is adduced, with other writers of his age, to show that the Church

acknowledged the apocryphal books as canonical, then one reply is, that

even if this were true of the Church of that age, we are not bound by the

decision of a single age. Massuet, indeed(299), reasons as though the

canonicity of the books the Church of Rome receives were established by

the authority of “all churches, or at least the greater part of them, and

those of distinguished rank.” Now it so happens that we have quite a chain

of evidence on the opposite side. Melito(300), contemporary with Irenæus,

after diligent inquiry in Palestine, reckons up, as canonical, the same

books of the Old Testament which we acknowledge, and no others: for the

Σοφία(301), which (according to one reading) comes in after the Proverbs,

is merely another name for that book; and Ezra, it is well known, included

Nehemiah and Esther. Origen(302), in the middle of the third century, and

Athanasius(303), Epiphanius(304), Gregory of Nazianzum(305), and

Jerome(306), successively in the fourth—and what is more, the council of

Laodicea(307), in the third century, whose acts were recognised by the

sixth synod of Constantinople and Pope Adrian(308)—all agree in receiving

a canon of the Old Testament much more like ours than like that of Rome.

It is true that Origen adds the Maccabees, but he states that they are not

in the canon. Athanasius, Epiphanius, and the Council of Laodicea reckon

Baruch as part of the book of Jeremiah; Athanasius and the Council add the

epistle of Jeremiah; Athanasius alone reckons Susanna and Bel and the

Dragon. On the other hand, they all, together with Gregory of Nazianzum,

Jerome, and Ruffinus, who entirely agree with us, reject all the other

books which the Church of Rome has since admitted into the canon.

Epiphanius(309) says that Christians and Nazoræi agreed in receiving the

Jewish books, so that he could not have been aware that the Jews did not

admit Baruch. So that how many soever may agree in _quoting_ the

apocryphal books, the weight of authority is clearly against their

reception as _canonical_.

From all that has been said, it must be clear that we can make but little

use of Irenæus in settling the _canon_ of Scripture. But from the number

of books and of passages which he has quoted, he is of great value in

establishing the _genuineness_ of our present copies; all the passages

bearing as near a resemblance to the corresponding parts of our MSS. as

can be expected from a writer who evidently quotes from memory.

He likewise bears direct testimony to the _authenticity_ of the four

Gospels and the Revelation of St. John; affirming that St. Matthew wrote

his in Hebrew for the use of the Jews, at the time when St. Peter and St.

Paul conjointly were preaching and establishing the Church at Rome(310);

that after their departure, St. Mark committed to writing what he had

heard from St. Peter, and St. Luke what he had heard from St. Paul(311);

that St. John wrote his Gospel at Ephesus, to oppose the errors of

Cerinthus(312), and that he was likewise the author of the Revelation

which bears his name(313), the visions of which he saw towards the close

of the reign of Domitian(314).

It is curious that Irenæus quotes a passage as written either by Isaiah or

Jeremiah, which does not appear in our present copies(315). Justin Martyr

had quoted it before him, and asserted that it had been wilfully erased by

the Jews from the Hebrew copies(316). Now, however, it does not appear

even in the Septuagint. He likewise records a saying or two as our Lord’s

which do not appear in the New Testament(317): the latter of which indeed

few persons will believe to have been spoken by our Lord.

He informs us that the Ebionites use only St. Matthew’s Gospel, and reject

St. Paul(318); that Marcion curtailed St. Luke, and in effect the whole

Gospel(319); that Cerinthus used St. Mark, and the Valentinians St.

John(320), and invented a Gospel of their own; and that the Montanists

reject St. John’s Gospel and St. Paul(321). It appears, however, that the

Gnostics did in fact quote, at least when arguing with Christians, the

self‐same books which we now have; for all the passages of Scripture which

Irenæus brings forward as perverted by them correspond with our present

copies.

Irenæus was of opinion that the whole of the sacred books of the Old

Testament were lost during the Babylonish captivity, and that Ezra

restored them by divine inspiration(322).

He likewise fully believed the fable of Aristeas concerning the

translation of the Septuagint by the direction of one of the Ptolemies,

whom he names _the son of Lagus_(323). He does not relate it with all the

particularity of Josephus; but he relates the separation of the seventy

interpreters from each other, and their miraculous agreement in the same

words and phrases from beginning to end. It is clear, therefore, that he

believed in the inspiration of the Septuagint, so far as it is a

translation of the Hebrew; and no wonder that he was unable to avoid

extending the same feeling to the other books which commonly accompany the

translated portion.

He likewise mentions Theodotion of Ephesus, and Aquila of Pontus, both

Jewish proselytes, as having wrongly translated Isaiah vii. 14(324).

