“Thus years rolled on; during which, time seemed to have added new wings

to his flight, so quickly did they pass. Unmarked by any of those

sinister events that parcel out the time in weary stages to the

unfortunate, it slid on unperceived; and an enlargement in my size, and

an increase of knowledge, were all I had to inform me that eighteen

years had passed away.

“It was at this time that I first found the smooth current of my

tranquillity interrupted, and the tide of my feelings swelled and

agitated, by the accession of new streams of sensation——In short, I

became a slave to the delicious pains of Love; and, after having borne

them in concealment for a long time, at length collected courage to

declare it. Frankness and candour were among the virtues of my beloved:

she listened to protestations of affection, and, rising above the little

arts of her sex, avowed a reciprocal attachment. The measure of my bliss

seemed now to be full: the purity of my passion was such, that the

thoughts of the grosser animal desires never once occurred; and happy in

loving, and in being beloved, we passed our time in all the innocent

blandishments which truly virtuous Love inspires, without our

imagination roaming even for an instant into the wilds of sensuality.

“As I was to inherit a genteel, independent fortune, my father proposed

to breed me up to a learned profession——the Law; rather to invigorate

and exercise my intellects, and as a step to rank in the State, than for

mere lucrative purposes. I was put to one of the Universities, with an

allowance suited to his intentions towards me; and was immediately to

have been sent to travel for my further improvement, when an unforeseen

accident happened, which completely crushed all my father’s views,

dashed the cup of happiness from my lips, and brought me ultimately to

that deplorable state in which you have now the misfortune to be joined,

along with me.

“It was but a few months antecedent to my embarking for the Eastern

World, that my father, whom I had for some time with sorrow observed

thoughtful, studious and melancholy, took me into his study, and,

seizing my hand, and looking earnestly into my face, while his

countenance betrayed the violent agitation of his mind, asked me

emphatically, if I thought I had fortitude to bear the greatest possible

calamity? I was horror-struck at his emotion, accompanied by such a

question——but replied, I hoped I had. He then asked me, if I had

affection enough for him to forgive him if he was the cause of it? I

answered, that the idea connected with the word _forgiveness_, was that

which I could never be brought by any earthly circumstance to apply to

my father; but begged him at once to disclose the worst to me——as, be it

what it might, my misery could not surpass what I then felt from the

mysterious manner in which he then spoke.

“He then told me that he was an undone man——that he had, with the very

best intentions, and with the view of aggrandizing me, engaged in great,

and important speculations, which, had they succeeded, would have given

us a princely fortune——but, having turned out, unfortunately, the

reverse, had left him little above beggary. He added, that he had not

the resolution to communicate his losses to me, until necessity

compelled him to tell me all the truth.

“Although this was a severe shock to me, I endeavoured to conceal my

feelings from my father, on whose account, more than on my own, I was

affected, and pretended to make as light of it as so very important a

misfortune would justify; and I had the happiness to perceive that the

worthy man took some comfort from my supposed indifference. I conjured

him not to let so very trivial a thing as the loss of property, which

could be repaired, break in on his peace of mind or health, which could

not; and observed to him, that we had all of us still enough——for that

my private property (which I possessed independent of him, and which, a

relation left me) would amply supply all our necessities.

“Having thus endeavoured to accommodate my unhappy father’s feelings to

his losses, I had yet to accommodate my own; and began to revolve in my

mind what was likely to ensue from, and what step was most proper to be

taken in, this dreadful change of circumstances. That which lay nearest

to my heart first occurred;——you will readily guess that I mean my Love:

to involve her I loved more, far more, than my life, in the misfortunes

of my family, was too horrible a consideration to be outweighed even by

the dread of losing her. I knew not what to do, and I thought upon it

till I became almost enfrenzied——In this state I went to her, and

unfolded the whole state of our concerns, together with my resolution

not to involve her in our ruin;——when——can you believe it?——the lovely

girl insisted on making my fate indissolubly her’s——not, as she said,

that she had the smallest apprehension lapse of time or change of

circumstance could make an alteration in our affection, but that she

wished to give my mind that repose which I might derive from security.

This I would by no means accede to; and, for the present, we contented

ourselves with mutual vows of eternal fidelity.

“As soon as I thought my father’s mind fit for such a conversation, I

opened to him a plan I had formed of coming to India, to advance my

fortune. His understanding approved of it, but his heart dissented; and

he said, that to part with me would give the finishing stroke to his

misfortunes: but, as my interest was tolerably good, I represented to

him the great likelihood I had of success; and at last, with some

difficulty, he consented.

“My next step was to acquaint Miss ——- with my resolution. I purposely

pass over a meeting which no power of language can describe!——then how

can I?——Oh! CAMPBELL, the remembrance of it gnaws me like a vulture

here,” (and he put his hand upon his heart, while the tears rolled down

his cheeks), “and will soon, soon bring me to my end.

“Not to detain you with vain efforts to describe all our feelings, I

will confine myself to telling you, that after having made every

necessary preparation, and divided with my much honoured parents the

little property I possessed, I set sail for India, in a state of mind

compared with which the horrors of annihilation would have been

enviable: the chaos in my thoughts made me insensible to every object

but one; and I brooded with a sort of stupid, gloomy indulgence, over

the portrait of Miss ——-, which hung round my neck, and was my

inseparable companion, till the people who seized me as I came ashore

plundered me of it, and thereby deprived me of the last refuge for

comfort I had left. Oh! monsters! barbarians! had you glutted your

savage fury by dissevering my limbs, one after another, from my body, it

would have been mercy, compared with depriving me of that little image

of her I love! But it is all over, and I shall soon sink into the grave,

and never more be blessed with the view of those heavenly features, till

we meet in that region where all tears are wiped away, and where, I

trust, we shall be joined together for endless ages, in eternal,

never-fading bliss!”

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LETTER LII.

-------------------------------------------

On the day succeeding that on which the agent of HYAT SAHIB had held the

discourse with me, mentioned in my last Letter but one, I was again sent

for, and brought to the same person, who asked me, whether I had duly

considered of the important offer made me by HYAT SAHIB, and of the

consequences likely to result from a refusal? and he apprised me at the

same time, that the command of five thousand men was an honour which the

first Rajahs in the Mysorean dominions would grasp at with transport. I

told him I was well convinced of the honour such a command would confer

on any man but an Englishman, whose Country being the object of HYDER’S

incessant hostility, would make the acceptance of it infamy——that

although I knew there were but too many Englishmen apostates to their

Country, I hoped there were but few to be found in India willing to

accept of any emoluments, however great, or any temptations, however

specious, to fly from the standard of their Country, and rally round

that of its bitterest enemy——that, for my own part, being of a name ever

foremost in the ranks of loyalty and patriotism, and of a family that

had hitherto detracted nothing from the honours of that name, such an

act of apostacy would be peculiarly infamous in me, and I could view it

in no better light than traitorous and parricidal——that, independent of

all those claims, which were of themselves sufficient to deter me, I

felt within myself a principle, perhaps innate, perhaps inspired by

military habit, that forbade my acceding——and, finally, appealed, to the

good sense of HYAT SAHIB, whether a man who in such circumstances had

betrayed his Country, and sacrificed her interests to his own

convenience, was such a person as confidence could properly be put in.

Notwithstanding these, and a thousand other remonstrances, which I

cannot immediately recollect, but which the hazards of my situation

suggested, he still continued to press me, and used every argument,

every persuasion, that ingenuity could dictate, or hints of punishment

enforce, to shake my purpose——but in vain: attachment to Country and

Family rose paramount to all other considerations; and I gave a

peremptory, decisive refusal.

Circumstanced as I was, it was impossible for me to keep an accurate

journal of the various incidents that passed, or vicissitudes of thought

that occurred, during the period of my imprisonment. Indeed, I was

scarcely conscious of the length of my captivity, and could not, till I

was released, determine exactly how long it had continued. You must

therefore content yourself to be told in general terms, that I was

repeatedly urged on the subject by fair persuasives: they then had

recourse to menace; then they withheld the daily pittance allowed for my

support; and at length proceeded to coercion, tying a rope round my

neck, and hoisting me up to a tree. All this, however, I bore firmly: if

it had any effect, it was to confirm me in my resolution, and call in

policy to the aid of honour’s dictates. Every man of feeling or reason

must allow, that it was better to die, than live a life of subjection to

tyranny so truly diabolical.

Mr. HALL and I, thus drove to the brink of extinction, yet consoled

ourselves with the reflection, that those whom most we loved were not

sharing our unhappy fate, and were fortunately ignorant of our

sufferings; and as I enjoyed perfect good health, hope yet lived within

me.

There is a spring, an elasticity, in every man’s mind, of which the

owner is rarely, very rarely conscious, because fortunately the

occasions seldom occur in which it can be brought to the proof; for, as

lassitude is the necessary forerunner of refreshment, so is extreme

dejection to the most vigorous exercise of our fortitude. So I found it:

as the horrors of my situation thickened round me, I felt my spirits

increase; my resolution became more firm, my hopes more sanguine——I even

began to look forward, and form projects for the future: whole hours

amusement, every day and every night, arose from the contemplation of my

beloved boy; I in imagination traced his growth, directed his rising

sentiments, formed plans for his future success and prosperity, and

indulged by anticipation in all the enjoyment which I now trust I shall

yet have in his ripened manhood.

