respected relative admitted of increase, it would certainly receive it
from the contrast I am every day obliged to draw between him and the
wretched _butterflies_ who sometimes flutter round us under the name of
Men: for, how can I help contrasting his inflexible courage, united to
angelic mildness, with the insolence of lilly-livered Hectors, who,
conscious of the most abject cowardice, dare to give an insult, and
basely skulk from honest resentment beneath the arm of the Law!——fellows
who, like _Bobadil_ in the play, can kill a whole army with the tongue,
but dare not face a pigmy in the field!——and, while they want the
prudence to restrain the torrent of effeminate invective, have patience
enough to bear a kicking, or a box in the ear!——who bluster and vapour
to hide the trembling limb and poltroon aspect, as children whittle in
the dark to brave the ghosts they dread! Beware of all such wretches as
you would shun plague or pestilence. I hope you do not imagine that I
have so little common sense or philanthropy as to censure those who,
from physical causes or constitutional delicacy, are averse to contest:
No, no——I do assure you, on the contrary, that my observation leads me
to think such men, though slow to quarrel, and inoffensive in conduct,
are very gallant when honour or duty demand from them a conquest over
their weakness. I have, in my time, seen such men at first the sport,
and at last the terror of your blustering bullies; and I have always
thought, that in such a triumph over their feelings, they had more true
merit than men constitutionally courageous: the latter has his valour in
common with the mere animal; the other possesses the valour of
sentiment. I mean that most ignominious of all beings, who, prodigal in
offence, yet reluctant in reparation——who, hoping to find some person
passive as themselves over whom to triumph, hazard the giving of an
insult, with the malignant view to gasconade over him if he
submits——and, if he resents, to wreak the whole vengeance of Law upon
him. In society with such men, there is no safety; for they leave you
only the casual alternative to choose between shame and ruin. Him who
submits, they call poltroon; and him who resents, they fleece in form of
Law. There are others who, to bring their fellow-creatures down to their
own level, brave the execrations of Mankind, and the vengeance of
Heaven; such harpies do exist, who, though bold enough to insult, are
tame enough to receive chastisement without resistance; and, though tame
enough to submit to chastisement, are so furiously vindictive as to
proclaim their shame, their cowardice, perhaps in the face of an open
Court, in order to glut their revenge by the pillage of their
adversary’s purse. Let such men enjoy the fruits of their machinations,
if they can——To their own feelings I consign them; for I can wish a
villain no greater curse than the company of his own conscience, nor a
poltroon a more poignant sting than that which the contempt of Mankind
inflicts upon him.
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LETTER LX.
-------------------------------------------
Passing through Madura, I arrived at Trichinopoly, where I met Mr.
SULLIVAN, the Resident of Tanjore, who very politely furnished me with a
letter to Mr. HIPPESLEY, his Deputy at Tanjore, from whom I received
many marks of civility. At that place I had the pleasure of meeting a
Gentleman with whom I had been at College, and for whom I had always
entertained a great esteem: this was Colonel FULLARTON. It is an old
maxim, that we should say nothing but good of the dead——“De mortuis nil
nisi bonum.” It is not a new maxim, I believe, to avoid praising the
living: I am aware of the indelicacy of it; and therefore purposely
avoid in this, as I shall in other instances, speaking the full opinion
I entertain. To the general esteem in which he was held by all ranks of
people in India, I refer you to Colonel FULLARTON’S character: it is of
such a sort, that I wish to hold it up for your imitation. At a time of
life when others have arrived to some perfection in their profession, he
made choice of his, and entered for the first time into the arduous
military department, with a command for which the training of many years
is no more than sufficient to prepare other men. The Minister of that
day gave him this important charge, underwent the clamours of Opposition
for it, and was justified in the event. When the Colonel came to act, so
far from being deficient, his whole conduct was distinguished, not less
for military talent than courage——while the most fortunate command of
temper and captivating address subdued the spirit of prejudice,
reconciled the most discordant, and gained him, though a King’s Officer,
the esteem, as much of the Company’s as King’s troops. In short, all
ranks of people, civil as well as military, whether belonging to King or
Company, united in approbation of his conduct——a thing not known before,
nor since, but in the person of Lord CORNWALLIS.
Too much cannot be said of the advantages resulting from a proper
command of temper. To promote that in my FREDERICK, will be attended
with little difficulty: on the contrary, my only doubt is, that the
placability and mildness of his disposition will too often subject him
to imposition. JOHN is, however, of a different temper; there is
something in it which requires both admonition and good example to
repress within proper bounds: to shew him the beauty as well as use of a
mild, cool temper, such instances as Colonel FULLARTON may be of weight,
and I wish him to reflect upon it. And here I am reminded of a person
and a circumstance so exactly in point, that I cannot refrain from
noticing them: they convey no inadequate idea of the happiness resulting
from a gentleness of nature, and dominion over the mind; and as the
person I allude to is dead, I may speak of him with the greater freedom
in that full strain of praise which his shining virtues deserve.
Of all the men I have ever had the good fortune to know, Sir ARCHIBALD
CAMPBELL possessed, in the highest degree, that heavenly turn of mind,
which not only is at peace with itself, but diffuses harmony and
cheerfulness around it. No business, however urgent in occasion,
restricted in point of time, or embarrassed with difficulty——no
accident, however unexpected, or event, however sinister——none of those
innumerable minutiæ which fret and chafe the tempers of other men, ever
suspended the cool tenor of his thought even for a moment: nothing shook
the serenity of his temper——nothing deranged the presence of his mind:
uniform and placid, he in all situations had the full dominion of
himself, and in the field it gave him a decided superiority: nor was
this felicity of nature confined to his public conduct; it attended him
at the domestic enjoyments of the fire-side——at the social board——in the
private recesses of his closet; and the very same habit of soul which,
in his great public duties, rendered him valuable to his Country, and
formidable to her enemies, gained him the admiration and esteem of his
friends, the unbounded affection of his family, and the blessing of all
his dependants.
An incident that occurred in my presence may serve in some measure to
decipher the mind of this admirable man——I shall never forget it.
Previously to his going to India, he had exerted his interest to obtain
from the East India Company some reward for my services; and, a few days
before his departure, promised to speak again to Mr. DEVAYNES, Chairman
of the East India Company. I waited on him on the day he was setting
off; he was just about to depart, and surrounded by a numerous circle.
In the midst of this bustle, and the confusion, one would suppose,
inseparable from such a crisis, he recollected his promise——told me Mr.
DEVAYNES had that minute taken leave of him, and he had forgot to
mention me, but said that he would write to him on the subject; and,
though he was at the instant on the point of moving to the carriage that
was to carry him off, sat down, and with that amiable sweetness of
manners and happily collected mind so peculiarly his own, wrote a letter
for me to Mr. DEVAYNES——holding conversation, the while, in the most
lively, engaging manner, with the persons around him. The conciseness
and perspicuity of language in which this letter was couched, will serve
to elucidate what I have said——I therefore transcribe it for you:
“_St. James’s Hotel, Sept. 30, 1783._
“DEAR SIR,
“I forgot to mention to you this forenoon, and again to repeat my
earnest wishes, you would take the case of Mr. CAMPBELL speedily into
your consideration. His sufferings were of such a nature, and his
services so meritorious, that I am persuaded, upon a fair investigation
of both, you will give him your firmest support. I have looked into all
his papers; and the testimonies of essential services rendered to the
Company by him, do him, in my opinion, the highest honour. Unless such
merits are recompensed, few will risk every thing, as Mr. CAMPBELL did,
to promote the success of the Company’s arms in India: but I trust you
will see it in its proper light; and in that hope I shall only add, that
whatever acts of kindness you shew to him, will be considered as an
obligation conferred on,
“DEAR SIR,
Your faithful and most obedient humble servant,
ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL.”
“_To William Devaynes, Esq._”
Be assured, my dear boys, (for now I speak to JOHN as well as
FREDERICK), that one act of triumph over the temper is worth a million
of triumphs over our fellow-creatures, and that the perfect dominion of
our mind is more advantageous and laudable than the dominion over
Provinces or Nations. The one attaches merely to our corporeal part, and
is buried with our dust in the grave: the other follows our immortal
part, and passes with it into eternity.
On my leaving Tanjore, Colonel FULLARTON honoured me With the care of a
letter to Lord MACARTNEY, then Governor of Madras——an extract of which I
give you, as it applied to my business particularly:
“_Tanjore, March 20, 1783._
“MY LORD,
“I had the honour to write to your Lordship on the 8th by Captain
HALLAM, who carried from hence very large packets to you. The
opportunity of Captain CAMPBELL tempts me to trouble your Lordship,
merely to inform you, that all my letters from Bidanore ascribe in a
great degree the success of our arms in that quarter, and the _romantic_
Revolution effected there, to the influence he had with HYAT SAHIB, and
to the proposals of surrender which he suggested, and transacted with
the General and Jemadar. I think it necessary that you, my Lord, may
know how much the Public is indebted to Captain CAMPBELL, whose good
fortune in this affair has only been equalled by his good conduct. He is
perfectly acquainted with the state of affairs on the other coast, and
has seen and heard much of our transactions here; so that no person can
give a more clear or unbiassed view of events.”
