CHAPTER I.

THE AFRICANDERS

A CENTURY OF

DUTCH-ENGLISH FEUD

IN SOUTH AFRICA

BY

LE ROY HOOKER,

AUTHOR OF

“Enoch, the Philistine,” “Baldoon,” etc.

CHICAGO AND NEW YORK:

RAND, McNALLY & CO., PUBLISHERS.

MDCCCC.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PAGE.

I The Dutch at the Cape (1652–1795), 11

II First Contact of Africander and Briton in Diplomacy (1795), 26

III First Contact of Africander and Briton in War (1795), 46

IV The Africanders’ First Trek to the North (1806–1838), 68

V Second Contact of Africander and Briton—In Natal, 87

VI Second Contact of Africander and Briton—North of the

Orange River, 98

VII The Africanders’ Second Trek to the North, 114

VIII The Independent Africander and Slavery, 123

IX Third Contact of Africander and Briton—In the Orange

Free State, 135

X Third Contact of Africander and Briton—In the Transvaal, 148

XI The Africanders’ First War of Independence, 165

XII The Africander Republics and British Policy, 178

XIII Causes of the Africanders’ Second War of Independence, 188

XIV Causes of the Africanders’ Second War of Independence—

Continued, 207

XV Causes of the Africanders’ Second War of Independence—

Continued, 221

XVI Causes of the Africanders’ Second War of Independence—

Concluded, 241

XVII The Country of the Africanders, 261

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Cape Town, Cape of Good Hope, Frontispiece

President Kruger, Facing page 48

Lighthouse, Durban, 72

President Steyn, Orange Free State, 88

The Vaal River, 96

Doctor Jameson, 112

Majuba Hill, 120

General Joubert, 136

Pietermaritzburg, 152

Cecil J. Rhodes, 168

Government Building, Pretoria, 176

Joseph Chamberlain, 192

Bloemfontein, 208

General Cronje, 224

Pritchard Street, Johannesburg, 240

Cattle on the Vaal River, 264

FOREWORD.

This is the history, briefly told, of the great Dutch-English feud in

South Africa, up to the beginning of the Africanders’ second war of

independence with Great Britain, which opened on the 11th of October,

1899.

In writing these pages I have not felt conscious of being in

controversy with any one. If I had been susceptible to influences that

create prejudice, nearly three centuries of American descent from

purely Anglo-Saxon progenitors with no admixture of any other blood

would have predisposed me to magnify everything in this long feud that

exemplified the prowess and the honor of that race, and to minify in

the telling whatever faults it had committed. It will be for such

readers of my work as are conversant with the ultimate authorities on

the subject treated of to judge how far I have succeeded or failed in

presenting a “plain, unvarnished” tale.

I acknowledge, with much gratitude, indebtedness for data to the

following distinguished writers:

Canon W. J. Little, M.A., author of “South Africa”; George McCall

Theal, M.A., Official Historiographer and sometime Keeper of the

Archives at Cape Town; Professor James Bryce, author of “Impressions of

South Africa,” “The American Commonwealth,” etc.; F. Reginald Statham,

author of “South Africa as It Is”; Olive Schreiner, author of “The

South African Question”; the British Blue Books and other sources of

reliable information.

THE AUTHOR.

THE AFRICANDERS.

CHAPTER I.

THE DUTCH AT THE CAPE.

(1652–1795.)

This is the story, briefly told, of the Dutch Boers in South Africa.

The Portuguese were the first Europeans to visit the shores of South

and Southeastern Africa, but they made no attempt to settle the country

south of Delagoa Bay. They were traders. The Hottentots had little to

sell that they cared to purchase. The route for Portuguese commerce

with the East was west of Madagascar, consequently they found it

unnecessary to put into Table Bay; the voyage from St. Helena to

Mozambique could be made comfortably without seeking a port of supply.

But when the Dutch wrested the eastern trade from the Portuguese, the

southeastern portion of Africa assumed an importance to them that it

had never before possessed in the esteem of any other nation. Their sea

route to the East was south of Madagascar, and it was all but

imperative that they should have a port of supply at the turning point

of the long voyage between Holland and Batavia. It soon became their

practice to call at Table Bay for the purpose of obtaining news, taking

in fresh water, catching fish, and bartering with the natives for

cattle—in which they were seldom successful.