Theodotion was the contemporary of Irenæus, and must have published his

version so recently, that it is wonderful that Irenæus should have seen

it.

Lastly, he mentions and distinguishes between the genuine and ancient

copies of the Scriptures and the incorrect ones(325).

Having noticed all the _external_ matter, let us come to the opinions of

Irenæus in regard to the _use and value_ of the holy Scriptures, and the

method of _understanding_ them. Although here his example is more forcible

than his precepts, it is satisfactory that he speaks very definitely, and

to the purpose.

For instance, he informs us that, after the Apostles had preached the

Gospel orally, they took care that the substance of their preaching should

be put in writing, to be the ground and pillar of our faith(326). It is

very remarkable that he should use this very phrase in speaking of the

Gospel, which St. Paul had used in speaking of the Church itself; showing

apparently that it was by the custody of the Scriptures that the Church

was to sustain its office. Indeed he expresses this in so many words in

another passage, when he says that the truth is preserved by the keeping

and reading of the Scripture, and preaching consistently with it(327).

His own practice is perfectly consistent with his principles. When he

enters into controversy, his first appeal, indeed, in the particular case

in hand, was to common sense, as showing the extreme absurdity and glaring

contradiction of the Gnostic theories(328). But as they claimed revelation

for their authority, he then goes to the Scripture, as the only authentic

_record_ of revelation(329); and it is evident that, on his own account,

he would never have appealed to any other authority in support of the

_great and leading doctrines_ he has to deal with. When he does bring in

tradition as an independent and collateral _witness_ of revelation, he

does so because the Gnostics themselves appealed to tradition(330) as

something more certain than Scripture. And having met them upon this

ground, he goes on(331), in the large remaining portion of his treatise,

to refute their systems by the induction of passages from the successive

portions of the Old and New Testaments.

Clearly, therefore, his disposition, where the question was what God had

revealed, would be to go, first of all, and entirely, if possible, to

Scripture; for whereas the heretics held that the inspired volume was

obscure and uncertain(332), he maintained that there were truths contained

in it without any doubt or obscurity, and that those were the things in

which the sound‐minded and pious would chiefly meditate(333). And with

regard to those things which are obscure and doubtful, he taught that we

should endeavour to explain them by those parts which are

unambiguous(334).

There was, however, another aid which he looked upon as of the most

certain and most important utility, so far as it extended, and that was

the baptismal creed, which he regarded as infallible for leading to the

right sense of Scripture upon fundamental points, and according to which

he thought all Scripture ought to be interpreted(335). It is evident,

therefore, that he regarded the tradition of the Church, _to that extent_,

as divine and infallible.

A third aid was to be found in the assistance of the elders of the Church,

who preserve the doctrine of the Apostles(336), and, with the order of the

priesthood, keep sound discourse and an inoffensive life(337), who have

the succession from the Apostles, and, together with the episcopal

succession, have received the sure gift of truth(338). He who in this way

studies the Scriptures will judge (or condemn) all who are in error(339).

It is obvious that he means the bishops of the Churches, who were the

chief preachers of those times. And it is observable that he does not

think the succession a perfect guarantee of the truth being preserved,

otherwise he would not have added the qualifications of sound discourse

and a holy life. He does not therefore support the idea that the truth is

necessarily preserved in any one Church by the succession, or that any one

bishop of any particular Church (the Bishop of Rome, for instance,) is

capable of deciding the sense of Scripture authoritatively. And, in point

of fact, it is only upon _fundamentals_ that he recommends an appeal to

the bishops, as sure to guide the inquirer into truth.

It is obvious, moreover, that, although no doubt God will aid and bless

his ordinance of the ministry at all times to the faithful soul, yet that

the aid of one’s own particular pastor or bishop must be much less capable

of settling the mind now that Christ’s true pastors are opposed to each

other, than in the time of Irenæus, when they held all together. In his

time no such thing had occurred as a bishop of Jerusalem, Antioch,

Alexandria, Rome, or Constantinople, acknowledged by general consent to

have fallen into great and important error.

In short, we have no approach in Irenæus to the idea of an interpreter so

infallible as shall take away from the private Christian all

responsibility but that of ascertaining him and following his decisions.

He points out means of arriving at truth; but he does not speak of them as

unfailing, except in the case of those foundation truths which are now

acknowledged by the body of every ancient Church under heaven.

An Account of the Life and Writings of S. Irenæus, Bishop of Lyons and Martyr Intended to Illustrate the Doctrine, Discipline, Practices, and History of the Church, and the Tenets and Practices of the Gnostic Heretics During the Second Century · 第 8 / 23 章