I had also the good luck to meet, at Tanjore, Mr. BUCHANAN, a very near
connection of mine, for whom I had long entertained a sincere and warm
regard. It has been my misfortune to have been obliged frequently to
censure some of my relatives for ill-nature and ingratitude: I never did
so without the most painful sensations. When, on the contrary, I am
enabled to speak to their honour, I feel a proportionate share of
pleasure: I am therefore happy in mentioning Mr. BUCHANAN as a man as
amiable in his private as respectable in his public character; but the
satisfaction I felt at this meeting was much alloyed by finding him in a
very bad state of health.
Before I left Tanjore, I had an opportunity of being eye-witness to that
extraordinary and horrid ceremony, the burning of a Gentoo woman with
the body of her husband. As this is a point which has occasioned much
speculation and some doubt among Europeans, I inclose you an accurate
account of the ceremony, as minuted down at the time it happened.
DESCRIPTION OF THE CEREMONY OF THE GENTOO WOMEN BURNING THEMSELVES WITH
THE BODIES OF THEIR HUSBANDS.
“This day, ——————, I went to see a Gentoo woman resign herself to be
burned along with the corpse of her deceased husband.
“The place fixed upon for this tragic scene, was a small islet on the
bank of one of the branches of the river Cavery, about a mile to the
Northward of the fort of Tanjore.
“When I came to the spot, I found the victim, who appeared, to be not
above sixteen, sitting on the ground, dressed in the Gentoo manner, with
a white cloth wrapped round her, some white flowers like jessamins
hanging round her neck, and some of them hanging from her hair. There
were about twenty women sitting on their hams round her, holding a white
handkerchief, extended horizontally over her head, to shade her from the
sun, which was excessively hot, it being then about noon.
“At about twenty yards from where she was sitting, and facing her, there
were several Bramins busy in constructing a pile with billets of
fire-wood: the pile was about eight feet long, and four broad. They
first began by driving some upright stakes into the ground, and then
built up the middle to about the height of three feet and a half with
billets of wood.
“The dead husband, who, from his appearance, seemed to be about sixty
years of age, was lying close by, stretched out on a bier, made of
Bamboo canes. Four Bramins walked in procession three times round the
dead body, first in a direction contrary to the sun, and afterwards
other three times in a direction with the sun, all the while muttering
incantations; and at each round or circuit they made, they untwisted,
and immediately again twisted up the small long lock of hair which is
left unshaven at the back of their heads.
“Some other Bramins were in the mean time employed in sprinkling water
out of a green leaf, rolled up like a cup, upon a small heap of cakes of
dry cow-dung, with which the pile was afterwards to be set on fire.
“An old Bramin sat at the North-east corner of the pile upon his hams,
with a pair of spectacles on, reading, I suppose, the Shaster, or their
Scriptures, from a book composed of Cajan leaves.
“Having been present now nearly an hour, I inquired when they meant to
set the pile on fire: they answered, in about two hours. As this
spectacle was most melancholy, and naturally struck me with horror, and
as I had only gone there to assure myself of the _truth of such
sacrifices being made_, I went away towards the fort. After I was gone
about five hundred yards, they sent some one to tell me they would burn
immediately; on which I returned, and found the woman had been moved
from where she was sitting to the river, where the Bramins were bathing
her. On taking her out of the water, they put some money in her hand,
which she dipped in the river, and divided among the Bramins: she had
then a yellow cloth rolled partially round her. They put some red
colour, about the size of a sixpence, on the centre of her forehead, and
rubbed something that appeared to me to be clay. She was then led to the
pile, round which she walked three times as the sun goes: she then
mounted it at the North-east corner, without any assistance; and sat
herself down on the right side of her husband, who had been previously
laid upon the pile. She then unscrewed the pins which fastened the
jewels or silver rings on her arms: after she had taken them off, she
shut them, and screwed in the pins again, and gave one to each of two
women who were standing: she unscrewed her ear-rings, and other toys,
with great composure, and divided them among the women who were with
her. There seemed to be some little squabble about the distribution of
her jewels, which she settled with great precision; and then, falling
gently backwards, pulled a fold of the yellow cloth over her face,
turned her breast towards her husband’s side, and laid her right arm
over his breast; and in this posture she remained without moving.
“Just before she lay down, the Bramins put some rice in her lap, and
also some into the mouth and on the long grey beard of her husband: they
then sprinkled some water on the head, breast and feet of both, and tied
them gently together round the middle with a slender bit of rope: they
then raised, as it were, a little wall of wood lengthways on two sides
of the pile, so as to raise it above the level of the bodies; and then
put cross pieces, so as to prevent the billets of wood from pressing on
them: they then poured on the pile, above where the woman lay, a potful
of something that appeared to me to be oil; after this they heaped on
more wood, to the height of about four feet, above where the bodies were
built in; so that all I now saw was a stack of fire-wood.
“One of the Bramins, I observed, stood at the end of the pile next the
woman’s head——was calling to her through the interstices of the wood,
and laughed several times during the conversation. Lastly, they
overspread the pile with wet straw, and tied it on with ropes.
“A Bramin then took a handful of straw, which he set on fire at the
little heap of burning cakes of cow-dung; and, standing to windward of
the pile, he let the wind drive the flame from the straw till it catched
the pile. Fortunately, at this instant, the wind rose much higher than
it had been any part of the day; and in an instant the flames pervaded
the whole pile, and it burnt with great fury. I listened a few seconds,
but could not distinguish any shrieks, which might perhaps be owing to
my being then to windward. In a very few minutes, the pile became a heap
of ashes.
“During the whole time of this process, which lasted from first to last
above two hours before we lost sight of the woman by her being built up
in the middle of the pile, I kept my eyes almost constantly upon her;
and I declare to GOD that I could not perceive, either in her
countenance or limbs, the least trace of either horror, fear, or even
hesitation: her countenance was perfectly composed and placid; and she
was not, I am positive, either intoxicated or stupified. From several
circumstances, I thought the Bramins exulted in this hellish sacrifice,
and did not seem at all displeased that Europeans should be witnesses of
it.”
From Tanjore I proceeded to Negapatnam, which had been taken from the
Dutch by the Company’s troops, and where Mr. COCHRAN, an old friend of
mine, was Chief.
The communication by land between Negapatnam and Madras being
interrupted by the enemy’s troops, I embarked in a vessel, and proceeded
thither by sea——Major JOHNSTON, of the Engineers, being also a
passenger.
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LETTER LXI.
-------------------------------------------
Hitherto every step of my journey has been marked by occurrences so
unexpected, and accidents so extraordinary, that I should feel some
repugnance to relate them, lest my veracity should be called in
question, were they not attested by so many living persons of
respectability, and by written documents, of authority on record. Were
one to consider them merely as the offspring of fiction, they would
perhaps have interest enough to catch the attention; but, viewing them
as facts, they borrow, from their number and rapid succession, as well
as from their singularity, so much of the complexion of imaginary
adventure, that the combination cannot, I think, fail to interest your
mind as well as your feelings.
Arrived at Nagapatnam, within a short run of Madras, it is natural for
you to suppose that adventure was at an end, and that fortune, fatigued
by the incessant exertion of her caprice, might have left me to proceed
the short residue of my way without further molestation. It fell out
otherwise: she had marked me as her game, and resolved to worry me to
the last moment; for, as we approached Madras, we were chased by a
French frigate, and taken near Fort St. George.
This appeared to me the greatest misfortune I had yet met with, and
likely to be the most fatal in its consequences. In order to explain
this, I must recur to certain circumstances, which, though I was
informed of them since my release from Hydernagur, I did not relate to
you, because they were no way connected with my narrative till now.
Monsieur SUFFREIN, the French Admiral, having a number of British
prisoners in his possession, whom he found it extremely inconvenient to
support, made a proposal for an exchange——which, from some failure in
the conveyance, or ambiguity in the terms of the correspondence, was
neglected.
The motives or accidents which gave rise to this neglect have never been
completely developed; and perhaps the Admiral himself, Sir EDWARD
HUGHES, and Lord MACARTNEY, were the only persons who knew the bottom of
that transaction. In such cases, however, the ignorance of fact is
generally supplied by conjecture; and men have presumed to censure
unequivocally on the mere hypothetical suggestions of their own
imaginations. Candour, however, in such a case, where it could not speak
with certainty, would speak with caution. An Historian, particularly,
should steer clear of party rancour, and not suffer the prejudice or
malignity which misled himself, to go down to and mislead posterity.
Where positive proof is wanting, if we are obliged to decide, we must
judge by analogy and inference; and in the case now before us, we have
little but the characters of the persons concerned to guide us in our
decision.
Of the horrid catastrophe which succeeded the neglect of exchanging
prisoners, it is hardly possible that any one but Monsieur SUFFREIN
himself could have had a conception. To suppose, that, under such an
impression, our leading men would have hesitated to prevent it, would be
to suppose their intellects weak, and their hearts corrupt and inhuman.