In 1650 the Dutch East India Company, acting upon the reports and

suggestions of influential men who had visited Table Bay and resided in

Table Valley several months, determined to establish at Table Bay such

a victualing station as had been recommended. In accordance therewith

the ships Reiger and Dromedaris and the yacht Goede Hoop—all then lying

in the harbor of Amsterdam—were put in commission to carry the party of

occupation to Table Bay, under the general command of Jan Van Riebeek.

On Sunday, 24th of December, 1651, the expedition sailed, accompanied

by a large fleet of merchant vessels. On the morning of Sunday, the 7th

of April, 1652, after a voyage of one hundred and four days, the site

of their future home greeted the eyes of the sea-worn emigrants,—Table

Mountain, 3,816 feet high, being the central and impressive feature of

the landscape. In due time preparations were made to land and begin the

necessary operations in establishing themselves in the new and entirely

uncivilized country.

The organization of the Dutch East India Company was on a thoroughly

military system. It graduated downward from the home Assembly of

Seventeen—who were supreme—to a governor-general of India and his

council resident in Batavia, and, ranking next below him in their

order, to a vast number of admirals, governors and commanders—each

having his own council, and acting under the strict rule that whenever

these came in contact the lower in rank must give place and render

obedience to the higher. It is important to bear this in mind, as it

gives a clear insight into the mode of government under which the

occupation took place, and which prevailed with little variation for

more than a hundred years. The ranking officer of the expedition was

Jan Van Riebeek, and next to him in authority were the three commanders

as his council in founding the settlement.

Van Riebeek and the three skippers, having inspected Table Valley,

selected a site for the fort a little in rear of the ground on which

the general postoffice of Cape Town now stands. On that spot a great

stronghold was built in the form of a square strengthened by bastions

at its angles. Each face of the fort measured 252 Rhynland feet—about

260 feet English measure. The walls were built of earth, twelve feet

high, twenty feet in thickness at the base, tapering to sixteen feet at

the top, and were surmounted by a parapet. Surrounding the whole

structure was a moat, into which the water of Fresh River could be

turned. Within the walls were dwellings, barracks, storehouses and

other conveniences that might be required in a state of siege. Around

the fort were clustered a walled kraal for cattle, a separate inclosure

for workshops, and the tents in which the settlers began their life in

Africa.

On the 28th of January, 1653, the last of the ships, the Dromedaris,

sailed away and left the colonists to their own resources.

The history in detail of this first European settlement in South Africa

is of surpassing interest; but, here, it must be sketched in the

briefest outline possible, up to the first contact of Boer with Briton.

For the first twenty-five years the aim of the colonists was to keep

within easy reach of the fort at the Cape. Up to 1680 the most distant

agricultural settlement was at Stellenbosch, about twenty-five miles

from the Cape. Not till the end of the century did they push pioneering

enterprises beyond the first range of mountains.

There was a steady though not very rapid increase of population. As

early as 1658 the disastrous step was taken of introducing slave labor,

performed at first by West African negroes—a step which encouraged in

the whites an indisposition to work, and doomed that part of Africa to

be dependent on the toil of slaves. To their African slaves the Dutch

East India Company added numbers of Malay convicts from Java and other

parts of its East Indian territories. These Malays took wives from the

female convicts of their own race, and to some extent intermarried with

the native African slave-women. From such marriages there arose a

mongrel, dark people of the servile order, which became a considerable

element in the population of Cape Town and its neighboring regions.

In 1689 some three hundred French Huguenots came from Holland in a body

and joined the colonists at the Cape. These were a valuable acquisition

as an offset to the rapidly increasing servile element. They were

mostly persons of refinement, and brought with them habits of industry,

strong attachment to the Protestant faith, and a supreme love of

liberty. Many of the more respectable colonial families are descended

from that stock.