Thus we continued for many months, during which no alteration whatsoever

took place in our treatment or situation. We heard a thousand

contradictory reports of victories gained over the English, and again of

some successes on their part: they, however, desisted to press me into

their service. The only relief from our sufferings lay in the resources

of our own minds, and in our mutual endeavours to please and console one

another: the circumstances of aggravation were the necessity of daily

bearing witness to the most barbarous punishments inflicted upon

wretched individuals under the semblance of justice, and the occasional

deprivation of our food, either by the fraud of the Sepoys who attended

us, or the caprice or cruelty of their superiors. It is but justice,

however, to say, that they were not all alike: some overflowed with

mercy, charity, and the milk of human kindness; while others, again,

were almost as bad men as the Sovereigns they served. We were not

allowed the use of pen, ink, or paper; and very seldom could afford

ourselves the luxury of shaving, or clean linen: nor were we at all

sheltered from the inclemency of the weather, till at length a little

room was built for us of mud, which being small and damp, rendered our

situation worse than it was before.

The prisoner whom I have already mentioned, as having, in the time of

the former Sovereign, held the first office in Bidanore, still continued

opposite to me; and he and I at length began to understand each other,

and found means, by looks, signs and gestures, to exchange thoughts, and

hold an intercourse of sentiments together. From the circumstance of his

being a native, and better skilled in the language than me, he had much

better intelligence than I could possibly have, and he was always eager

to convey to me any circumstance or news that he thought might be

agreeable: some messages also passed between us, by means of the Sepoys

who had alternately been his guard and mine——for our guards were changed

every week.

Projects and hopes of a new kind now began to intrude themselves on my

thoughts; and I conceived a design, which I flattered myself was not

entirely impracticable, to effect an escape, and even a revolt in the

place. A variety of circumstances concurred to persuade me, that the

tyranny of HYDER, and his servant HYAT SAHIB, was abhorred, though none

dared to give vent to their sentiments. I thought I could observe that

the native prisoner opposite to me was privately beloved, and might,

from the recollection of his former dignities, have considerable

influence in the place. Several Arcot Sepoys and their Officers (some of

them belonging to my own regiment) were also prisoners at large; and

withal I recollected, that difficulties apparently more stupendous had

been overcome by Englishmen——having often heard it asserted, that there

was not a prison in the known world out of which a British subject had

not made his escape.

Fraught with those conceptions, I attempted to sound the Officers of the

Arcot Sepoys, whether it were not possible for us to effect our escape?

So ardent is the flame of Liberty in all men’s breasts, so great is the

detestation of human nature to Slavery, that I perceived a manifest

willingness in the people about us to join me in an attempt to procure

our liberty, or bring about a revolt in the garrison. My heart beat high

with the hope; and I began to flatter myself, that the day was not far

removed when we should not only bid defiance to our tyrants, but even

make them repent the day on which we were cast ashore on their coast.

Having thus distantly sounded all who I thought were likely to concur,

upon the practicability of the attempt, and found them, as I conceived,

disposed to take share in it, it yet remained to consider of the

_quomodo_——and, after having formed the general outlines of a plan, to

lick it into shape. The first of these was a critical consideration: the

second required address and management, and was likely to be impeded by

the vigilance of the people about, who would not fail to remark, and

take the alarm, from any unusual intercourse or discourse between us;

and without a mutual communication of thoughts, and full deliberation by

all parties concerned, as well as knowledge of the fort and its

different gates, nothing could, with any prospect of success, be

determined——nothing, without the most imminent hazard, be attempted. I

therefore held various councils with my own mind, and with Mr. HALL, on

the subject——most of which were abortive, without at all discouraging

us.

At last I began to think of sounding the Bidanore prisoner, _ci-devant_

Governor of the place; and determined, if possible, to bring him into

our consultations, as I had before hoped to make him a party in the

execution of the project: but while I was settling all this much to my

own satisfaction, an event occurred which extinguished all my hopes in

that way——of which you shall have an account in my next Letter.

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LETTER LIII.

-------------------------------------------

Whether the plan which I mentioned in my last was discovered or not, or

from what other motive it arose, I have not to this day been able to

decide; but so it was, that while my sanguine mind was overflowing with

the hope of carrying my project for an escape into effect, Mr. HALL and

I were one day unexpectedly loaded with irons, and fastened together,

leg by leg, by one bolt. This, as nearly as I can compute, was four or

five months before my release. Of all the circumstances of my life, it

has made the strongest impression upon my mind: it unexpectedly and

suddenly broke down the most pleasing fabric my imagination had ever

built. The surprise occasioned by the appearance of the irons, and the

precautionary manner in which it was undertaken, was indeed great: still

more was I surprised to observe, that the person who was employed to see

this put in execution, manifested unusual emotions, seemed much

affected, and even shed tears as he looked on: and while the suddenness

and cautionary mode of doing it convinced me that some resistance on our

part was apprehended, the sorrow which the Officer who superintended it

disclosed, portended in my mind a fatal, or at least a very serious

issue.

Unfortunately, poor Mr. HALL had for some time been afflicted with a

return of his dreadful disorder, the dysentery; and our being shackled

together increased an unconquerable mortification of feelings which he

had before undergone, from a delicacy of nature that would have done

honour to the most modest virgin, be her sensibility ever so exquisite,

or her delicacy ever so extreme——And here, my dear FREDERICK! I cannot

let slip this opportunity of remarking to you, that the man, as well as

the woman, who would render himself truly amiable in the eyes of his

fellow-creatures, should cultivate delicacy and modesty, as the most

captivating of all the moral virtues: from them, heroism derives

additional lustre——wit, ten-fold force——religion and morality, the

charms of persuasion——and every personal action of the man, irresistible

dignity and winning grace. From this unlucky event, I received a

temporary depression; and the rapidly increasing illness of poor HALL

rendered my situation more than ever calamitous; when, again, my

spirits, eagerly prone to grasp at every thing that gave a momentary

hope of support, were a little recruited by confused rumours of the

English army having made a descent on the Malabar coast: and so powerful

is the influence of mind on the animal system, that Mr. HALL enjoyed

from the report a momentary alleviation of his malady; but, having no

medical assistance, nor even sufficient sustenance to further the

favourable operations of Nature, he relapsed again; the disease fell

upon him with redoubled fury: a very scanty portion of boiled rice, with

a more scanty morsel of stinking salt fish or putrid flesh, was a very

inadequate support for me, who, though emaciated, was in health——and

very improper medicine for a person labouring under a malady such as Mr.

HALL’s, which required comfort, good medical skill, and delicate

nutritious food. The tea which HYAT SAHIB had given me was expended; and

we were not allowed to be shaved from the hour we were put in irons, an

indulgence of that kind being forbidden by the barbarous rules of the

prison: and, to refine upon our tortures, sleep, “the balm of hurt

minds,” was not allowed us uninterrupted; for, in conformity to another

regulation, we were disturbed every half hour by a noise something

resembling a watchman’s rattle, and a fellow who, striking every part of

our irons with a kind of hammer, and examining them lest they should be

cut, broke in upon that kind restorative, and awoke our souls to fresh

horrors.

As it must be much more naturally matter of astonishment that any bodily

strength could support itself under such complicated calamities, than

that infirmity should sink beneath them, you will be rather grieved than

surprised to hear that poor Mr. HALL was now approaching to his end with

hourly accelerated steps. Every application that I made in his favour

was refused, or rather treated with cruel neglect and contemptuous

silence; and I foresaw, with inexpressible anguish and indignation,

that, the barbarians would not abate him in his last minutes one jot of

misery, and that my most amiable friend was fated to expire under every

attendant horror that mere sublunary circumstances could create. But

that pity which the mighty, the powerful and enlightened denied, natural

benevolence operating upon an uninformed mind, and scanty means,

afforded us. HYAT SAHIB, the powerful, the wealthy, the Governor of a

great and opulent province, refused to an expiring fellow-creature a

little cheap relief——while a poor Sepoy taxed his little means to supply

it: one who guarded us, of his own accord, at hazard of imminent

punishment, purchased us a lamp and a little oil, which we burned for

the last few nights.

Philosophers and Divines have declaimed upon the advantages of a

well-spent life, as felt _in articulo mortis_; and their efforts have

had, I hope, some effect upon the lives of many. To witness one example

such as Mr. HALL held forth, would be worth volumes of precepts on this

subject. The unfeigned resignation with which he met his dissolution,

and the majestic fortitude with which he looked in the face the various

circumstances of horror that surrounded him, rendered him the most

dignified object I ever beheld or conceived, and the most glorious

instance of conscious virtue triumphing over the terrors of death, and

the cunning barbarity of Mankind. Were the progress of virtue attended

with pain, and the practice of vice with pleasure, the adoption of the

former would be amply repaid by its soothings in the dreadful moment,

even if it were to accompany us no further. About a quarter of an hour

before he died, Mr. HALL broached a most tender subject of conversation,

which he followed up with a series of observations, so truly refined, so

exquisitely turned, so delicate and so pathetic, that it seemed almost

the language of inspiration, as if, in proportion to the decay of the

body, intellect increased, and the dying man had become all mind. Such a

conversation I never remembered to have heard, or heard of. Its effects

upon me were wonderful; for, though the combination of melancholy

circumstances attending my now critical situation had almost raised my

mind to frenzy, the salutary influence of his words and example

controuled the excesses of my sensations; and I met the afflicting

moment of his departure with a degree of tranquillity, which, though not

to be compared to his, has on reflection appeared to me astonishing.