I fancy it will be difficult to fasten on Lord MACARTNEY either the one
or the other; for he was wise and humane: those whom the disappointment
of unreasonable expectations, or the malevolence of party, have induced
to suspect his Lordship’s heart, have been forced by his conduct to
revere his talents; and the breath of calumny has never touched the
humanity of Sir EDWARD HUGHES. Whatever their motives, therefore, may
have been——reason, conscience, and candour, must acquit them of the
consequences. It should be recollected, too, that Monsieur SUFFREIN’S
character was a very probable security, in the mind of men of sense and
honour, against any act of horrid inhumanity: his conduct as an Officer
had made a new æra in the Naval History of France: his talents and
courage might be compared, without disadvantage, to those of the best of
our British Admirals; and he had exhibited marks of uncommon generosity
to those whom the chance of war had thrown into his hands. It would
therefore have been something more than prescience to have presupposed
what actually happened; and I declare most solemnly, that the inference
I draw from the whole information I have had on the subject is, that,
calamitous though the event was, it attaches no positive guilt on any of
the parties concerned. The fact is plainly this: The French Admiral
having no place on the coast where he could secure his prisoners, and
grieving, as he himself subsequently wrote to Mr. HASTINGS, to see the
unhappy men, who had been six or seven months at sea, dying of the
scurvy, delivered over the prisoners, to the number of above three
hundred, to HYDER. Their fate afterwards was such as it would harrow up
your soul to hear related.
Take the whole of the circumstances into one glance, and see what my
feelings must have been on finding myself once more a prisoner. HYDER
ALLI, who was, when compared with the worst Despots of the European
World, a monster, must yet be considered, when put in comparison with
his successor TIPPOO, mild and merciful. HYDER, from policy and
hypocrisy, shewed some lenity to the prisoners who fell into his hands.
Instances are known where British captives have broke through the crowd
that surrounded him into his presence for protection——when he has
hypocritically feigned anger, threatened the persons who had treated
them ill; reprobated severity, and sent them off satisfied for the
present. TIPPOO, on the contrary, was so perfectly savage, that cruelty
seemed to be, not only the internal habit of his soul, but the guide of
all his actions, the moving principle of his policy, the rule of his
public conduct, and the source of his private gratification. Like the
tyger which, BUFFON tells us, kills the whole flock before he begins to
feed, every appetite of his yielded to the more urgent calls of
barbarity; and while one drop of blood remained unspilled, one agony
uninflicted, one tear unshed, the natural appetites of TIPPOO stood
suspended, and the luxuries of life courted his enjoyment in vain. Like
the hyena which THOMPSON calls the fellest of the fell, the fury of his
nature was neither to be controuled by resistance, nor assuaged by
blandishments. Aloof from the general order of the workings of
Providence, he stands a single instance, in which the Omnipotent has
presented a glowing living picture, ALL SHADE: not one ray breaks in, to
relieve the gloomy aspect of the piece; but, distinct from the whole
human race, of him alone it may be said, that he never yet disclosed,
even for a moment, one spark of virtue.
From barbarity so inflexible to those taken in the ordinary chance of
war, what could I expect if I fell again into his hands——I who had been
the instrument of one of his chief Governors’ defection——who had, by my
negociations, contributed to deprive him of a Province, and, what
perhaps might have had greater weight with him, robbed him of the
gratification of a long harboured revenge, by putting his enemy HYAT
SAHIB under the protection of the Company? Diabolical vengeance never
perhaps met with a subject of such sublime enjoyment, as the torturing
of me would have been to this monster. Couple this, then, my FREDERICK,
with the fears of SUFFREIN’S doing by me as he had already done by the
other English prisoners——and guess what my terror and consternation must
have been at falling into the hands of the French!
Having struck our colours to the French frigate, the Captain ordered us
to follow her, and steered to the Northward. We obeyed him for some
time: at length night fell; and, a fresh and favourable breeze
fortunately aiding the attempt, we put about, ran for Madras, and
luckily dropt anchor safely in the Roads. In the escapes I had hitherto
had, there was always some disagreeable circumstance to alloy the
pleasure arising from them——In this instance, my joy was pure and
unqualified; and I looked forward with a reasonable hope that the worst
was all over.
Here I found Lord MACARTNEY Governor, struggling to support the credit
of the Company, and directing their affairs through such embarrassments
and difficulties as made the most wise and temperate despair of success.
So arduous an undertaking as the Government of Madras then was, has
rarely occurred; and a more successful final accomplishment is not to be
instanced. In the incessant conflicts to which he was exposed, he
maintained his post with inflexible firmness and unabated energy of
mind——and, in the most trying circumstances, discharged his important
duty with zeal, integrity and wisdom. The strict discharge of the duty
he owed to his Country, raised clamours against him among an interested
few in India; but the united applauses of all parties, on his return to
England, stamped currency on his fame, and has broken the shafts of
detraction.
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LETTER LXII.
-------------------------------------------
After so many hazards and hardships as I had undergone, it was a most
pleasing reflection to find myself in a society composed of my oldest
professional connections, and warmest and sincerest friends: but this
was a happiness I could not long enjoy; for, being charged with a
mission from HYAT SAHIB to the Governor-General and Supreme Council, I
was constrained to proceed to Bengal, and accordingly set sail for
Calcutta, which I reached in little more than a week, without
encountering any accident, or meeting a single occurrence, worth the
relation. Upon my arrival there, Sir JOHN MACPHERSON, who was in the
Supreme Council, gave me a kind invitation to live at his house, and
presented me to Mr. HASTINGS, with whom I entered into a negociation on
behalf of HYAT SAHIB, which will appear by the following letters:
LETTER TO WARREN HASTINGS, ESQ.
“_Calcutta, May 3, 1783._
“HONOURABLE SIR,
“Indisposition has put it out of my power, since the first day after my
arrival here, to have the honour of paying you my respects, and of
laying before you, for the information of the Board, the objects of my
mission to your superintending Government.
“As these objects are of public importance, and as ill health may
prevent me, for some time longer, from having the honour of waiting upon
you, I take the liberty to beg your attention to this address.
“The great Revolution in favour of the India Company upon the West side
of India, and to which I had the happiness of being in some little
degree instrumental, has been certainly brought about by the zeal and
spirit of General MATHEWS; but that Officer ascribes to the orders and
supplies of your Government the principal merit of the undertaking: he
looks to the same Government for support in the arrangement which he has
made, and may make, for the security of the conquered Province.
“The hurry in which I left him, and his anxiety for my speedy
communication of his successes, gave no time for a formal communication
to the Governor-General and Council, of the particulars of his
successes, and of the arrangements which he wished to be adopted. He
wrote a short account of the first to the Presidency of Fort St. George;
and gave me a public letter to the Commander in Chief of the Military
Establishment of that Presidency to which I particularly belong, in
attestation of the services I rendered in the negociation between him
and the Governor of Bidanore, for the surrender of that Capital and
Province. A copy of that letter I have the pleasure to lay before you.
“As I was charged with a particular commission from HYAT SAHIB, the
Manager of the Bidanore Province, to the Governor-General and Council,
as appears by his letter, which I had the honour of presenting to you,
General MATHEWS gave me, in verbal instructions, and memorandums written
in his own hand, the particulars of what he wished me to represent to
your Government: he gave me, besides, short notes of introduction to two
of the Members of Government, whom he knew personally——referring them to
me for an account of his situation, and, allowing me, I believe, more
credit than I deserve, for the share I had in contributing to his final
acquisition of Bidanore without drawing a sword.
“It would be tedious, and more fit for the detail of conversation than
of a public address, to inform you of the various steps that led to the
surrender of the Capital and Province of Bidanore. I had had several
conferences with HYAT SAHIB before HYDER’S death, and endeavoured to
suggest to him the advantage which would arise to him From a revolt in
favour of the Company. My efforts in these conversations ended
ultimately in the most rigorous distress to myself: I was put in irons,
and remained so for four months, in a situation only of existence,
without any hopes of ever escaping. When General MATHEWS had stormed the
Ghauts, HYAT SAHIB sent for me, and, after various struggles, and much
indecision, agreed to my proceeding to the English camp; and I conducted
General MATHEWS, almost unattended, into Bidanore. HYAT SAHIB at length
agreed to submit: but as, in his various conversations with me before
and after that event, he made a very particular distinction between the
Government of Bombay and the chief Government of the English in
Indostan, so he proposed that I should immediately depart, after he had
given up the place and all the forts of the Province, with a letter to
you, to obtain your sanction to me to his arrangements with the English
General.
“These arrangements were not even clearly defined before my departure;
and so anxious was he for my speedy arrival at Calcutta, that he only
gave me the general propositions that are contained in his letter.
“Permit me here to observe, that it is by the treatment which HYAT SAHIB
meets with, that the other Chiefs of HYDER’S Country will estimate the
advantage of abandoning the interests of TIPPOO SAHIB, or will confirm
their dependence upon him. TIPPOO was prevented by his father from all
intercourse with the Governors of his Provinces, or any interference in
country affairs; so that those left in charge at his father’s death are
strangers to him, and are men to whom he has little attachment. He is,
besides, considered to be of a cruel disposition. His father was cruel
upon a political principle: he is thought to be so from nature.
“The unfortunate differences about money which arose in General
MATHEWS’S camp, and of which you will probably hear from the Presidency
of Bombay, took up much of the General’s time, and may have retarded his
operations: however, his success in the reduction of Mangalore gives a
security to his conquests. The revenues of the Bidanore Province are
about twenty lacks of pagodas per annum.
“The particular situation of the Capital merits attention. It is placed
in a valley of considerable extent in circumference: according to the
best observation I could make, there is an ascent to it, from all sides,
of near seven miles: it can only be approached by four roads, which are
cut among the hills, and which were judiciously fortified with great
pains by HYDER: woods, to the depth of many miles, are a frontier round
its skirts; and where these admitted a passage, HYDER took the
precaution to plant bamboos and thorns—so that I have little fear but
that General MATHEWS will be able to defend these passes; and as for
provisions, and military stores of all kinds, that were found in
Bidanore, of the latter particularly, what, according to General
MATHEWS’S own declaration, would equip nine such armies as his.