The somewhat intolerant government of the Company hastened the blending

of the various classes of the population in one. The Huguenots loved

their language and their peculiar faith, and greatly desired to found a

separate religious community. But the Company forbade the use of French

in official documents and in religious services. As a result of this

narrow but far-seeing policy, by the middle of the eighteenth century

the Huguenots had amalgamated with their Dutch fellow-colonists in

language, religion and politics. It was not until 1780 that the

Company’s government permitted the opening of a Lutheran church,

although many Germans of that persuasion had emigrated to the Cape.

The distinctive Africander type of character began to appear at the

time when the settlers began to move from the coast into the interior

of the country. There was everything to favor the rapid development of

a new type of humanity. For the most part the Dutch and the Germans

belonged to the humbler classes; the situation was isolated; the home

ties were few; the voyage to Europe was so long that communication was

difficult and expensive; and so they maintained little connection

with—and soon lost all feeling for—the fatherlands. As for the

Huguenots, they had no home country to look to. France had banished

them, and they were not of Holland—neither in blood nor in speech. Thus

it came to pass that the whites of South Africa who went into the

interior as pioneers went consenting to the feeling that every bond

between Europe and themselves was severed—that they were a new people

whose true home and destiny, to the latest generations, were to be in

Africa.

Many of them became stockmen, roaming with their flocks and herds over

vast tracts of grazing lands, for which they paid a nominal rent to the

Company. Some of them became mighty hunters of big game—like Nimrod;

and even those who herded cattle and sheep were forced to protect

themselves and their live stock against lions and leopards and the

savage Bushmen who waged a constant warfare in which quarter was

neither given nor expected. In such circumstances it is not wonderful

that the people who had in their veins the blended blood of Holland and

Navarre developed to an almost unparalleled degree courage,

self-reliance and love of independence, coupled with a passion for

solitude and isolation.

As inevitable results of the life they led—so isolated and wild—the

children grew up untaught; the women, being served by slaves, lost both

the Dutch and French habits of thrift and cleanliness; and the men

became indifferent to the elegancies of life, and grew more and more

stern and narrow-minded on all questions of public policy and religion.

But there was no declension of religious fervor. In all their

wanderings the Bible went with them as an oracle to be consulted on all

subjects, and the altar of family worship never lacked its morning and

evening sacrifice. And they retained a passionate love of personal

freedom which no effort of the Company’s government could bring under

perfect discipline.

Magistrates and assessors were appointed in some of the distant

stations, but they failed to control the wandering stockmen, who were

called Trek Boers because they “trekked” from place to place. Being

good marksmen and inured to conflict with wild beasts and wilder men,

they formed among themselves companies of fighting men whose duty it

was to disperse or destroy the savage Bushmen. These independent

military organizations the government recognized and approved by

appointing over them a field commander for each district and a

subordinate called a field cornet for each subdivision of a district.

These officers and their respective commands became permanent features

of the system of local government, and the war bands—called

commandos—have always been recognized in the records of military

operations by the Boers.

The administration, through a governor and council appointed by the

Dutch East India Company in Holland, was never popular with the

colonists. The governor was in no sense responsible to the people he

governed. This was one of the causes which prompted the Boers to go out

into the wilderness, where distance from the center of authority

secured to them greater freedom.

In 1779 the disaffected colonists sent commissioners to Holland to

demand of the States-General redress of the grievances suffered under

the rule of the Dutch East India Company and a share in the government

of the colony. This action was due, in part, to actual wrongs inflicted

on a liberty-loving people, and, in part, to the spirit of independence

which characterized the temper of the age and had led the British

colonists in North America to throw off the control of their mother

country.

After prolonged negotiations the States-General sent out two

commissioners to investigate the state of affairs in the Cape colony

and to recommend measures of reform. The degree of relief proposed was

considered inadequate—especially by those who dwelt in the more distant

settlements. Therefore, in 1795, the people of the interior rose up in

revolt against the Company’s government—professing, however, unabated

loyalty to the mother country. The magistrates appointed by the company

were deposed, and little republics were set up, each with a

representative assembly. It would have been an easy matter for the

government at the Cape to have suppressed these uprisings by cutting

off their food supplies. But just then other events claimed the

attention of both the governor and the governed—events which drew South

Africa into the tumultuous tide of European politics and led to the

immediate contact of Boer and Briton, and initiated a struggle between

the two which has been renewed at intervals, with varying fortunes, for

more than a hundred years.