This conversation continued to the very instant of his death; during

which time he held my hand clasped in his, frequently enforcing his kind

expressions to me with a squeeze——while my sorrow, taking its most easy

channel, bedewed my face with tears. As he proceeded, my voice was

choaked with my feelings; and I attempted once or twice in vain to

speak. His hand grew cold: he said his lower limbs were all lifeless,

and that he felt death coming over him with slow creeping steps——He

again moralized, thanking GOD with pathetic fervour for his great mercy

in leaving him his intellects unclouded, and the organ of communication

(the tongue) unenfeebled, that, to the last, he might solace his friend

and fellow-sufferer——“Ah! CAMPBELL!” continued he, “to what a series of

miseries am I now leaving you! Death in such circumstances is a

blessing——I view mine as such; and should think it more so, if it

contributed, by awakening those people to a sense of their cruelty, to

soften their rigour to you: but cruelty like their’s is systematic, and

stoops not to the controul of the feelings. Could I hope that you would

yet escape from their clutches, and that you would once more press your

family to your bosom, the thought would brighten still the moment of our

separation: and, oh! my friend! could I still further hope that you

would one day see my most beloved and honoured parents, and tell them of

my death without wringing their hearts with its horrid circumstances,

offer them my last duties, and tell how I revered them——If, too, you

could see my ——-, and tell her how far, far more dear than ——-!” Here he

turned his eyes toward the lamp, then faintly on me——made a convulsive

effort to squeeze my hand——cried out, “CAMPBELL! oh, CAMPBELL! the lamp

is going out!” and expired without a groan.

The recital of this afflicting event has called up to my fancy so lively

a picture of the scene as it passed with all its horrors——horrors which

outstrip all efforts of description, and baffle all power of

language——that my feelings are in part renewed, and I find myself

incapable of proceeding further at present.

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LETTER LIV.

-------------------------------------------

For some time I was lost in grief for the death of Mr. HALL. Though I

had long expected it, and might consequently be supposed to have wasted

great part of my sorrow in anticipation; yet, having only considered and

felt the point before his death merely as it respected him and his

misfortunes, a great portion of the calamity remained unconceived: and,

now that he was dead, I began for the first time to consider and feel

the subject as it concerned myself. Reflection told me, that he was

happily relieved from woe, and in a state of bliss——

“After life’s fitful fever, he sleeps well:

——- Nor steel nor poison,

Malice domestic, foreign levy—nothing

Can touch him further!”

But I still remained a prey to perhaps new barbarities, without hope of

relief from the old. No partner to share, no social converse to

alleviate, no friend to console me under my afflictions, I looked at the

body of my friend with envy, and lamented that death had not afforded

me, too, a shelter from the cruelties which fate seemed determined to

heap upon me.

It is impossible for me to express to you the agonies of mind I

underwent during the rest of the night. In the morning, a report was

made to the Commandant, of the death of Mr. HALL; and in about an hour

after, he passed me by, but kept his face purposely turned away from me

to the other side. I patiently waited for the removal of the dead body

till the evening, when I desired the Sepoys who guarded me to apply for

its being removed. They returned, and told me that they could get no

answer respecting it. Night came on, but there was no appearance of an

intention to unfetter me from the corpse. The Commandant was sitting in

his Court, administering, in the manner I have before described,

_justice_! I called out to him myself with all my might, but could get

no answer from him. Nothing could equal my rage and consternation; for,

exclusive of the painful idea of being shackled to the dead body of a

friend I loved, another circumstance contributed to make it a serious

subject of horror. In those climates, the weather is so intensely hot,

that putrefaction almost instantly succeeds death; and meat that is

killed in the morning, and kept in the shade, will be unfit for dressing

at night. In a subject, then, on which putrefaction had made advances

even before death, and which remained exposed to the open air, the

process must have been much more rapid. So far, however, from

compassionating my situation, or indulging me by a removal of the body,

their barbarity suggested to them to make it an instrument of

punishment; and they pertinaciously adhered to the most mortifying

silence and disregard of my complaints. For several days and nights it

remained attached to me by the irons. I grew almost distracted——wished

for the means of putting an end to my miseries by death, and could not

more without witnessing some new stage of putrescence it attained, or

breathe without inhaling the putrid effluvia that arose from it——while

myriads of flies and loathsome insects rested on it, the former of which

every now and then visited me, crawling over my face and hands, and

lighting in hundreds on my victuals. I never look back at this crisis

without confusion, horror, and even astonishment; and, were it not

connected with a chain of events preceding and subsequent to it, too

well known by respectable people to be doubted, and too much interwoven

with a part of the history of the last war in India to admit of doubt, I

should not only be afraid to tell, but absolutely doubt myself whether

the whole was not the illusion of a dream, rather than credit the

possibility of my enduring such unheard-of hardships without loss of

life or deprivation of senses.

At last, when the body had reached that shocking loathsome state of

putrefaction which threatened that further delay would render removal

abominable, if not impossible, the monsters agreed to take it away from

me——and I was so far relieved: but the mortification and injury I

underwent from it, joined to the agitation of the preceding week, made a

visible inroad on my health. I totally lost my spirits; my appetite

entirely forsook me: my long-nourished hopes fled; and I looked forward

to death as the only desirable event that was within the verge of

likelihood or possibility.

One day, my opposite friend (the native prisoner) gave me a look of the

most interesting and encouraging kind; and I perceived a more than usual

bustle in the citadel, while the Sepoys informed me that they were

ordered on immediate service, and that some events of great importance

had taken place. From this feeble gleam, my mind, naturally active,

though depressed by circumstances of unusual weight, again took fire,

and hope brightened with a kind of gloomy light the prospect before me:

I revolved a thousand things, and drew from them a thousand surmises;

but all as yet was only conjecture with me. In a day or two, the bustle

increased to a high pitch, accompanied with marks of consternation: the

whole of the troops in the citadel were ordered to march; and the

Commandant, and a man with a hammer and instruments, came to take off my

irons.

While they were at work taking off my irons, I perceived that they were

taking off those of the native prisoner opposite to me also. He went

away under a guard: we looked at each other complacently, nodded and

smiled, as who should say, “we hope to see one another in happier times

not far distant.” But, alas! vain are human hopes, and short and dark is

the extent of our utmost foresight! This unhappy man, without committing

any sort of offence to merit it, but in conformity to the damnable,

barbarous policy of those Countries, was, by the Jemadar’s orders, taken

forth, and his throat cut! This the Jemadar himself afterwards

acknowledged to me——and, what was still more abominable if possible,

undertook to justify the proceeding upon the principles of reason, sound

sense, and precedent of Asiatic policy.

In order to elucidate the whole of this business, it is necessary for me

to recur to events which happened antecedent to this time, but of which,

by reason of my situation, I was then entirely ignorant; and as they

involve, not only the grounds of my subsequent escape and proceedings,

but a considerable portion of historical fact, and some of the material

interests of the East India Company, I will be the more particularly

careful in relating them, and desire from you a proportionate share of

attention——But their importance entitle them to a separate Letter:

therefore conclude with assuring you, &c. &c.

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LETTER LV.

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HYDER ALLI KHAWN, late Nabob of Mysore, and father to the present TIPPOO

SAHIB SULTAIN, was as extraordinary a man, and perhaps possessed as

great natural talents, as any recorded in the page of History. Born and

bred up in the lowest ranks of an unenlightened and ignorant People, and

to the last day of his life perfectly illiterate, he not only emerged

from his native obscurity by the vigour of his mind and body, but became

an object of terror and admiration to surrounding Potentates. Early

initiated in the habits and inured to the toils of a military life, he

rose, by the gradual steps of promotion, to a rank which afforded an

opportunity of displaying his capacity and prowess: he soon obtained the

command of that army in which he had once served as a common soldier,

and immediately demonstrated that the sublimity of his mind was formed

to keep pace with his extraordinary elevation.

The Marhattas, the most formidable people in Hither India, bordered on

the Mysorean dominions, and kept their neighbours, by frequent

hostilities, in a continual state of awe——making incursions on their

territories, and taking possession, by force of arms, of large portions

of their Country: but no sooner had HYDER got the command of the armies

of his Country, than he drove back the Marhattas from the Mysorean

dominions, which he extended by considerable acquisitions from the

Marhatta frontiers; and followed up his conquests with such successful

ardour, that he compelled that warlike Nation to respect his Countrymen

as their equals, if not superiors, in military achievement. Thus, while

he ingratiated himself with his Sovereign and Fellow-citizens by his

wisdom, he acquired the admiration of the Soldiery by his personal

address and valour; and at the same time, by the severity of his

discipline, and the occasional austerity of his deportment, maintained

an awe over them, which strengthened his authority without diminishing

their affection.

HYDER was therefore now arrived at that point of elevation, beyond which

no exertion of mental capacity, if governed by virtue or integrity,

could raise him——So far he owed all to genius: but his towering ambition

looked higher; and, unrestrained by any principle of religion or

morality, he determined to accomplish, at any rate, that which he knew

nothing but crime could accomplish. With wicked deliberation he looked

forward into the womb of time, and with unparalleled policy arranged the

whole system upon which he was to act, when that order of things his

penetrating and intuitive genius enabled him to see would naturally

arise from each other, should afford him a proper opportunity. Although

he was utterly ignorant of books, and of course could derive little

benefit from the examples of the great and ambitious men recorded in

History, yet, drawing upon the infinite resources of his own mind for

information, he adopted the very same means of furthering his views; and

foreseeing, that, with an immense army devoted to his interests, few

things would be unattainable, he applied himself diligently to model and

form that of the KING of MYSORE to the greatest perfection in

discipline, and to render it attached to his person, and subservient to

his views, by a skillful mixture of severity and relaxation, toil and

reward, danger and applause, which none but a master-hand like his was

capable of exactly compounding.