“Cundapore is the next sea-port to Bidanore, and is distant about fifty
miles: Mangalore is distant about a hundred miles. The road leading from
Mangalore joins with that from Cundapore, where the ascent of the hills
commence: another road from Bidanore leads to Seringapatam, and a fourth
into the Marhatta Country.
“It was from the lower Country, along the sea-coast, between Onore and
Mangalore, which is watered by many rivers, and is the best cultivated
Country I ever saw, that HYDER got the greatest part of his provisions
for his army in the Carnatic; and, independent of the advantages which
the Company have gained by the acquisition of these Countries, the
consequent losses of the Mysoreans are immense, and such as will disable
them from assisting the French in the Carnatic.
“It becomes not an Officer of my rank to make any observations that
relate to the conduct of the different Governments of my Employers; but
I am obliged to observe, in justice to HYAT SAHIB’S declaration to me,
that he will not rely upon any arrangement made in his favour by the
Governor and Council of Bombay, unless he has a speedy answer to his
letter from this Government. He has requested me to return with that
answer, and with the sanction of the Governor-General to the cowl given
to him by General MATHEWS. Though I am worn down by my sufferings in
prison, and my health can scarcely enable me to be carried by land, I am
ready to undertake this service; for I know it is the greatest I may
ever have it in my power to render to the Company and to my Country.
“My return to the other coast with a favourable answer to HYAT SAHIB,
will be the signal to other Chiefs to throw off the yoke of TIPPOO; and
if Colonel LONG has made any progress in the Coimbatore Country, or that
General MATTHEWS has not been too severely pressed by TIPPOO, I may
arrive upon the other coast in time to be of real use to the Company.
“I know, Honourable Sir, the liberal and great system of your
administration: I will not, therefore, point out any little
circumstances about the footing upon which I should return to HYAT
SAHIB, or remain upon the other coast. I wish only to be rewarded by my
Employers as I am successful; and I shall leave it to your goodness, and
to your distinguished zeal for the public propriety, to give me any
instructions for my conduct, or to charge me with any advices to General
MATHEWS, as you may think proper.
“I hope you will pardon this long and irregular address, and honour me
by communicating any part of it that you may think worthy of
communication to the Gentlemen of the Council.
“I have the honour to be, &c. &c.
“DONALD CAMPBELL.”
“_P. S._ When you are at leisure, and I am able to have the honour of
attending you, I would wish to communicate to you a more particular
detail of my conversation with HYAT SAHIB——what General MATHEWS’S hopes
of support from this Government were, and the future plans he then
meditated——and my ideas of the measures that should be pursued by the
Presidency of Fort St. George, to support General MATHEWS, and improve
the advantages he has gained.
“_To Warren Hastings, Esq.
Governor-General of Bengal._”
LETTER FROM HYAT SAHIB, ALLUDED TO IN THE FOREGOING.
(_Usual Introduction._)
“I have directed the affairs of the Soobeh of Hydernagur for some years
past, on the part of the NAVVAUB HYDER. When lately attacked by the
victorious forces of the English under the command of General MATHEWS, I
opposed him, and fulfilled my duty in every respect; but seeing the
superior fortune and force of the English, and receiving proposals for
peace from General MATHEWS, by these circumstances, but more especially
by the persuasions of Captain CAMPBELL, the son of Colonel CAMPBELL, who
was formerly at Chinaputtan, I was induced to come to terms, and
delivered up to General MATHEWS the treasury, property, stores and keys
of the forts of this Country. If I had been disposed, I had it in my
power to have appropriated this collected wealth to other purposes; but,
from a regard to the high fortune of the KING of ENGLAND, and the
uprightness and integrity of the English People, I have included myself
in the number of your servants, and have determined, with the utmost
sincerity and purity of heart, to serve you well and faithfully. By the
blessing of GOD, under your auspices, my endeavours towards the well and
full performance of my duty shall be ten-fold greater than heretofore;
and as General MATHEWS intends to proceed to Seringputtam, your loyal
servant will assist, to the utmost of his ability and power. You will be
fully informed on this subject by Captain CAMPBELL. Honour, and favour,
and reward, must flow from you.
“From the time of your first establishment in this Country to the
present period, the engagements of the English have been sacredly
performed and adhered to; nor have they been wanting in their protection
of the honour and dignity of the Surdars of Bengal, and other places. I
hope, from your favour and benevolence, that you will issue your
commands to General MATHEWS, to favour me with all due kindness and
attention. I have taken shelter under the shadow of your benevolence.
Captain CAMPBELL has shewn me great kindness so this respect, and, by
encouraging me to hope for your favour, has led me to become your
servant. You will be fully informed of the state of affairs in this
quarter by Captain CAMPBELL’S letters.
“Written on the 25th of Suffur, A. H. 1197.”
A true copy,
J. P. AURIOL, _Sec._”
LETTER TO WARREN HASTINGS, ESQ.
“_Calcutta, May 25, 1783._
“HONOURABLE SIR,
“Some time ago, I did myself the honour of writing to you, on the
subject of my mission from HYAT SAHIB to this Government.
“It is with pleasure I now understand that you have come to the
resolution of sending an answer to his letter. I cannot help delivering
it as my opinion, that a decided and avowed protection granted to him
from this Government, will be productive of great public utility: but
should you, and the other Gentlemen of the Council, think proper to
decline this, from motives best known to yourselves, and of which I
shall not pretend to judge, I beg leave humbly to represent, that the
sooner HYAT SAHIB’S letter is acknowledged, the more satisfactory it
will be to him, and the more efficacious in its probable good
consequences.
“I am ready and anxious to proceed immediately to the other coast with
the answer to HYAT SAHIB, and shall take the liberty of hoping that you
will give me instructions to remain some time with him, that he may have
an opportunity of transmitting, through me, any communication that he
may wish to establish with this Government. I have the pleasure to
inform you, that that Presidency to which I particularly belong, have
granted me their consent to be employed in the final arrangement of the
Bidanore treaty, should your Board think proper to choose me as a fit
person; and they have further unanimously done me the honour to approve
of my conduct in the commencement of this business.
“With respect to the appointments you may judge right to allow me, I
trust entirely to your own ideas of propriety. I wish for nothing more
than what is sufficient to defray the expences of such a journey, and to
enable me to maintain that character in a situation of this kind which
is requisite to promote the public good.
“I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect,
HONOURABLE SIR,
Your most faithful and most obedient servant,
DONALD CAMPBELL.”
After some delay, I received instructions, together with a letter from
Mr. HASTINGS for HYAT, with which I set off in order to deliver it into
his own hands, as follows:
LETTER TO CAPTAIN DONALD CAMPBELL.
“SIR,
“I have it in command from the Honourable the Governor-General and
Council, to transmit you the inclosed answer from the Governor-General
to the letter which you brought from HYAT SAHIB, the Fousdar of
Bidanore, to this Government, upon the occasion of his surrendering that
Country to the Company. As you propose to return to Bidanore, the Board
request that you will deliver this answer in person to HYAT SAHIB, with
assurances from them of every protection and support which the eminent
services rendered by him to the Company give him so good a right to
expect, and which they have it in their power to grant; and you will
acquaint him, that they have further agreed to recommend him in such
terms to the Honourable the Court of Directors, as may encourage him to
hope for every attention from their justice.
“Considering the great importance of the acquisition of Bidanore to the
Company, its proportionable disadvantage to the enemy, and the magnitude
of the object to be obtained by holding out every possible incitement
and encouragement to the Managers of the Mysore Country, to throw off a
new and unsettled dependence on the enemy’s Government, in order to
obtain a more secure and beneficial tenure from the Company’s
possession, the Board are the more readily inclined to afford this early
return to the advances of HYAT SAHIB, in the hope that it will inspire
him with fresh confidence in the English Government, and rivet his
attachment to it.
“It will be at your option, either to return immediately with HYAT
SAHIB’S answer to the Governor-General’s letter, if you shall deem it of
sufficient consequence to require it, or to remain with him, if you
conceive that your residence there for any time will be more conducive
to the public interests; but, in either case, you are desired to report
the particulars of your reception and proceedings to this Government,
with any other information which you may think it useful for them to
know.
“I am, SIR,
Your most obedient, humble servant,
J. P. AURIOL, _Sec._
_Fort William, May 29, 1783._”
It would be unpardonable in me to let this occasion pass without
expressing the high sense I entertain of Mr. HASTINGS’S politeness, and
Sir JOHN MACPHERSON’S kindness and hospitality during my stay at
Calcutta. As to Mr. HASTINGS, in his public capacity, it would be
presumptuous and injudicious to say much, as he now stands for the
judgment of the highest Tribunal in this Country. My own observation
leads me to consider him as a man of sound, acute and brilliant talents,
and of a vast and comprehensive mind——of manners sociable, amiable, meek
and unaffected——and of a disposition truly benevolent. His superior
knowledge of the political interests of Indostan, and particularly of
the affairs of the East India Company, has never been questioned; and,
if the suffrage of the People of India may be allowed to decide, his
conduct as Governor-General, though, like every thing human, intermixed
with error, was, on the whole, great and laudable——for I declare I
scarcely ever heard a man in India, Native or European, censure him,
although he was often the subject of conversation with all persons and
in all companies in the East.