Before going forward to the event of 1795—the first contact of Boer and

Briton—it will be well to note some of the more important features of

the condition in which that contact found the Boer.

The total Boer population of South Africa in 1795 was about seventeen

thousand, with a rapid rate of increase. In the mixed blood of the

people the proportions of national elements were: Dutch, a little less

than two-thirds; French, one-sixth; the remainder was principally

German, with a sprinkling of other nationalities.

The popular language differed largely from that of Holland at the close

of the eighteenth century. The amalgamation with a large body of

foreigners, the scant instruction in book learning, and above all the

necessity of speaking to the slaves and Hottentots in the simplest

manner possible had all tended to the destruction of grammatical forms.

The language in common use by the Boer had become a mere dialect,

having a very limited vocabulary. But the Dutch Bible—a book that every

one read—greatly increased the number of words with which he was

familiar. With this addition, however, most of the uneducated South

African colonists were unable to understand fully the contents of a

newspaper of the time printed in Holland, or a book treating of a

subject unfamiliar to them. Naturally this dialect of the Dutch was

greatly beloved by the people using it—it was the language of mother,

of lover, of friend to friend in parting to meet no more.

In no other country were women more completely on an equality with men

than in South Africa. Property belonging to a woman while she was

single, or acquired by her after marriage, was secured to her in

perpetuity so that her husband could neither squander it nor dispose of

it in any way without her consent. Neither was it subject to seizure

for debts contracted by him, but was as absolutely hers as if no

marriage existed.

The rights of children to be provided for were sacredly guarded. An

individual having five or more children could only dispose by will of

half the estate; the remainder belonged to the children, and upon the

death of the parent it was equally divided among them; if any were

minors their share was taken in trust for them by guardians provided by

law. If there were not more than four children the parent could dispose

by will of two-thirds of the estate.

The industrial pursuits of the people outside of Cape Town were almost

entirely agricultural and pastoral. There were no mining interests.

There was abundance of fish, but the taking of them was discouraged by

government prohibitions of fishing in any waters but Table Bay in

summer and False Bay in winter. This measure was taken to save the

Company the expense of providing military protection for fishermen at a

distance from the fort. In 1718 it was permitted to fish in Saldanha

Bay, also, but as one-fifth of the product was exacted as a tax the

license was not accepted.

The making of wagons and carts of the peculiar kind needed in Africa at

that time was carried to great perfection. This, however, was the only

important manufacturing industry in the country. For the most part

families supplied themselves with homemade articles of use, such as

soap, candles, furniture, leather, cloth, harness and farming

implements. Everything thus produced was crude and clumsy, but the

articles were durable and served the purpose fairly well.

All in all, they were a worthy and a very peculiar people—these Boers.

They differed largely from all others in habits, language and ideals;

but they were loyal to their ideals, and acted with rare good sense and

manly energy in carrying them into effect. They were so far free from

the prevailing spirit of religious bigotry that in 1795, besides the

Dutch Reformed Church—in a sense the national church—the Lutheran and

the Moravian denominations were tolerated.

The territory in South Africa that had been explored, up to 1795,

included the Cape colony, the western coast as far north as Walfish

Bay, the eastern coast to the Zambesi River and the Zambesi Valley to a

point above Tete, and a few localities in the region now known as

Rhodesia. Possibly some roving elephant hunters had crossed the Orange

River, but, if so, they were silent as to any discoveries made.

The Bushmen had retired from the populous parts of the Colony, and were

numerous only along the mountain range in the interior. The Hottentots

had dwindled away to a few thousand. The thinning out of these native

races was due not so much to mortal conflict with the whites as to the

ravages of smallpox and strong drink. Like all savage people they

seemed to melt away before these scourges as stubble before flames.

And here we close this chapter of the history of the Boers. We leave

them, for the moment, divided as to the government of the Dutch East

India Company, but a homogeneous people seventeen thousand strong, and

having developed out of the elements mixed in their blood and the

peculiar environment and experiences in which they lived a new race of

civilized men to be known in the history of commerce, diplomacy and war

as Africanders.

The Africanders · 第 1 / 17 章