The death of his Sovereign the KING of MYSORE at length afforded him the

opportunity to which he had so long, and with so prophetic an eye,

looked forward——and gave him ample room for self-gratulation on the

score of his sagacity and prudence.

The Heir in succession to the Throne, being then an infant, the politic

HYDER, setting aside all claims of the kindred of the young Prince, took

upon himself the guardianship——under the title of Regent assumed the

supreme authority——and, though too well aware of the inviolable

attachment of the People to their lawful Monarch to put him directly to

death, usurped the Throne, and consigned him to imprisonment in

Seringapatam, the capital of the Mysorean dominions.

Having thus, by his talents, acquired the possession of the Throne, he

gave a large range to the sublimity of his views, and soon displayed the

exhaustless resources of his mind in the new office of Governor and

Legislator——forming such vast, well-ordered military establishments, and

such judicious and salutary civil institutions, as made him blaze forth

at once the terror of his neighbours, and rendered him, in the sequel,

the most powerful and formidable Potentate in the Hither Peninsula. In

carrying on those, his deficiency in letters was supplied by his

vigilance and sagacity, sharpened by suspicion: three secretaries

executed all his orders in separate apartments; and if, on comparison,

they were found to differ, he who committed the error received sentence

of death. His natural cruelty made him take the execution of their

sentence upon himself not unfrequently: to slice off a head with his own

hand, or see it done by others, was a luxurious recreation to the

sanguinary HYDER.

The natural sagacity of this great man suggested, that in order to

accomplish the extensive objects which his active and ambitious temper

held up to his imagination, the introduction of the most perfect

military discipline was above all other things necessary; and his

judgment informed him that the European was the best. He therefore held

out the most tempting allurements to military adventurers, and

particularly to those, whether black or white, who had been trained in

the service of the English East India Company: he sent emissaries, for

the purpose, to all parts of India, with instructions to offer great

rewards; and carried this design so far, that whenever accident or war

threw persons of that description into his hands, he never failed to

detain them, and, if they refused to enter into his service, treat them

with the most unpardonable rigour and barbarity; and by these means

brought his army to a state of perfection till then unknown to a Black

Power. He did not stop there, but determined to establish a Navy——by

large offers allured many ship-carpenters and artizans from Bombay——made

no inconsiderable progress in constructing dock-yards, and had actually

equipped some ships of the line, besides frigates, fitted to encounter

European seas. Indeed, he seemed to have carried his views of conquest

even to the Polar regions; for it is a fact, that he directed his

people, in constructing those vessels, to fit them for encountering seas

of ice, or, as he called it, the thick water.

To a man of such ardent ambition and deep penetration, the vast power

which the English East India Company had acquired, and were daily

acquiring, in the East, could not fail to be an object of jealousy. He

conceived a deadly and implacable animosity to the British Nation, which

influenced his whole succeeding life, ended only with his death, and was

then transmitted to his son TIPPOO SAHIB, with the exaction of a solemn

oath, ever to retain those sentiments.

A coincidence of circumstances, which has seldom occurred in the

fortunes of men, tended, at a lucky crisis, to further the bold projects

of HYDER; and neither fortune, though extremely propitious to him, nor

his own unbounded talents and energetic spirit, favoured the execution

of them, more than the bungling politics, the ludicrous ambition, and

the consequent unjustifiable proceedings, of one of our Presidencies in

India——I mean Bombay. Fortunately, the wisdom and moderation of our East

India Councils at this day, vindicate the wounded character of the

British Nation, and justify me in the remarks I make.

An ambitious and profligate Chief of the Marhatta Tribes——his name,

ROGANAUT ROW——had been deposed by the Wise Men of his Country, for

having murdered his nephew, in order to usurp the Throne of Setterah. He

fled to Bombay, and, by specious promises and other means, prevailed on

that Presidency to afford him an asylum, and finally to take up arms in

his defence against the united Marhatta States, who at the very time

were able to raise an army of three hundred thousand fighting men.

Hostilities were first commenced by the English; and by them peace was

first proposed. The treaty of Poonah was made, by which it was provided

that ROGANAUT ROW should quit Bombay; and by the English the provisions

of that treaty were broken——for, in direct violation of it, ROGANAUT was

kept at Bombay. This breach of the treaty led to another; for this

crafty and unprincipled Chief made use of it with such address as to

persuade that Presidency to attack the Marhattas again:——by magnifying

the power of his party among his Countrymen, he prevailed upon them once

more to assert his rights; and the Presidency of Calcutta, I am afraid,

were induced to join that of Bombay in the plan.

It happened unfortunately, that at this time the Presidency of Bombay

was composed of persons the most unqualified, probably, that could be

found in any community for offices of such importance. One,

particularly, was allowed, by the almost unanimous consent of those who

knew his private or public character, to be ignorant, not only of the

first principles of Government, but of the ordinary knowledge requisite

for a Gentleman; and for situations of moment he was peculiarly

disqualified by a fondness for minutiæ, to which he paid more attention

than to matters of greater consequence. A temper and intellect of this

kind were rendered still more incapable of the enlarged views any

Representative of a great Nation in a distant Colony should possess, by

a mercantile education and habits, which narrowed even his circumscribed

mind, and left him not a sentiment, not an idea, that was not merely

commercial. The administration of such men was exactly what might have

been expected; and, instead of asserting the dignity of Great Britain,

or promoting the advantage of their employers——narrow policy, selfish

views, and efforts arising from mistaken notions of conquest, made the

whole tissue of their conduct in India.

Blinded by the plausible insinuations of ROGANAUT, and stimulated, as I

have already observed, by a lust for conquest, which would have been

unjustifiable even in an hereditary Despot, but which were peculiarly

vicious and ridiculous in a body of Merchants who were themselves

subjects, the East India Company’s Servants again determined to support,

by force of arms, that most atrocious murderer: and with the

contemptibly inadequate force of four thousand men, encumbered with an

unwieldy train of baggage and servants for the accommodation of finikin

voluptuous Officers, and led by two doughty compting-house champions

(CARNAC and MOSTYN), with Colonel EGERTON as _Military Assistant_ rather

than Commander, they set out, to encounter the whole torrent of the

Marhatta force, and conduct ROGANAUT to Poonah.

Had ROGANAUT advanced at the head of his own partizans only, the Chiefs

of the Marhatta Nation might possibly have taken different sides of the

question, and left between them a breach for his arms or intrigues to

make an entrance fatal to the general cause of the Country: but the

assaults of a foreign army——an army of interested peculating strangers,

as the Company’s troops then were——an army of avowed natural enemies,

professing a different religion, entertaining different political

principles, and formed by Nature of a different complexion——roused and

united them in one common cause, and compressed discordant interests,

which had been for time immemorial at irreconcilable variance, into one

compact body of resistance, which, as it became more firm from the

strokes of hostility, could not, in the nature of things, be subdued; in

the same manner as the unjustifiable confederacy of Kings against France

lately united all the conflicting parties of that Country—converted

twenty-seven millions of People, male and female, into one compact armed

force——rendered them not only invincible at home, but terrible

abroad——and finally, has enabled them to bestride, Colussus like, the

universe.

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LETTER LVI.

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The approach of the British Troops with ROGANAUT caused great alarm at

Poonah; and the Ministers there sent to offer terms, which were

contemptuously rejected. They then determined to save, by prowess, those

rights which they could not preserve by justice or negociation——and took

the field with such great force, that their menacing enemies found it

expedient to consider of a retreat. The _faithful_ ROGANAUT, finding his

plans baffled, sent privately to SCINDIAH, the Marhatta Chief, proposing

to him to attack the English, and promising in that case to join him

with his part of the army: his perfidy, however, being discovered, the

English Commanders began to retreat, carrying him along with them. They

were, however, surrounded, and reduced to make the most abject

concessions——offering a _carte-blanche_ to SCINDIAH as the price of a

retreat: but that august Chief nobly disdained to take advantage of

their situation, and contented himself with terms which justice should

have exacted from them, even if necessity had not compelled their

acceptance. The restoration of Salsette, and of the other conquests made

by the Company’s troops during the preceding hostilities, and the

delivery of ROGANAUT’S person into the hands of the Marhattas, were

among the provisions. ROGANAUT was delivered up: two hostages were taken

for the remaining part of the treaty; and the harrassed remains of the

English army were permitted to return to Bombay.

ROGANAUT having found means to escape, reached Surat; and the Company’s

Chiefs refused to comply with the provisions of the treaty:

notwithstanding which, the noble Marhatta dismissed the hostages, and

prepared for a more manly revenge than that which could be wreaked on

two defenceless individuals. General GODDART, who had been sent with an

army from Bengal, was commissioned to negociate for a pacification: but

SCINDIAH making the delivery of ROGANAUT into his hands an indispensable

preliminary, the negociation was broken off, and both parties determined

to refer the controversy to the decision of the Sword.

Every thing seemed to conspire to chastise the rashness and folly of our

Indian Councils. The difficulties in which our American contest had

involved the Nation, were reported with exaggeration in India, and gave

additional firmness to our enemies in that quarter. The restless and

intriguing spirit of the Court of Versailles found its way with Monsieur

ST. LUBIN to the shores of Indostan, and so powerfully worked upon the

mind of HYDER, that he entered into a treaty with France against

England, and brought the strength of both into the most formidable

combination that ever was made in that Country, to root out the power of

Great Britain from the East.

Thus, by the depraved politics of the Councils of a petty Settlement,

were the important interests of Great Britain in India, and the lives

and properties of all its servants in that quarter, at once exposed to

the fury of three formidable hostile powers——the Marhattas, HYDER and

the French.