The social virtues of Sir JOHN MACPHERSON are so well known, that it
would be superfluous to notice them. The same friendship and hospitality
I experienced in his house, has been shared by many, who are not
backward in doing him ample justice on that head. But his conduct during
his short administration can be known only by those who make the
political concerns of India a subject of studious attention. To enter
into a detail of his various wise regulations for the restoration of the
Company’s affairs, would be destructive of the end I propose, which is,
by a concise and simple summary of the whole, to render a fair picture
of his administration so clear as to be understood by any person,
however ignorant he may be of the politics of that Country, and so brief
as not to discourage the reading of it.
Sir JOHN MACPHERSON took the reins of Government into his hands on the
first of February, 1785. He found the Company’s revenues diminished, and
their expenditure increased, by the continual claims of Proprietors,
Directors, and Ministers, to a share in the patronage of Mr.
HASTINGS——and a public debt accumulating to an enormous amount. He
therefore saw the necessity of putting in practice every expedient
possible, and trying every experiment that the state of the Country
suggested, as likely to promote an increase of the revenue, a diminution
of the public expenditure, and a liquidation of the debt. He, therefore,
on the fourteenth day of his administration, commenced a reform, which
he continued with indefatigable zeal and industry to introduce through
the various departments of Government——and, beginning with himself,
discharged his body-guards. While he was thus employed in India, the
Company and Parliament in England were unremittingly engaged in
considering and molding into shape a system of reform also; and,
extraordinary as it may appear, the fact is, that the sagacity of Mr.
MACPHERSON had adopted by anticipation, and actually reduced to
practice, the identical speculative reforms which the Parliament and
Company were proceeding upon in England; and the general plan of reform
which passed the Court of Directors on the eleventh of April, 1785, had
been actually carried into execution by Sir JOHN MACPHERSON in Bengal,
in the months of February, March and April, 1785. He made arrangements
for the diffusion of knowledge——established the settlement of Pulo
Penang, or Prince of Wales’s Island——settled the Bank of Calcutta on a
firm basis——regulated the markets——and, by a plan of his own conception,
secured the Company from the accustomed fraudulent compositions with
Zemindars, by bonding their balances, and making the bonds cancelable
only by the Court of Directors. In fine, he introduced and carried into
effect a system of reform which had a most sudden and salutary effect on
the British affairs in India; and in an administration of only eighteen
months, he had the felicity to perceive the fruits of his wisdom and
industry maturing——to receive that best of earthly rewards, the esteem
and applause of his Fellow-citizens——and to be honoured by the best of
Sovereigns with the dignity of a Baronet.
While I was at Sir JOHN MACPHERSON’S house, I happened, in conversation
one day with Mr. MACAULEY, Sir JOHN’S Secretary, to be talking over some
part of my adventures; and found to my astonishment, that he had, in his
route to India, accidentally hired the very servant whom I had lost at
Trieste by sending him for letters to Venice; and Mr. MACAULEY assured
me, that he found him possessed of all the good qualities I had expected
to meet in him: but the poor fellow had died before my arrival at
Calcutta, to my great mortification and disappointment.
As the season in which I was to leave Calcutta was very unfavourable for
a voyage by sea, and the coast thereabouts is one of the most
inhospitable in the world, I set off by land for Madras, and in my way
had an opportunity of surveying that curious and grotesque monument of
superstitious folly, called the Jagranaut Pagoda. It is an immense,
barbarous structure, of a kind of pyramidal form, embellished with
devices cut in stone-work, not more singular than disgusting. Christian
Idolaters, in forming types and figures of divine beings, always
endeavour to represent them with personal beauty, as proportionate to
their divine nature as human skill can make it. Those Pagans, on the
contrary, in forming their idols, cast out every vestige of
beauty——every thing that, by the consent of Mankind, is supposed to
convey pleasing sensations; and, in their place, substitute the most
extravagant, unnatural deformity, the most loathsome nastiness, the most
disgusting obscenity. It is not in language to convey an adequate idea
of their temples and idols; and if it was, no purpose could be answered
by it, only the excitement of painful and abominable sensations. To keep
pace with the figures of their idols, a chief Bramin, by some accursed
artificial means, (by herbs, I believe), has brought to a most unnatural
form, and enormous dimensions, that which decency forbids me to mention;
and the pure and spotless women, who from infancy have been shut up from
the sight of men, even of their brothers, are brought to kiss this
disgusting and misshapen monster, under the preposterous belief that it
promotes fecundity.
In this Pagoda stands the figure of Jagranaut, (their god under Brama);
and a sightly figure it is truly!——nothing more than a black stone, in
an irregular pyramidal form, having two rich diamonds in the top by way
of eyes, and a nose and mouth painted red. For this god, five hundred
Priests are daily employed in boiling food, which, as he seldom eats it,
they doubtless convert to their own use in the evening.
I stopped at Vizagapatnam for a few days with Mr. RUSSEL, who was Chief
of that place. His style of living was so exactly similar to that of an
elegant family residing at their country-house in England, that I felt
myself more happy and comfortable than I had been since my arrival in
India; and that happiness was much increased by meeting Mr. MAXTON, who
was married to Mr. RUSSEL’S daughter. This Gentleman and I had, when
mere boys, been shipmates on our first going out to India: a warm
friendship took place between us, which has met with no interruption,
but rather increased from lapse of time, and greater habits of intimacy.
To see a man whom I so entirely esteemed, in possession of the most
perfect domestic felicity, and surrounded by a number of amiable
connections and friends, was to me a subject of the most pleasing
contemplation.
---------------------------------------------------------
LETTER LXIII.
-------------------------------------------
Leaving Vizagapatnam, I took my route along the coast, and arrived at
Masulipatam, where I heard rumours of the unfortunate fate of General
MATHEWS. This threw such a damp upon my spirits, that all the
hospitality and kindness of Mr. DANIEL, the Chief, could scarcely raise
me from despondence; and on my arrival at Madras, I found the whole
amply confirmed.
As HYAT SAHIB’S affair yet remained unsettled, and I considered myself
in a degree pledged to obtain him some satisfaction for his services in
surrendering the Province of Bidanore, and to fulfil my engagements with
him and the Supreme Council, I determined to proceed to Bombay,
notwithstanding the disaster of General MATHEWS, which had entirely
crushed all my private prospects in that quarter, and to co-operate with
HYAT SAHIB in such measures as might yet remain to us for promoting the
public good. I left Madras, therefore, and prosecuted my journey without
any material interruption until I reached Palamcotah, where the chagrin
arising from my various disappointments, co-operating with fatigue and
climate, threw me into a fit of sickness, which confined me to my bed
for five or six weeks. Upon recovering a little, I crawled on to
Anjengo, where, at the house of Mr. HUTCHINSON, the Resident, (who
treated me with cordial kindness), I waited for an opportunity of
getting to Bombay, and during that time laid in a stock of strength and
spirits: at length a Europe ship touching at Anjengo on her way to
Bombay, I obtained a passage, and proceeded.
At Bombay I found HYAT SAHIB, it having been deemed expedient to send
him away from Bidanore on the approach of TIPPOO with his army, where I
received from him a confirmation of what I have stated respecting
General MATHEWS receiving only two lacks of rupees and a necklace. And
now, as peace was negociating between us and TIPPOO, and my remaining on
the Malabar coast could be of little use, I determined to return to the
Carnatic. And here I have an incident to add to the many disagreeable
occurrences of my life, in which, with intentions the most innocent, I
was made the subject of obloquy and unmerited scandal.
Just at the time I was leaving Bombay, a young Lady, the daughter of a
person formerly of high rank in India, and now a Member of Parliament,
but whose name it would be useless to mention, wished to return to the
Carnatic; and I, at the request of herself, and another Lady with whom
she lived, unguardedly took charge of her during the journey. Before our
departure, I reflected upon the difficulties and impropriety of this
step, and communicated my ideas to the Ladies, who, instead of listening
to the objections I started, pressed me to fulfil my promise: I
consented, purely from principles of politeness and good-nature. During
the course of our journey, she unfolded to me, of her own accord,
certain acts of cruelty and injustice she had suffered from her father,
at the instigation of her _mother-in-law_, with a story of her innocence
having fallen, and her reputation having been destroyed, by a connection
of the Lady under whose charge she was, and who for that reason had
pressed her departure with me; and added, she was so disgusted with
India, that she determined to quit it; and entreated me to assist her in
the accomplishment of her wishes. I disapproved, in the most unqualified
terms, of her project——gave her the best and most disinterested
advice——and, through the whole disagreeable business which was imposed
upon me, acted merely with a view to her honour and happiness; and
several of the most respectable people in Palamcotah, where she passed
some time, and at Madras, where she afterwards resided, could attest the
delicacy of my conduct towards her, as well as the concern and interest
I took in every thing that was likely to be of advantage to her.
This is a fair statement of the matter; and yet, on account of it, I was
most infamously scandalized; and the scandal reached even the ears of my
father, whom, however, I soon satisfied on that head. But that which
stung me to the quick was the conduct of some of my own relations, (who,
if they even could not justify or approve, ought at least to have been
silent), in becoming the most virulent of my detractors——though, when
the character of those very relations had on former occasions been
reflected upon, I stood up and defended them at the imminent hazard of
my life. Such conduct appeared to me most atrocious; for, whether from
affection, selfishness, or pride, I always strenuously supported my
relations, if I heard them traduced in their absence——and, when I was
not able to justify their proceedings, at least suppressed the
conversation. To a man who had uniformly acted so, were there even no
reciprocation of family affection, mutual justice demanded different
treatment from that I experienced, which could have sprung only from
depravity of heart, poverty of intellect, and the most abject meanness
of spirit. And what is remarkable on this, as well as on other
occasions, those who had been under the greatest obligation to my father
and myself, were the most inveterate.
