Mr. Gandhi in moving his resolution on the creed before the Congress,
said, "The resolution which I have the honour to move is as follows: The
object of the Indian National Congress is the attainment of Swarajya by
the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means."
There are only two kinds of objections, so far as I understand, that
will be advanced from this platform. One is that we may not to-day think
of dissolving the British connection. What I say is that it is
derogatory to national dignity to think of permanence of British
connection at any cost. We are labouring under a grievous wrong, which
it is the personal duty of every Indian to get redressed. This British
Government not only refused to redress the wrong, but it refuses to
acknowledge _its_ mistake and so long as it retains its attitude, it is
not possible for us to say all that we want to be or all that we want to
get, retaining British connection. No matter what difficulties be in our
path, we must make the clearest possible declaration to the world and to
the whole of India, that we may not possibly have British connection, if
the British people will not do this elementary justice. I do not, for
one moment, suggest that we want to end at the British connection at all
costs, unconditionally. If the British connection is for the advancement
of India, we do not want to destroy it. But if it is inconsistent with
our national self respect, then it is our bounden duty to destroy it.
There is room in this resolution for both--those who believe that, by
retaining British connection, we can purify ourselves and purify British
people, and those who have no belief. As for instance, take the extreme
case of Mr. Andrews. He says all hope for India is gone for keeping the
British connection. He says there must be complete severance--complete
independence. There is room enough in this creed for a man like Mr.
Andrews also. Take another illustration, a man like myself or my brother
Shaukat Ali. There is certainly no room for us, if we have eternally to
subscribe to the doctrine, whether these wrongs are redressed or not, we
shall have to evolve ourselves within the British Empire; there is no
room for me in that creed. Therefore this creed is elastic enough to
take in both shades of opinions and the British people will have to
beware that, if they do not want to do justice, it will be the bounden
duty of every Indian to destroy the Empire.
I want just now to wind up my remarks with a personal appeal, drawing
your attention to an object lesson that was presented in the Bengal
camp yesterday. If you want Swaraj, you have got a demonstration of how
to get Swaraj. There was a little bit of skirmish, a little bit of
squabble, and a little bit of difference in the Bengal camp, as there
will always be differences so long as the world lasts. I have known
differences between husband and wife, because I am still a husband; I
have noticed differences between parents and children, because I am
still a father of four boys, and they are all strong enough to destroy
their father so far as bodily struggle is concerned; I possess that
varied experience of husband and parent; I know that we shall always
have squabbles, we shall always have differences but the lesson that I
want to draw your attention to is that I had the honour and privilege of
addressing both the parties. They gave me their undivided attention and
what is more they showed their attachment, their affection and their
fellowship for me by accepting the humble advice that I had the honour
of tendering to them, and I told them I am not here to distribute
justice that can be awarded only through our worthy president. But I ask
you not to go to the president, you need not worry him. If you are
strong, if you are brave, if you are intent upon getting Swaraj, and if
you really want to revise the creed, then you will bottle up your rage,
you will bottle up all the feelings of injustice that may rankle in
your hearts and forget these things here under this very roof and I told
them to forget their differences, to forgot the wrongs. I don't want to
tell you or go into the history of that incident. Probably most of you
know. I simply want to invite your attention to the fact. I don't say
they have settled up their differences. I hope they have but I do know
that they undertook to forget the differences. They undertook not to
worry the President, they undertook not to make any demonstration here
or in the Subjects Committee. All honour to those who listened to
that advice.
I only wanted my Bengali friends and all the other friends who have come
to this great assembly with a fixed determination to seek nothing but
the settlement of their country, to seek nothing but the advancement of
their respective rights, to seek nothing but the conservation of the
national honour. I appeal to every one of you to copy the example set by
those who felt aggrieved and who felt that their heads were broken. I
know, before we have done with this great battle on which we have
embarked at the special sessions of the Congress, we have to go
probably, possibly through a sea of blood, but let it not be said of us
or any one of us that we are guilty of shedding blood, but let it be
said by generations yet to be born that we suffered, that we shed not
somebody's blood but our own, and so I have no hesitation in saying that
I do not want to show much sympathy for those who had their heads
broken or who were said to be even in danger of losing their lives. What
does it matter? It is much better to die at the hands, at least, of our
own countrymen. What is there to revenge ourselves about or upon. So I
ask everyone of you that if at any time there is blood-boiling within
you against some fellow countrymen of yours, even though he may be in
the employ of Government, though he may be in the Secret Service, you
will take care not to be offended and not to return blow for blow.
Understand that the very moment you return the blow from the detective,
your cause is lost. This is your non-violent campaign. And so I ask
everyone of you not to retaliate but to bottle up all your rage, to
dismiss your rage from you and you will rise graver men. I am here to
congratulate those who have restrained themselves from going to the
President and bringing the dispute before him.
Therefore I appeal to those who feel aggrieved to feel that they have
done the right thing in forgetting it and if they have not forgotten I
ask them to try to forget the thing; and that is the object lesson to
which I wanted to draw your attention if you want to carry this
resolution. Do not carry this resolution only by an acclamation for this
resolution, but I want you to accompany the carrying out of this
resolution with a faith and resolve which nothing on earth can move.
That you are intent upon getting Swaraj at the earliest possible moment
and that you are intent upon getting Swaraj by means that are
legitimate, that are honourable and by means that are non-violent, that
are peaceful, you have resolved upon, so far you can say to-day. We
cannot give battle to this Government by means of steel, but we can give
battle by exercising, what I have so often called, "soul force" and soul
force is not the prerogative of one man of a Sanyasi or even a so-called
saint. Soul force is the prerogative of every human being, female or
male and therefore I ask my countrymen, if they want to accept this
resolution, to accept it with that firm determination and to understand
that it is inaugurated under such good and favourable auspices as I have
described to you.
In my humble opinion, the Congress will have done the rightest thing, if
it unanimously adopts this resolution. May God grant that you will pass
this resolution unanimously, may God grant that you will also have the
courage and the ability to carry out the resolution and that within one
year.