I will not entangle my narrative with a detail of the various military

operations which arose from this confederacy: they were in general

disastrous to the English, whose power there was preserved from utter

annihilation by the energetic Councils of Mr. HASTINGS, the unexampled

courage, of our troops, and the unparalleled abilities and gallantry of

the veteran Sir EYRE COOTE. That part which applies to my present

narrative, is the only part I think it necessary to detail; but I wish

you to inform yourself of all of them fully, by an attentive perusal of

the different histories of that war.

In order to relieve the Carnatic, which was suffering under the

ravages of a formidable victorious army, who had not only cut off a

great part of our forces on that coast, but affronted our army even at

the walls of Fort St. George, descents upon the coasts of Malabar were

planned, in order to make a diversion: and General MATHEWS, in January

1783, landed, with a small army under his command, at a place called

Rajamondroog——took Onore, and several forts; and being joined by other

troops, which, under the command of Colonel HUMBERTSON, had done

considerable services to the Southward, and were now commanded by

Colonel MACLEOD, marched from Cundapore, with an army consisting of

twelve hundred Europeans and eight battalions of Sepoys, towards

Hussaingurry Ghaut, a pass that leads over these immense mountains

which divide the Peninsula, running North and South from Persia to

Gape Comorin. After surmounting obstacles that would have discouraged

a less enterprising Commander, and for which I refer you to his own

Letter, inclosed herewith,[8] he mounted the Ghaut, carrying every

thing before him with the fixed bayonet; and reached, within a short

march of Hydernagur, the place where I was confined. Those operations

were undoubtedly much facilitated by the death of HYDER ALLI, which

happened while I was in prison, and which drew the attention of TIPPOO

SAHIB to affairs of more immediate importance than the defence of the

Malabar forts.

I have thus digressed from the straight path of my narrative, in order

to explain to you the occasion of the extraordinary revolution that so

suddenly took place in the fort, which I stated to you in my last Letter

but one——You will therefore look back to the conclusion of that Letter,

from whence I again take up my narrative.

Footnote 8:

See Appendix.

I was utterly at a loss to conjecture what this so sudden resolution to

release me and my opposite fellow-prisoner meant. I endeavoured to get

some explanation of it from the persons about me; but all I could at the

time collect was, that the Jemadar had directed me to be taken out of

irons, and ordered me to appear before him. I walked out of the citadel

with two or three men who had got charge of me: it was a delightful

afternoon; and my sensations on once more revisiting the open air——at

again viewing the vast expanse of the firmament above, and the profusion

of beauties with which Nature embellished the earth beneath——were too

blissful, too sublime, for description. My heart beat with involuntary

transports of gratitude to that Being from which all sprung; and I felt

that Man is, in his nature, even without the intervention of his reason,

a being of devotion. For an hour of such delight as I then experienced,

a year of imprisonment was, I thought, hardly too dear a price. Those

exquisite sensations insensibly led my heart to the most flattering

presages: the animal spirit appeared to have, in correspondence with the

body, shaken off a load of chains; and as I walked, along, I seemed to

tread on air.

As we proceeded forward, we found, at some distance from the fort, an

open dooly, into which, the guards forcibly crammed me; and I was

carried off, still attended by the same men. As we went along, they gave

me to understand that HYAT SAHIB, the Jemadar, was at a place ten or a

dozen miles distant from Bidanore. I thought it within myself a most

extraordinary circumstance, and was at a loss to conjecture for what

purpose he required my presence there. Perhaps, thought I, it is to

deliver me personally into the hands of TIPPOO——perhaps to send me to

Seringapatam. Suspense whetted my curiosity; and impatience to know my

fate, set my mind afloat upon a wide sea of conjecture. Still, however,

my senses acknowledged a degree of pleasure indescribable——I inhaled the

fresh air with greediness, and, as I snuffed it in, said to myself,

“Well, well——at the worst, this will enliven my spirits, and lay up a

new stock of health and vigour, to enable me to endure with manhood

whatever other sufferings the barbarians, into whose hands I have

fallen, may have in store for me.”

When we had got about a mile from the fort, we met a person attended by

three others, all on horseback. He was a man of considerable rank in

that Country, and I recollected to have seen him at the Jemadar’s

Durbar, where he had manifested a favourable disposition towards me,

looking always graciously, and nodding to me, which, considering my

circumstances and his, was not a little extraordinary. The moment he

recognized me, he leaped from his horse, apparently in great agitation:

then turning to the guards, ordered them to leave me immediately——saying

at the same time that he would be answerable for the consequences. They

seemed at first to hesitate, whether they would obey him or not; but on

his shaking at them his sword, which was all along drawn in his hand,

and smeared with blood, and repeating his orders a second time in a firm

and decisive tone of voice and manner, they all ran off.

As soon as we were alone, he revealed to me, that he had all along known

who I was——had most heartily pitied my sufferings, and privately

entertained the most anxious wishes to serve me, but could not venture

to interfere——the least jealousy, when once awakened, being there always

followed up by summary vengeance. He then mentioned his name, informing

me that he was the son of a Nabob near Vellore, whose dominions had been

wrested from him by force, and united to the Carnatic; that his family

had received great favours from my father, in return for which he felt

himself bound to do me every service in his power; but that, having

been, after the misfortunes which befel his family, taken into the

service of HYDER, and holding then a place of consequence under him, he

was disqualified from demonstrating his gratitude and esteem in the way

he wished: he added, he had just come from the summit of the Ghauts,

where he left the English army posted, after their having beat the

Circar troops, and carried all the strong works which had been erected

for the defence of the passes, and were deemed from their situation

impregnable; that the Jemadar, HYAT SAHIB, had gone thither to encourage

the troops, and animate them to one grand effort of resistance, and

would remain there till the succeeding day——Here he stopped, and seemed

much agitated; but, recovering himself soon, said, in a solemn and

alarming manner, “This day I heard HYAT SAHIB give orders to bring you

before him, in order that he might satiate his revenge by your death!

How happy am I in having an opportunity to rescue you! I will carry you

back with me, therefore, to Bidanore, and place you in a state of

security with my family.”

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LETTER LVII.

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Such unprecedented generosity affected me sensibly. To run such a hazard

as he must have incurred, merely from a principle of gratitude for

services so remote in both time and person, was more than we could hope

to find even among Englishmen, who boast of their superior justice and

generosity——but in a native of Indostan, where the tide of human feeling

runs rather low, was astonishing. As well as my limited knowledge of the

language of the Country enabled me, I endeavoured to make him a suitable

acknowledgment: in such a cause, dullness must have become eloquent; and

I lamented that my deficiency in the language prevented my giving vent

to the extreme fullness of my heart. He seemed, however, to be satisfied

with my meaning; and I was just on the point of returning with him to

Hydernagur, when we were suddenly startled by the Jemadar’s music, which

was soon afterwards succeeded by the appearance of his guards advancing

towards us at some distance. He seemed confounded and alarmed——lamented,

in warm terms, his incapacity to serve me——and, pointing, to a path

which wound through a wood that lay on either side of the road, directed

me to strike into it immediately, saying, that by following that route,

I should certainly fall in with the British army. He then rode away, and

I followed his advice, and proceeded for some time through the wood

without interruption; for, though I did not implicitly believe the

assertion that HYAT SAHIB meant to have cut me off, I deemed it prudent

to avail myself of the opportunity which offered to effect my escape,

apprehending a worse fate than death, namely, being sent prisoner to

Seringapatam.

Finding myself fairly extricated, I began to examine my situation, and

to reflect on the different conversions which had passed between HYAT

SAHIB and me, and on his conduct previous to my being put in irons. I

recollected the information I had from time to time received, touching

the Jemadar’s disposition, HYDER’S death, TIPPOO SAHIB’S character and

avowed hatred of HYAT, and the nature of the inhabitants. I moreover

took into consideration, that my strength was impaired, and my

constitution undermined; and that my prospects in India, in point of

fame or emolument, could only be promoted by some extraordinary

exertion, or some hazardous enterprise. The result of the whole was a

determination on my part to return back to the fort, and venture an

attempt to persuade the Jemadar to offer proposals for an accommodation

to General MATHEWS, and to make me the instrument of his negociation.

In pursuauce of this determination, I returned; and at about six o’clock

in the evening re-entered the fort, and proceeded to the palace of the

Jemadar, where, desiring an audience, I was admitted. At the very first

sight of him, I could perceive in his appearance all the mortification

of falling power. He received me with a gloomy countenance, in which

there was more of thoughtful sadness than of vindictive fury. After a

minute’s silence, however, he said to me, “Well, Sir! you have heard, I

suppose, that the English army are in possession of the Ghauts, and

doubtless know that the customs of this Country authorise my proceeding

against you with the utmost rigour.” Here he paused for a few

moments——then proceeded thus: “Nevertheless, in consideration of your

family——in consideration of the regard I have for a long time conceived

for you, from observing your conduct, and strict adherence to truth in

answering all my questions, and still more on account of the sufferings

which you have sustained with fortitude, I will allow you to escape:

haste you, then, away——fly from this fort directly——begone!” Then waving

his hand as a signal for me to depart, averted his face from me, and

looked another way.

I thought that that this was a very favourable opportunity for my

intended purpose, and entreated him to hear me, while I said a few words

of perhaps more moment to him than to myself. He again turned towards

me; and, nodding assent, while his eye bespoke impatient curiosity, I

proceeded——And, first, I expressed, in the strongest terms I was able,

the high sense I entertained of the favourable reception I met with when

I first came to the fort; assuring him, that I should never forget the

kindness he shewed me on that occasion, and that in my conscience I

imputed all the sufferings I had undergone wholly to orders which he had

been obliged to execute, and not to any want of humanity in himself.