On the death of my father, looking over his papers in the presence of
the Deputy Sheriff of Argyll, and three other Gentlemen, we met with a
letter on the subject from the young Lady’s father to mine, reflecting
in a gross manner on my character. I directly wrote to that Gentleman,
explaining the whole affair, and demanding justice to be done to my
reputation. Upon an ecclairecissement of the matter, he wrote to me a
complete apology, acknowledging that he had acted on that occasion
through misrepresentation, and had too easily given credit to
ill-founded reports; and saying, that as the letter in question had, by
the perusal of the Deputy Sheriff and other Gentlemen, in some measure
become a matter of public notoriety, he thought it incumbent on him to
make that apology, and to express his sincere regret for any detriment I
might have sustained, by his yielding unguardedly to a sudden impulse of
passion, caused, as he was then perfectly convinced, by misinformation.
Thus was my character at once cleared of a calumny which the industrious
villany of a few had contrived to propagate through every spot of the
earth where I was known.
This story may serve as an instructive lesson to you, my FREDERICK, to
avoid, in the very first instance, any connection with women that in the
probable course of things can lead to private acts of confidence: they
are at best indiscreet——tend, as in this case, to make a man a dupe——and
never fail to lead to scandal and reproach. You will also, from the
letter of the Lady’s father, found eight or ten years after it was
written among my father’s papers, see the impropriety and hazard of
committing your thoughts incautiously to paper. I have known it
frequently, as in this instance, end in mortification and regret.
Before quitting entirely the Malabar coast, I took a trip to Surat,
which amply repaid me for my trouble. It surpasses any part of India for
extent and variety of commerce, for populous streets and suburbs, and
for a continually moving scene of opulence. For a more minute account of
it, I refer you to the Abbé RAYNAL, who, though not generally accurate,
is so elegant, that you will be able, from his description, to form a
lively conception of the place, and its singular customs.
Here I was received in a very friendly manner by Mr. SETON. And indeed I
may now once for all declare, that at every place where I stopped, and
every post I passed, from my leaving England till my return, I
experienced the most kind and liberal reception, and the most assiduous
attention: my wants of every kind, whether of vessels, boats, guards of
Sepoys, letters of introduction, &c. being supplied by anticipation, I
had scarcely occasion to make a request, or express a wish; nor was the
attention shewn to the public service less than that which was
manifested for my private convenience. To kindness so truly consolatory
as it then was to me, I never look back without sentiments of unbounded
gratitude and unfeigned acknowledgment.
My journeys by land in India after my shipwreck, independent of long
voyages by sea, amounted to more than three thousand miles. After
getting back to Madras, my health being materially injured, I resolved
to return to England: but, having seen almost all the Company’s
possessions, I felt a curiosity to see China, and determined to make
that my way. To render this route more agreeable to me, Lord MACARTNEY,
in addition to his other favours, gave me the following handsome letter
of introduction to Mr. PIGOU, the Company’s chief Supercargo at Canton:
“_Fort St. George, July 23, 1784._
“SIR,
“This letter will be dilivered to you by Captain DONALD CAMPBELL, of
this Establishment——a Gentleman who has signalized himself on many
occasions, but more particularly by his ability and address in
accomplishing the surrender of the fort of Bidanore, at which place he
had been long a prisoner. His ill state of health contracted there,
renders a voyage to China, perhaps to Europe, absolutely necessary.
Should he remain any time at your Settlement, I shall be much obliged to
you for any attention and civility shewn to him; and I shall be happy,
on any occasion you may afford me, of returning your polite attention to
an Officer of so much merit as Captain CAMPBELL, and of proving how much
I am,
“SIR,
“Your most obedient and most humble servant,
“MACARTNEY.”
“_To William Henry Pigou, Esq._”
I had also a letter to Mr. FREEMAN, another Supercargo there; by whom,
as well as by Mr. PIGOU, I was treated with great politeness: and Mr.
FREEMAN being obliged to leave Canton, and go to Macao, for the recovery
of his health, invited me to accompany him there. I availed myself of
the opportunity; and, as we went all along through the rivers, had an
opportunity of seeing more of the Country than many of the Europeans who
visit that Country. With the observations which I made in the course of
this excursion and my residence at Canton, I would furnish you, but that
Lord MACARTNEY’S Embassy is just returned from that Country; and there
is every reason to hope that he, or some of the Gentlemen who attended
him, and who possess superior abilities and more ample materials, will
favour the Public with a much more perfect account than mine could
possibly be.
While I remained at Canton, a very disagreeable rupture took place
between the Factory and the Chinese. An English ship lying at Wampoa, in
saluting, shattered a Chinese boat; by which accident, two men in it
were much hurt with the splinters, and one of them died of his wounds
soon after. The matter was clearly explained to the Mandarins; and they
seemed to be satisfied that it was merely an accident. A few days after,
the Supercargo of the ship was forcibly seized, and carried into the
city; the Council met, and determined to send for the Sailors from the
ships; and in the evening after dark, fifteen or sixteen boats, with
four or five hundred men, attempted, in an irregular manner, to come up
to Canton——were fired upon by the Chinese boats and forts in passing,
and, with a few men wounded, were compelled to retreat. Nothing could
surpass the consternation and indecision of the Council; and after the
most humiliating language, they were obliged to appease the Chinese, and
settle the affair by giving up the gunner of the ship to their
resentment.
On the 29th December, 1784, I embarked in the Ponsborne East-Indiaman,
Captain HAMMET, in which I had come from Madras to China; and, after a
tolerable voyage of five months and two days, got on board a
fishing-boat off Falmouth, and was put on shore there, having been
exactly four years and five days from England.
Such was my impatience to see you, that I wrote from Falmouth for you to
meet me at Bath. We arrived there the same day; and never in my life did
I experience such transport as in first pressing you to my bosom: I
found you all that my heart could wish; and I must, in justice to my
opinion, aver, that not one action of your life has tended since to give
me a moment’s pain: on the contrary, I have every reason to be satisfied
that my sanguine hopes of you will be realized. The turn of your
thoughts and actions have been vigilantly watched and closely examined
by me; and from your affection to myself and your mother, your gentle
deportment to my domestics, your frankness and candour with your brother
and school-fellows——even from your fondness for your favourite dog
_Pompey_, and frequent silent contemplations of the etchings of his
countenance, I have drawn the most pleasing presages of purity and
innocence of heart, sweetness of temper, and refined honour and
generosity. If it pleases GOD to spare your life, and strengthen your
constitution, I shall still be the happiest of men, notwithstanding the
inroad made upon my feelings by the hardships and afflictions I had
undergone, of which many arose from unavoidable accident, and some from
malignant and unnatural persecution, arising from base envy, dictated by
cowardly revenge. I do not wish you to know who the wretches are: I only
wish you to know that such detestable passions do exist in human
nature——that, warned by their wickedness to me, you may, in your
progress through life, be cautious, temperate and guarded.
Another thing I am anxious to impress upon the mind, particularly, of
your brother JOHN, is the danger of a warm, impetuous temper. Many of
the hazards and difficulties of my life arose from the predominance of a
fiery spirit, and an ungovernable, mistaken ambition. A single instance
will serve to shew it. When I was under the command of Captain,
afterwards General MATHEWS, in his regiment of Cavalry, being cantoned
at a place called Tuckolam, in the neighbourhood of extensive woods,
information was brought us that wild bulls infested the neighbouring
villages, and had killed some people: we prepared to enter the wood, and
destroy, if possible, those ferocious animals, which had become the
terror and destruction of the contiguous country. The origin of those
wild herds was this——From time immemorial, a religious custom had
prevailed among the Pagan inhabitants, of offering a calf to the wood
upon the accomplishment of any favourite purpose, such as the safe
delivery of his wife, or the obtaining an employment, &c. In process of
time, those calves bred, and became numerous and incredibly fierce.
Independent of protecting the defenceless natives, it was in itself a
most interesting kind of hunting. The mode of doing it was this——A large
party, well mounted, galloping in a body up to a great flock, and
marking out the fiercest champion of the whole, attacked him with swords
and pistols. One day, a bull which was wounded, and thereby rendered
more fierce, though not less vigorous, got posted in some thick bushes,
in such a manner as to be approached only in front: a whim of the most
extravagant kind came into my head, suggested by vain-glory and youthful
fire——I thought it ungenerous for so many to attack him at once; and,
wishing to have the credit of subduing him, I dismounted from my horse,
and attacked him with a pike: I soon, however, had cause to repent this
rash and unwarrantable step; it had nearly been fatal to me——for the
bull soon threw the pike into the air, and, had it not been for the very
gallant exertions of my Brother Officers, who rode in upon him, and
rescued me at the moment that the brute’s horns had touched my coat, I
must have been killed. An Indian Officer, who was in my troop,
particularly distinguished himself, at the imminent hazard of his life,
the bull having tossed his horse and himself to a distance from his
horns. At this time I was but eighteen years of age, and had not the
judgment to reflect, that if I had been killed, my fate would be
attended with only pity or scorn for my folly; whereas, had I succeeded,
the whole reward of my danger would have been the useless applause of
some youngsters, idle, and inconsiderate as myself——while my rashness
would have been reprobated by every man whose good opinion was worth
enjoying. One or two people who were present at the time, are now living
in great repute in England. We succeeded, however, in driving those wild
cattle into the interior recesses of the wood, dividing the flesh of
those we killed among such of the poor Sepoys as would eat it, and
thereby rendered essential service to the contiguous villages.
Often when I have heard, in coffee-houses and play-houses, some of
our sporting sparks boasting of their prowess over a timid hare or a
feeble fox, I could not help recollecting with respect the hunters
of India, who chase the destructive monsters of the forest——the
boar, the tyger, the hyena, the bull, or the buffalo; and, while
they steel the nerves, animate the courage, and, by habitual deeds
of pith, fit themselves for war, render essential service to their
fellow-creatures, and save the lives and property of thousands. Such
greatness of spirit, under the controul of good sense, and the
direction of prudence, must render a man respectable——but, if not
managed with discretion, leaves a man no other praise than that of a
magnanimous madman. Take every opportunity, my dear FREDERICK, of
inculcating these precepts in the mind of your brother: the natural
warmth of his temper often makes me fearful of the mischievous
consequences which I have myself too often experienced——though, I
thank GOD, it never stimulated me to revenge, or to a premeditate
intention of injuring any one.
I have already said more than once, that I have a most perfect
conviction your amiable disposition will ensure to you the love of
Mankind; but it will at the same time subject you to many
impositions——to guard against which, a great share of sternness is
sometimes necessary: there is, besides, a certain degree of fortitude
absolutely requisite to give lustre to a gentle disposition; without it,
meekness is thought timidity——modesty, weakness——and the charming
mildness of the forgiving heart, abused as the pitiful resource of
abject apprehension and a mean spirit. There are times, therefore, when
the wickedness of men, and the customs of the world, make it necessary
to lay aside the lamb, and assume the lion. EUROPE at this moment
presents an awful and alarming crisis. In a neighbouring Country, the
conduct of the higher classes of society has produced a dreadful
convulsion: social order has been subverted, and the stability of
property annihilated: all reasoning from the history of former times is
found inapplicable to the present: the system of warfare itself has
undergone a revolution; and no man is able to say from positive
inference, “Thus will it be to-morrow.” Our insular situation, thank
GOD! protects us: and the precarious footing upon which civil order and
property stand in most Countries on the Continent, make our state in
England enviable. The time is nevertheless pregnant with extraordinary
event; and you are now approaching that age at which men should be ready
to act at the call of their Country. It is therefore fitting for you to
make such things the subject of frequent contemplation——to habituate
your mind to the meeting of danger, so as to be ready, at a moment’s
warning, to lay down your life, if necessary, for the good of your
Country; for, after all, my FREDERICK, what avails it whether we die in
this way or in that?——to die with honour and a good conscience, is all.
Let prejudice be laid aside——and who, possessed of common sense, could
hesitate a moment to prefer death in the field, to death with the
loathsome aggravation of sickness, the crocodile tears of pretended
friends, and the painful emotions and lamentations of those who really
love us?
Finally, I must observe, that at the time I left India, the affairs of
the British Nation wore so very lowering an aspect, all persons
acquainted with our concerns there, allowed nothing but a long series of
wise measures, with the best efficient servants to execute them, could
rescue the Company from ruin. I am happy in being able now to state,
without the possibility of contradiction, that the clouds which menaced
us in that quarter have since been gradually dissipating beneath the
measures of the BOARD of CONTROUL, under the direction of Mr. DUNDAS;
and are at last entirely dispersed by the glorious administration of
Lord CORNWALLIS, whose wisdom in the Cabinet tended no less to the
security, than his military talents, justice and moderation, to the
honour, of GREAT BRITAIN in the East. The choice of such a person for
the Government of India, reflects credit on HIS MAJESTY’S Councils, and
evinces that the paternal care and solicitude of our amiable SOVEREIGN
extend to the most remote part of the Empire.
END OF PART III.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
APPENDIX.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
------------------------------------------------------------------------
APPENDIX.
[Illustration]
_LETTER FROM GENERAL MATHEWS_,
TO
THE COURT OF DIRECTORS OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
---------------------------------------------------------
(REFERRED TO IN THE FOREGOING LETTERS.)
-------------------------------------------
HONOURABLE SIRS,
I have the honour of informing you of the success of your arms
on the Malabar Coast. You will have received advices of the outset of
the Expedition from Bombay, and the general purport of it. On the 12th
of December, I sailed with a small party; and thought proper, of my own
accord, to land at Rajamundroog, in preference to any other
place—because, on this part of the Coast, I had the double advantage of
being able to secure myself until reinforced, and to procure provisions,
which I could not have done at Cundapore, or any place to the Southward,
by reason of the numerous garrisons, and the vicinity of them to the
capital. The measures and dispositions of the Gentlemen at Bombay were
such, that I could not place any dependence upon being timely reinforced
from thence, or of having any supply of provisions. Rajamundroog is on
the top of a high hill, and commands the entrance of the best river on
the Coast. We took it by storm. The moment we landed, a short time was
taken up in preparing to move towards Onore; for we had not a cooly,
carriage, or bullock, to convey any stores. The battering cannon,
ammunition, provisions, &c. were sent by sea; and the great additions
that HYDER had made to the fortifications of Onore and fortified Island,
prevented my entering the river with the small craft, and obliged me to
land every thing, through a heavy surf on the beach, and then to cross
the river to the Northward of the fort. These impediments were got over;
and a practicable breach being effected, the assault was made—and the
garrison, consisting of two thousand five hundred men, were either
killed, drowned, or made prisoners.—Shortly after this, event, the
troops from the Southward, under Lieutenant-Colonel MACLEOD, were landed
at Rajamundroog. To wait for a junction, would take up much time: so,
that not a moment should be lost, I embarked, and landed near Cundapore,
under the fire of the Bombay Grab and the Intrepid, and immediately
seized a small fort that served to secure our stores. The enemy were in
sight, and seemed numerous: some prisoners that we took, reckoned them
at twelve hundred Horse, one thousand Sepoys, and five hundred Peons. My
party was composed of three hundred and fifty Europeans, six hundred
Sepoys, and four small field-pieces—with which I marched, first towards
the enemy, who drew back, and then I proceeded to Cundapore. They
incommoded my rear very much; but being determined to attack the fort, I
only acted on the defensive, and at seven in the evening got possession
of the fort, and the several redoubts that commanded the river. The
grand object of the Expedition, an attack upon Bidanore, remained to be
undertaken; and much serious reflection it required before the hazardous
enterprise should be determined on,—Your Honours will now take a view of
the state of my army: No carriage-bullock, and the few draft not able to
draw eight light field-pieces—not a cooly to carry musquet, ammunition
or provisions—not a tent—and many Officers, HIS MAJESTY’S in particular,
had not a single servant—neither bullock or sheep to be had, the enemy
having drove them off. The army, at this time, consisted of about eleven
hundred effective Europeans, and three thousand Sepoys. The distance
from Cundapore to the foot of the Ghaut is thirty miles, through a woody
country: the enemy’s army had been reinforced, and lay in the way. The
reports of the strength of the various works that defended the pass up
the mountains, was such as gave me but very faint hope of success; and
the difficulty of supplying my troops with rice, was almost of itself
sufficient to deter a person from the attempt. However, having positive
orders to take possession of Bidanore, I resolved to make a trial, and
issued directions for the march. We had not gone six miles, before the
enemy opposed us in force. We pushed forwards; and, by the effect of
well-served artillery, and the steadiness of the men, the enemy retired
as we advanced. The skirmish continued about three hours—after which we
were left to pursue our route unmolested; nor did the enemy make any
stand till we were on the fourth day’s march, within three miles of the
pass—where, the ground being favourable, they attempted opposition, and
were roughly treated, losing, by the bayonet and shot, above three
hundred men. They were pursued to a small fort, which was immediately
abandoned; and then fled to the first barrier or entrance of the pass.
This was a line of masonry that covered all the open ground, and was
closed by woods to the right and left. Upon six bastions were mounted
fifteen pieces of cannon; and on the left was a work on a steep
mountain, with two twelve pounders. This altogether had too formidable
an appearance to attack in front; but having reconnoitred the right, I
imagined that the flank might be tamed by ascending the hill through the
wood. Early in the morning, two parties were formed—one to attempt the
flank, the other to escalade the wall; but the enemy saved us that
trouble by evacuating the place. This was a happy moment to try the
pass; for the enemy, by felling trees, &c., would have thrown so many
obstacles in the way, that the want of provision would have compelled me
to relinquish the design. A party was instantly ordered to follow the
enemy up the hill, which, with little loss, gained the second barrier,
on which were mounted eleven guns. Fifty of the enemy were killed or
taken at this work. Having this success, I relieved the exhausted by
fresh detachments, which excited emulation, and encouraged the ardour of
the Sepoys; for, to the unremitting exertions of this branch of your
troops is due the honour of this day. Battery after battery was taken;
and the possession of the fort on the top of the Ghaut, about five in
the afternoon, called Hyderghur, crowned the whole. At this fort we
found mounted thirty pieces of cannon, from twenty-four to four
pounders; and at the different works in the pass, forty others, from
four to twelve.