Here I perceived the clouds which had overspread his countenance begin

gradually to disperse, and with the greater confidence proceeded to say,

that if he would condescend to give me a patient hearing, and not take

my boldness amiss, I would venture to intrude upon him with my advice.

At this he stared at me with a look of surprise——paused——then said, that

he authorised me to speak whatever I pleased——continuing, in a tone of

gentle melancholy, “But of what use can your advice be to me now?”

Having thus obtained his permission, I began by complimenting him on his

great talents and temper in governing——on his fidelity, zeal and

attachment to HYDER——and on the mild and beneficent use which he was

acknowledged to have made of the unbounded power vested in him by that

great Prince, which was the more extraordinary, considering how many

examples he had to justify him in a contrary practice. I reminded him,

however, that circumstances were at present widely different from what

they then were——that he had now got a very different Sovereign to

serve——that he had no longer the tender father (for so HYDER might have

been considered to him), but TIPPOO SULTAN, now the master, once the

rival, whose measures he had always opposed, against whom he had once

laid a most serious charge, and who, considering the firmness of his

nature, could not be reasonably supposed to have forgiven him; and I

hinted, that whatever external appearance of regard TIPPOO might from

the political necessity of the moment assume, his temper, and the spirit

of Asiatic policy, were too well known to have a doubt remaining, that

so far from continuing him (HYAT) in the same power and authority which

he enjoyed during the life of his father HYDER, he would, on the

contrary, proceed against him with rigour and cruelty.

Here I perceived the Jemadar involuntarily nodding his head in a manner

which, though not intended for my observation, denoted internal assent;

and was convinced that I had exactly fallen in with the current of his

own thoughts. No wonder, indeed, they should be his sentiments; for they

had long been the sentiments of all persons who had known the

circumstances of the Nabob’s family.

Having, therefore, gone as far on that point as I conceived to be

necessary to awaken the mind of HYAT to the precariousness, or rather

danger of his situation with TIPPOO, I painted to him, in the strongest

colours I was master of, the humanity, the fidelity, the bravery and

generosity of the English, which, I said, were so universally

acknowledged, that even their worst enemies bore testimony to them: and

I assured him, that if, instead of making an unavailing opposition to

them, he would throw himself with confidence upon their protection, and

become their friend, he would not only be continued in his station,

power and authority, and supported as heretofore, but be made a much

greater man, with still greater security, than ever he had been before.

This was the general scope of my argument with him; but there were many

more which suggested themselves at the time, though I cannot now

remember them. I enforced them with all the power I had: they were

supported by the acknowledged character for generosity of the English,

and still more by HYAT’S apprehensions of TIPPOO; and they had their

effect. That very night he authorised me to go to the British General;

and, though he would not commit himself by sending proposals in writing,

he consented to receive them from the General, and promised to wait for

my return till day-light the next morning——adding, that if I did not

appear by that time, he would go off with his family and treasure to

some other place, and set the town, powder-magazine and store-houses on

fire, leaving a person of distinguished character to defend the citadel

or inner fort, which was strong, with a deep ditch, and mounted with

many pieces of cannon, and send immediate intelligence to an army of six

thousand horse and ten thousand infantry, who were at that time on their

road from Seringapatam, to hasten their progress, and make them advance

with all possible rapidity; and he further observed, that as TIPPOO

himself would come to the immediate protection of his Country, and, if

once come while the English army remained in the open field, would give

them cause to repent their temerity, there was no time to be lost.

Accompanied by a person who had officiated as interpreter between the

Jemadar and me, and whose good offices and influence with HYAT, which

was very great, I had been previously lucky enough to secure, I set off

at ten o’clock at night, on horseback, to the British army. My companion

was in high spirits when we set out from the fort; but as we proceeded,

he expressed great apprehension of being shot in approaching the camp,

and earnestly entreated me to sleep at a choreltry, which lay in our

way, till morning. His terror must have been great indeed, to induce him

to make such a proposal, as he knew very well that we had pledged

ourselves to be back before dawn next day. I rallied him upon his fears,

and endeavoured to persuade him there was not the smallest danger, as I

knew how to answer the outposts, when they should challenge us, in such

a manner as to prevent their firing. As we advanced to the camp,

however, his trepidation increased; and when we approached the sentries,

I was obliged to drag him along by force. Then his fears had very nearly

produced the danger he dreaded, (the almost invariable effect of

cowardice); for the sentry next to us, hearing the rustling noise, let

off his piece, and was retreating when I had the good fortune to make

him hear me. My companion, alarmed at the noise of the musquet, fell

down in a paroxysm of terror, from which it was some time before he was

completely recovered. The sentry who had fired, coming up, conducted us

to a place where other sentries were posted, one of whom accompanied us

to a guard, from whence we were brought to the grand guard, and by them

conducted to the General.

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LETTER LVIII.

-------------------------------------------

I WAS no less pleased than surprised to find, that the Commander of this

gallant and successful little army was General MATHEWS——an old friend of

my father’s, and a person with whom I had served in the Cavalry soon

after I entered the service. When I arrived, he was fast asleep upon the

bare ground in a choreltry. His Dubash, whose name was SNAKE,

recollected me immediately, and was almost as much frightened at my

appearance at first, as my interpreter companion was at the shot of the

sentry; for if was full five months since my hair and beard had been

both shaved at the same time, during which period a comb had never

touched my head; I had no hat——no stockings——was clad in a pair of very

ragged breeches, a shirt which was so full of holes that it resembled

rather a net than a web of cloth, and a waistcoat which had been made

for a man twice my size——while my feet were defended from the stones

only by a pair of Indian slippers. SNAKE, as soon as he was able to

conquer his terror, and stop the loquacious effusions of astonishment,

brought me to the General, whom I found fast asleep. We awoke him with

great difficulty, and on his discovering me, expressed great pleasure

and surprise at so unexpected a meeting; for, though he had heard of my

imprisonment at Bidanore, he did not expect to have had the pleasure of

my company so soon.

Having stated to the General the nature and object of my mission, and

related to him what had happened in the fort, he instantly saw the great

advantages that must accrue from such an arrangement——entered into a

full but short discussion of the business——settled with me the plan to

be pursued in either case of HYAT SAHIB’S acceding to or dissenting from

the terms he proposed to offer; and in less than an hour after my

arrival, I was dispatched back to the fort in the General’s palanquin,

with a cowl from him, signifying that the Jemadar HYAT SAHIB’S power and

influence should not be lessened, if he should quietly surrender up the

fort. Before my departure, the General expressed, in the warmest terms,

his approbation of my conduct; and added, that considering the

importance of the fort, the extensive influence of HYAT SAHIB, and the

advantages that might be derived from his experience and abilities,

coupled with the enfeebled state of his army, the benefits of such a

negociation scarcely admitted of calculation.

Notwithstanding the very flattering circumstances with which my present

pursuit was attended, I could not help, as I returned to Hydernagur,

finding some uneasy sensations, arising from the immediate nature of the

business, and from my knowledge of the faithless disposition of

Asiatics, and the little difficulty they find in violating any moral

principle, if it happens to clash with their interest, or if a breach of

it promises any advantage. I considered that it was by no means

impossible, that some resolution adverse to my project might have been

adopted in my absence, and that the Jemadar’s policy might lead him to

make my destruction a sort of propitiation for his former offences, and

to send me and the cowl together to TIPPOO, to be sacrificed to his

resentment. These thoughts, I own, made a very deep impression on my

mind——but were again effaced by the reflection, that a laudable measure,

once begun, ought to be persevered in, and that the accomplishing a plan

of such importance and incalculable public utility, might operate still

further by example, and produce consequences of which it was impossible

at the present to form a conception. Those, and a variety of such

suggestions, entirely overcame the scruples and fears of the danger; and

I once more entered the fort of Hydernagur. At this time the British

troops were, by detaching a part with Colonel MACLEOD, to get round the

fort, and attack it in rear, and, by death and sickness, reduced to less

than four hundred Europeans and seven hundred Sepoys, without ordnance.

When I delivered the cowl to the Jemadar, he read it, and seemed

pleased, but talked of four or five days to consider of an answer, and

seemed to be wavering in his mind, and labouring under the alternate

impulses of opposite motives and contradictory passions. I saw that it

was a crisis of more importance than any other of my life——a crisis in

which delay, irresolution, or yielding to the protractive expedients of

HYAT, might be fatal. To prevent therefore, the effects of either

treachery or repentance, I took advantage of the general confusion and

trepidation which prevailed in the fort——collected the Arcot Sepoys,

who, to the number of four hundred, were prisoners at large——posted them

at the gates, powder-magazines, and other critical situations; and,

having taken these and other precautions, went out to the General, who,

according to the plan concerted between us, had pushed on with the

advanced guard; and, conducting him into the fort with hardly an

attendant, brought him straight to the Jemadar’s presence while he yet

remained in a state of indecision and terror. General MATHEWS, in his

first interview with the Jemadar, did every thing to re-assure him, and

confirmed with the most solemn asseverations the terms of the cowl; in

consequence of which, the latter acceded to the propositions contained

in it, and the British Colours for the first time waved upon the walls

of the chief fort of the Country of Bidanore.