When we contemplated the numerous redoubts and the height of the Ghaut,
and were told by prisoners that we had drove off seventeen thousand men,
including dismounted Cavalry, regular Sepoys, and match-lock Peons, we
could not consider the victory we had gained as due to us—our weak
efforts would have been in vain. The progress of your arms is to be
ascribed to the Divine Will. In the course of this war, Providence has
been peculiarly bountiful—When we were in want of rice, we were sure to
find a supply left for our use by the enemy—when our musquet-ammunition
was expended, the enemy’s magazines furnished us abundantly—cannon we
found in every fort, and such quantities of warlike stores, that we are
apt to suppose that HYDER supplied all his garrisons from this Coast and
from Bidanore. Hyderghur is about fourteen miles from Hydernagur,
_alias_ Bidanore, the capital of the Province.
In the night of the day that we gained the Ghaut, I was visited by
Captain DONALD CAMPBELL, the son of Colonel CHARLES CAMPBELL. He had
been wrecked off the Coast, was seized, and kept in irons, until the
approach of this army caused the Jemadar to release him, to employ him
as an Ambassador. His message was, that the Jemadar having lost his
Master (HYDER), and being upon bad terms with TIPPOO SAHIB, would
willingly put himself under the protection of the Company, provided that
the management of the Country was continued to him. The idea of getting
possession of the capital and the forts of the Kingdom towards
Seringapatam as well as the very great advantage I might expect from his
experience, abilities and influence, with the weak state of my army,
induced me to close with the proposal; and I sent him a cowl, signifying
that his power and influence should not be lessened. This, tho’ not
drawn with a pen of a Lawyer, was equal in value to the capital of
Bidanore. Captain CAMPBELL returned with it, and was to tell the Jemadar
that I should march in the morning.
Not expecting the great success that we had met with by forcing the pass
on the main road, I had detached Lieutenant-Colonel MACLEOD to the left,
to ascend the Ghaut through a narrow path, in order to attack Hyderghur
in the rear. The absence of this detachment, and the fatigue of the
former day, reduced my party to about four hundred Europeans and seven
hundred Sepoys; and all my guns were at the bottom of the Ghaut. With
this detachment I moved towards Bidanore, and was within a mile of the
walls before any message came from Captain CAMPBELL or the Jemadar: but
having nothing to apprehend in the field from the panic-struck enemy, we
continued our march until the welcome approach of Captain CAMPBELL
assured me the place was our own. On entering it, I was pleased to see
about four hundred of your Sepoys that had been taken in the Carnatic,
who offered me their service. Upon visiting the Jemadar, I repeated my
assurances, that while he behaved faithfully to the Company, the
management of the Country should be continued to him; and, although the
sword must be in your hands, that he should have as much power and
influence as his station required, and that you would not refuse
settling upon him very ample allowances. The enemy being in force, and
my army much weakened, with other disagreeable matters that occurred,
prevented my further advance than to take possession of two forts to the
Eastward; for, being apprehensive that the Killidar of Mangalore would
not deliver up that place to the order of HYAT SAHIB, and considering
that famous sea-port of more consequence to your affairs than acquiring
territory beyond the mountains, I held myself in readiness to march that
way, and was forced to lay siege to it. A practicable breach being made,
the Killidar thought proper to surrender it. Upon this happy event give
me leave to congratulate you; for it partly secures our conquests from
Carwar to Cananore. There are two or three places that I have not been
able to summons; but as these garrisons cannot expect any succour; they
will fall of course.
Thus have I given your Honours a short recital, from the first landing
of your arms on the 12th of December, to the reduction of Mangalore on
the 9th of March; in which short time a series of success has attended
us that can hardly be paralleled. All the enemy’s marine has fallen in
our hands, among which are eight ships of the line, either built or on
the stocks; and five of them might be sent to sea in a short time. After
informing you of the happy and glorious success of your arms, it is
painful for me to tell you, that dissention in the army, on account of
plunder and booty, has arisen to such a height as to threaten open
mutiny. I have informed your Honours of the terms that the Jemadar
required, and that I in your name granted; and you know in how peaceable
a manner this capital was resigned to you. I am sorry to say, that HIS
MAJESTY’S Officers have been foremost in the clamours; and that the
agents appointed by them have occasioned me much trouble and anxiety,
and a great deal of discontent throughout the army. I shall send you
copies of the several letters that have passed, for your determination.
They may suppose that I have appropriated treasure to my own use, or
bargained to restore the private property of the Jemadar to him; or that
I should agree that he should call all treasure and jewels his private
property, to the exclusion of what of right should belong to the
Honourable Company or the captors. I have only to assure your Honours,
that I have made no bargain whatever, either public or private, but what
was expressed in the cowl sent from Hyderghur, to which Captain CAMPBELL
was witness; and as I have frequently mentioned to my friends, that I
would not receive a present of consequence without the consent of the
Honourable Company, I shall inform you, that on say first visit the
Jemadar insisted on making me a present of a lack of rupees; and when he
pleased to give a donation to the army of two lacks and thirty thousand
of rupees, which sum waits your pleasure, he requested I would accept of
another lack of rupees. To both of these requests respecting myself, I
replied, that provided your Honours would give me leave, I should
certainly embrace that fortunate moment to gain an independence, and
shall wait your orders as to the disposal of two lacks of rupees. How
far my former and the present services may entitle me to your good
opinion, and to your acquiescence in thus rewarding me, is left to the
generality of your Honours; but I beg that you will believe, that,
during the course of my services, every thing of a similar nature shall
be laid before you.
If it were possible to satisfy the avidity of a body of men, this little
army would have a sufficiency of honour and profit to fill the most
greedy; but the infirmities of nature are not to be controuled by
reason. Avarice of the most pernicious tendency has pervaded the limits
of sense, and stepped beyond the bounds of duty. The army, not content
with acquiring, at the different places that has been taken on the coast
in ships of war, naval stores, merchandize, &c. &c. and in goods of
various kinds at Bidanore, which altogether the Jemadar says may be
valued at thirty lacks of pagodas; they seek to deprive the Jemadar of
his private property, under pretence of the lawful rights of war; and
assume a style and manner in their clamours and united addresses, that
appears intended to force from me what I think ought to be preserved for
the public service, and for the benefit of the Honourable Company. The
manner that the fort and city was delivered to the Company, does not
authorize me to touch private property; and the cowl implies a perfect
security for all such. Would your Honours be pleased, that by any
rapacious action of your Commander in Chief, that he or the troops
should forfeit the good opinion that may be entertained of them from
their rapid success, or that the public service should be considered as
a secondary object? Our name has fallen almost to contempt; but, as far
as lays in my power, it shall be recovered, if not raised to its former
eminence.
_Mangalore, March 16, 1783._
_FINIS._
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Transcriber’s Note
The printer utilized two and frequently three hyphens for long dashes.
Those with two hyphens are replaced with a single em-dash, and those
with three will a doubled em-dash.
The text is in three parts and an appendix. The pagination of each
section begins with ‘1’. References to the text here include the leading
part number, as well as the page and line.
The following have been retained as appropriate for the era: caracature,
p. 1.9, harrassed, p. 1.15; imbecillity, p. 1.28; fidlers, p. 1.29;
primmer, p. 1.143; achme, p. 154; ecclairecissement, p. 1.162; syren, p.
163; carcases, p. 1.166; attrocious, p. 166; ancle, p. 168; tyrrany, p.
173; choaked, p 2.57, p. 3.19, p. 3.81; Haram, p. 2.57; developes, p.
2.72; bikering, p. 2.75; monkies, p. 2.106, 2.107; merchandize, p.
2.110, 2.111; exhilerating, p. 3.20; artizans, p. 3.92; finikin, p.
3.95; choreltry, p. 3.109; ecstacy, p. 3.125, negociation p. 3.151.
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and
are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original.
Part I.
a.x.23 Inn[s]pruck Restored.
28.16 the brigh[t]est examples of earthly glory Inserted.
31.20 and unwield[l]y masses Removed.
94.13 the enlarged v[ei/ie]ws Transposed.
103.25 above five feet ten inches heig[th/ht] Transposed.
123.3 a perfect knowledge of the _s[c]avoir vivre_ Removed.
125.24 alter for the worse.[”] Added.
134.6 the g[ao/oa]l goal of superiority Transposed.
152.20 a suspension of labour or wor[l]dly business Inserted.
155.14 of such commer[ic/ci]al consequence Transposed.
162.10 would be an in[xe/ex]haustible mine Tranposed.
Part II.
20.1 has been in gene[e]ral so misused Removed.
54.19 ‘All English women are ——s.’[”] Added.
85.10 (not value a shilling[)] Added.
113.9 and [I/it] was for some time Replaced.
119.1 at[ at] last drawing in the horses Removed.
Part III.
33.18 [s]upposed to be incapable Restored.
49.20 which he co[n/m]pared Replaced.
92.25 and ene[ger/rget]ic spirit Replaced.
96.6 LETTER LV[I]. Added.
105.6 palace of the J[a/e]madar Replaced.
133.20 Colonel F[LU/UL]LARTON may be of weight Transposed.
135.17 Sept. 30, 178[5/3] Probable.
143.19 to the last mo[n/m]ent Replaced.
165.3 I set off by land for M[a]dras Restored.
159.13 With respect to the appoin[t]ments Inserted.
167.7 I found the whole amply co[m/n]firmed. Replaced.