Having thus contributed to put this important garrison, with all its

treasures, which certainly were immense, into the hands of the Company,

without the loss of a single man, or even the striking of a single blow,

my exultation was inconceivable; and, much though I wanted money, I can

with truth aver, that avarice had not even for an instant the least

share in my sensations. ’Tis true, the consciousness of my services

assured me of a reward; but how that reward was to accrue to me, never

once was the subject of my contemplation——much less did I think of

availing myself of the instant occasion to obtain it. How far my

delicacy, on the occasion may be censured or approved, I cannot tell;

but if I got nothing by it, I have at least the consolation to reflect

that I escaped calumny, which was with a most unjustifiable and

unsparing hand lavished on others. The General, it is true, promised

that I should remain with him till he made some arrangements; and HYAT

SAHIB offered, on his part, to make me, through the General, a handsome

present. The General, however, suddenly became dissatisfied with me; and

I neither got HYAT SAHIB’S present, nor ever received even a rupee of

the vast spoil found there.

Here I think it a duty incumbent on me to say something of General

MATHEWS, and, while I deplore, the unfortunate turn in his temper, which

injured me, and tarnished in some measure his good qualities, to rescue

him from that unmerited obloquy which the ignorant, the interested and

the envious have thrown upon his fame. Light lie the ashes of the dead,

and hallowed be the turf that pillows the head of a Soldier! General

MATHEWS was indeed a Soldier——was calumniated too; and although he did

not use me as I had reason to hope he would, I will, as far as I can,

rescue his fame from gross misrepresentation.

An extravagant love of fame was the ruling passion of General MATHEWS:

it was the great end of all his pursuits; and, while, in his military

profession, he walked with a firm pace towards it, he lost his time,

distorted his progress, and palsied his own efforts, by a jealous

vigilance and envious opposition of those whom he found taking the same

road, whether they walked beside him, or panted in feeble effort behind.

This was his fault; it was doubtless a great alloy to his good

qualities: but it has been punished with rigour disproportionate to the

offence. Those who personally felt his jealousy, took advantage of his

melancholy end to traduce him, and magnify every mole-hill of error into

a mountain of crime. It is unmanly in any one——indeed it is——to traduce

the Soldier who has fallen in the service of his Country; but it is

heresy in a Soldier to do so. No sooner did the buzz of calumny get

abroad, than thousands of hornets, who had neither interest nor concern

in the affair, joined in it. The malignant, who wished to sting merely

to get rid of so much of their venom——and the vain, who wished to acquit

a reputation for knowledge of Asiatic affairs at the expence of

truth——united together, and raised a hum which reached Europe, where the

hornets (I mean Authors), under the less unjustifiable impulse of

necessity, took it up, and buzzed through the medium of _quartos_ and

_octovos_ so load, that public opinion was poisoned; and the gallant

Soldier who, for the advantage of England, stood the hardest tugs of

war, and at last drank the poisoned cup from the tyrant hands of her

enemy, was generally understood to be a peculator, and to have

clandestinely and dishonestly obtained three hundred thousand pounds.

On this assertion I put my direct negative. It may be said, however,

that this is only assertion against assertion——True! Sorry should I be

to rest it there: my assertions are grounded on such proofs as are not

to be shaken——proofs on record in the Office of the Presidency of

Bombay.

As soon as Hydernagur was taken possession of, HYAT SAHIB immediately

issued orders to the forts of Mangalore, Deokull, Ananpore, and some

others in that Country, to surrender to the British arms. Some obeyed

the mandate; but those three resisted, and were reduced by General

MATHEWS. Rendered incautious by success, our army became less vigilant,

and TIPPOO retook Hydernagur; and, in direct breach of the capitulation,

made the garrison prisoners, treated them with a degree of inhumanity

which chills the blood even to think of, and forced General MATHEWS to

take poison in prison!

Mean-time HYAT SAHIB, with whom the General had got into disputes,

arrived at Bombay, and laid a charge against him, which he, being in the

hands of TIPPOO, could not controvert, or even know. And what was the

charge? The whole extent of it was his (MATHEWS’S) having got two lacks

of rupees, and a pearl necklace, as a present——a sum, considering the

country and the circumstances, not at all extraordinary, but which is

completely vindicated by the General’s Letter to the Court of Directors,

dated at Mangalore, the 15th of March, 1783; in which he states the

present, and requests permission to accept it. This, as I said before,

is on record, and was translated by Mr. SYBBALD, who was then Persian

interpreter at Bombay. The Letter I allude to, you will see in the

APPENDIX. In short, General MATHEWS had his faults, but an unjust

avarice was not amongst them.

---------------------------------------------------------

LETTER LIX.

-------------------------------------------

Having, in my last Letter, said as much as I thought justice demanded in

defence of General MATHEWS, against the charge of peculation, I am now

to speak of him as his conduct touched me. He was, as I have already

mentioned, an old friend of my father’s, and an intimate of my own: I

had reason, therefore, to expect from him, according to the usual

dispositions and manners of men, if not partiality, at least friendship;

and in such a case as I have related, where my services gave me a claim

to notice, it was not unreasonable to suppose that he would have been

forward to promote my interest, by stating my services in such a manner

as to call attention to them. He had, however, some disagreeable

discussions with his Officers; and seeing I was on a footing of intimacy

with Colonel HUMBERTSON, and still more with Major CAMPBELL (he who so

ably and gallantly defended Mangalore against TIPPOO’S whole army and

six hundred French), and finding me extremely zealous and importunate to

have his arrangement with HYAT SAHIB adhered to, he became displeased,

and, though he himself had determined that I should remain with him,

changed his mind, and ordered me away at an hour’s notice——many days

sooner than he had originally intended to send off any dispatches. He

moreover occasioned my losing a sum of money, and on the whole paid less

attention to my interest than the circumstances of the case demanded.

In the evening of the day on which he determined on my departure, I set

off with his dispatches to the Governments of Madras and Bengal, and

reached the most distant of our posts that night. From thence I had

thirty miles to Cundapore, a sea-port town upon the Malabar coast, taken

by us from the enemy. During this journey, which was through the Country

of TIPPOO SAHIB, I had only six Sepoys to conduct me: yet, such was the

universal panic that had seized all classes and distinctions of people

at the progress of the British arms in that quarter, I met only a few

scattered Sepoys, who were so badly wounded I presume they were unable

to travel——the villages throughout being completely abandoned by all

their inhabitants.

The sudden change of diet, which physicians tell us, and I experienced,

is dangerous, from bad to good, as well as the reverse, conspiring with

the mortification I felt at seeing things going on so very contrary to

what I wished, and what I had reason to expect, had a most sudden and

alarming effect upon my constitution; and I was seized on the road with

the most excruciating, internal pains, which were succeeded by a violent

vomiting of blood. At length, with great difficulty, I reached

Cundapore, where the Commanding Officer, and all about him, did every

thing in their power to afford me assistance and comfort under my

miseries, which increased every hour rapidly. I felt as if my inside was

utterly decayed, and all its functions lost in debility: at the same

time my head seemed deranged——I could scarcely comprehend the meaning of

what was said: lifting up my head was attended with agonizing pain; and

if I had any power of thought, it was to consider myself as approaching

fast to dissolution. I had the sense, however, to send to General

MATHEWS, to acquaint him with my indisposition, and utter inability to

proceed with his dispatches. To this I received the following Letter:

_“Bidanore, Feb. 3, 1783._

“DEAR CAMPBELL,

“I am sorry to hear that you have been unwell. Should your indisposition

increase, or continue, so as to render you unable to pursue your journey

with the necessary expedition, I beg that you will forward the Letters

to Anjengo by a boat, with directions to Mr. HUTCHINSON to send them per

tappy[9] to Palamcotah, and so on to Madras.

“I shall hope to hear of your recovery, and that you’ll have gone to

sea.

“Your’s very truly,

RICHARD MATHEWS.”

Footnote 9:

Post, or express.

The receipt of this Letter induced me, bad as I was, to make one other

exertion; and I resolved, though I should die on the way, not to leave

any thing which, even by malicious construction, could be made a set-off

against my claims: I therefore hired an open boat to carry me along the

coast to Anjengo, and set out with every prospect of having the

virulence of my disorder increased, by being exposed in an uncovered

vessel to the damp of the night air, and the raging heat of the sun in

the day, and of being arrested by the hand of death in my way. By the

time I had got down the coast as far as Mangalore, my complaints

increased to an alarming height; and I became speechless, and unable to

stand. Fortunately there happened to be a Company’s vessel then lying at

anchor off that place, the Captain of which had the goodness to invite

me to remain on board with him, strenuously advising that I should give

up the thoughts of proceeding immediately on my voyage to Anjengo, which

I could not possibly survive, and to forward my dispatches by another

hand. The Surgeon of the ship joining the Captain in opinion that I

could not survive if I attempted it, and my own judgment coinciding with

their’s, I at length consented, and remained there.

Tranquillity, kind treatment, and good medical assistance, produced, in

the space of two or three weeks, so material a change in my health, I

was in a condition to avail myself, at the expiration of that time, of a

ship bound to Anjengo, and which offering the additional inducement of

touching at Tellicherry, determined me to take my passage in her. When I

arrived at Tellicherry, and during my stay there, the great attention

shewn me by Mr. FREEMAN, the Chief of that place, and the comforts of

his house, restored me to a great share of health and spirits——And here

a very singular circumstance occurred.

One day a vessel arrived; and perceiving a boat coming on shore from

her, Mr. FREEMAN and I walked down to the beach, to make the usual

inquiries——such as, where she came from? what news she brought? &c. &c.

As soon as the boat touched the shore, a Gentleman leaped out of it,

whose person seemed familiar to me: upon his nearer approach, I

discovered that it was Mr. BRODEY, a Gentleman who had been kind enough

to take upon him the office of my Attorney, upon my leaving India some

years before——not my _Attorney_ in the ordinary acceptation of that

word, but a liberal and disinterested friend, who obligingly undertook

the management of my affairs in my absence, without the smallest hope of

advantage, or rather under circumstances which served as preludes to

further obligations. I was certainly pleased and surprised to see him;

but his astonishment to see me amounted almost to a distrust of his

eye-sight: he had received such indubitable proofs of my death, that my

sudden appearance on his landing, at the first rush of thought,

impressed him with the notion of a _deceptio visus_. My identity,

however, was too positive for resistance; and his wonder melted down

into cordial satisfaction, and congratulations on my safety. He then

took out a pocket account-book, in which, for security against

accidents, he kept accounts-current, written in a brief manner——and

shewed me mine, settled almost to the very day, upon which was

transcribed a copy of a letter he had received, and which he thought was

a testimony of my death. So, cutting out the account, and presenting it

to me, he expressed, in the most cordial and handsome manner, his joy

that it was into my own hands he had at last had an opportunity to

deliver it. This Gentleman is now in this Kingdom, and too well known

for me to describe him. Suffice it to say, that in England, as well as

in India, he has always enjoyed the esteem and respect of all his

acquaintances, to as great an extent as any other person I know.

I again embarked to proceed on my voyage, and had hardly got on board

when a ship dropped anchor along side of us, in which Captain CAMPBELL

of Comby, a very near connection of mine, was passenger. On hailing one

another, he heard that I was on board, and immediately was with me.

Those who sincerely love each other, and whose hearts confess the fond

ties of consanguinity, can alone conceive what our mutual pleasure was

at meeting so unexpectedly in so remote a corner of the world. He was

then on his way to join the army. This amiable young man now reposes in

the Bed of Honour at Mangalore! He fell, after having distinguished

himself in the very gallant defence made by that place against the whole

force of TIPPOO. With regret we parted; and in due time I arrived at

Anjengo without any accident befalling me, which was rather

extraordinary.

Leaving Anjengo, I set out for Madras, designing to go all the way by

land——a journey of near eight hundred miles. I accordingly struck

through the Kingdom of Travancore, whose Sovereign is in alliance with

the English; and had not long entered the territories of the Nabob of

Arcot, before Major MACNEAL, an old friend of mine, and Commandant of a

fort in that district, met me, preceded by a troop of dancing girls, who

encircled my palanquin, dancing around me until I entered the Major’s

house.

It would be difficult to give you an adequate notion of those dancing

girls. Trained up from their infancy to the practice of the most

graceful motions, the most artful display of personal symmetry, and the

most wanton allurements, they dance in such a style, and twine their

limbs and bodies into such postures, as bewitch the senses, and extort

applause and admiration where in strictness disapprobation is due: nor

is their agility inferior to the grace of their movements——though they

do not exert it in the same skipping way that our stage dancers do, but

make it subservient to the elegance, and, I may say, grandeur, of their

air. They are generally found in troops of six or eight, attended by

musicians, whose aspect and dress are as uncouth and squalid, as the

sounds they produce under the name of music are inelegant, harsh and

dissonant. To this music, from which measure as much as harmony is

excluded, they dance, most wonderfully adapting their step to the

perpetual change of the time, accompanying it with amorous songs, while

the correspondent action of their body and limbs, the wanton palpitation

and heaving of their exquisitely formed bosoms, and the amorous, or

rather lascivious expression of their countenance, excite in the

spectators emotions not very favourable to chastity. Thus they continue

to act, till, by the warmth of exercise and imagination, they become

seemingly frantic with ecstacy, and, sinking down motionless with

fatigue, throw themselves into the most alluring attitudes that

ingenious vice and voluptuousness can possibly devise.

That such incitements to vice should make a part of the system of any

society, is to be lamented: yet, at all ceremonies and great occasions,

whether of religious worship or domestic enjoyment, they make a part of

the entertainment; and the altar of their gods, and the purity of the

marriage rites, are alike polluted by the introduction of the dancing

girls. The impurity of this custom, however, vanishes in India, when

compared with the hideous practice of introducing dancing _boys_.

The Major, after having entertained me in the most hospitable manner,

accompanied me to Palamcotah, to the house of Doctor DOTT, who lived in

a generous and hospitable style. I had once had an opportunity of

evincing my good disposition to this Gentleman, when he was most

critically situated; and the reception he gave me demonstrated, that he

then retained a lively sense of my conduct to him.

Leaving Palamcotah, I continued my route through Madura. This Country is

rendered remarkable by the revolt of the famous ISIF CAWN, who made a

bold and well-conducted attempt to erect himself into the Sovereignty of

that Province, independent of the Nabob of the Carnatic, in whose

service he was: and as the affair occurs to my thoughts, I will, for

your information, notwithstanding its being unconnected with my story,

digress into an account of it. As soon as the revolt of ISIF CAWN was

known, General MONSON, an Officer of great military skill and personal

merit, went against him at the head of the King’s and Company’s troops,

and invested the fort of Madura, in which that rebellious Chief was

posted. The General made a practicable breach, and, in storming, was

beat back with great slaughter by ISIF; and the setting in of the

monsoons immediately after, retarded the further operations of our army

against the place; and in the interim, peace having been concluded

between the Courts of St. James’s and Versailles, the King’s troops were

withdrawn.

On the recal of the King’s troops, an army of Company’s troops was

formed, to proceed against Madura, in order to reduce this gallant

turbulent rebel to subjection; and the renowned General LAWRENCE being

rendered incapable of actual service, and obliged to remain at the

Presidency by extreme age and infirmity, the chief command devolved upon

my father by seniority: he headed the expedition; and, after overcoming

innumerable difficulties thrown in his way by the inventive genius and

enterprising spirit of ISIF CAWN, again made a breach, which was deemed

practicable by the chief engineer, now Sir JOHN CALL. An assault was

made with no better success than the former; for our army was again

repulsed with incredible slaughter: more than two thirds, I believe, of

our European Officers, were among the killed or wounded; and the death

of Major PRESTON, second in command, a man endeared to the army by the

possession of every advantage of person, heart and talents—an active,

intrepid and able Officer—aggravated the calamities of the day.

If, impelled by my feelings, or tempted by remembrance of the past, I

sometimes digress from the direct path of my narrative, my FREDERICK

will accompany me, not only with patience, but I dare say with pleasure:

I cannot refrain, therefore, from mentioning a memorable occurrence

during that siege, not only as it is somewhat extraordinary in itself,

but as it relates to a very near and dear connection. Colonel DONALD

CAMPBELL, who then commanded the Cavalry, received no less than fourteen

sword-wounds and a musquet-ball in his body—yet continued doing his duty

with such cool intrepidity, that brave soldiers who were witnesses to

it, expressed the utmost astonishment: upon being requested to quit the

field, he replied, that as his family were provided for, he had nothing

to fear; and as it was very unlikely his life could be saved, he would

not deprive his Country of any advantage that might be derived from his

exertions for the short residue of it, but continue to the last moment

at his duty. With all this firmness and magnanimity, he was gentle,

good-humoured, modest and unassuming; and was admired for his great

personal beauty, as well as military talents, particularly by the Duke

of CUMBERLAND, under whom he served in the war in Germany as a subaltern

Officer, in so much that His Royal Highness had his picture drawn. It

was to him the Company were first indebted for the introduction of

perfect military discipline into their army in India. In the various

relations in which he stood, whether domestic or public, as, the

subject, the citizen, the father, or the friend, he was so uniformly

excellent, that the shafts of malevolence, which the best and wisest of

men have but too often felt, seldom reached him; and he may justly be

reckoned amongst that very small number of created beings, of whom

scarcely any one had the audacity to speak ill. Upon my first arrival in

India, I was put under his command, and lived in his family——when,

instead of deporting himself towards me with that reserve and austerity

which rank and reputation like his, coupled with the circumstance of his

being my uncle, might in some sort have justified, he took me into his

confidence, treated me with the greatest affection, and acted rather as

the brother and the equal, than as the parent and superior; and thus,

his gentle admonitions had more effect in restraining the sallies of

youth, and impetuosity of my temper, than the sour, unpalatable

documents of a supercilious preceptor could possibly have had.

The wonderful effects of this happy temper in swaying the stubborn

disposition of headstrong youth, was exemplified in another instance—of

which, since I am on the subject, I will inform you. Mr. DUPRES, then

Governor of Madras, wrote to him about a young Gentleman, in the

following words:

“MY DEAR COLONEL,

“In the list of Officers appointed to your garrison, you will see the

name of ——-. This young man (nephew to Mrs. DUPRES), with abilities that

might render him conspicuous, I am sorry to say, stands in need of a

strict hand. All the favour I have to request of you is to shew him no

favour: keep him rigidly to his duty; and, if he requires it, rule him

with a rod of iron. Should his future conduct meet your approbation, it

is unnecessary for me to ask it, as you are always ready to shew

kindness to those who merit it.”

The peculiar style of this letter made such an impression on my memory,

that I am able to give the exact words. Colonel CAMPBELL, however, took

his own unalterable method, mildness——treated the young Gentleman in

such a manner as to raise in him a consciousness of his dignity as a

man, the first and best guard against misconduct——and appointed him to

the grenadier company. The result was answerable to his expectations;

for the young man’s conduct, both as an Officer and a Gentleman, was

such in the sequel as to reflect credit on himself and his family; and

his very honourable and hopeful career was at last terminated by a

cannon-ball at the siege of Tanjore.