The powerful character of the measure, however, leads some to object to
non-co-operation because of that very reason. Striking as it does at the
very root of Government in India, they fear that non-co-operation must
lead to anarchy, and that the remedy is worse than the disease. This is
an objection arising out of insufficient allowance for human nature. It
is assumed that the British people will allow their connection with
India to cease rather than remedy the wrongs for which we seek justice.
If this assumption be correct, no doubt it must lead to separation and
possibly also anarchy for a time. If the operatives in a factory have
grievances, negotiations having failed, a strike would on a similar
argument be never admissible. Unyielding obstinacy being presumed, it
must end in the closing down of the factory and break up of the men. But
if in ninety-nine out of a hundred cases it is not the case that strikes
end in this manner, it is more unlikely that, instead of righting the
manifest wrongs that India complains about, the British people will
value their Indian Dominion so low as to prefer to allow us to
non-co-operate up to the point of separation. It would be a totally
false reading of British character and British history. But if such
wicked obstinacy be ultimately shown by a government, far be it from us
to prefer peace at the price of abject surrender to wrong. There is no
anarchy greater than the moral anarchy of surrender to unrepentant
wrong. We may, however, be certain that if we show the strength and
unity necessary for non-co-operation, long before we progress with it
far, we shall have developed true order and true self-government wherein
there is no place for anarchy.
Another fear sometimes expressed that, if non-co-operation were to
succeed, the British would have to go, leaving us unable to defend
ourselves against foreign aggression. If we have the self-respect, the
patriotism, the tenacious purpose, and the power of organisation that are
necessary to drive the British out from their entrenched position, no
lesser foreign power will dare after that, undertake the futile task of
conquering or enslaving us.
It is sometimes said that non-co-operation is negative and destructive
of the advantages which a stable government has conferred on us. That
non-co-operation is negative is merely a half-truth. Non-co-operation
with the government means greater co-operation among ourselves, greater
mutual dependence among the many different castes and classes of our
country. Non-co-operation is not mere negation. It will lead to the
recovery of the lost art of co-operation among ourselves. Long
dependence on an outside government which by its interference
suppressed or prevented the consequences of our differences has made us
forget the duty of mutual trust and the art of friendly adjustment.
Having allowed Government to do everything for us, we have gradually
become incapable of doing anything for ourselves. Even if we had no
grievance against this Government, non-co-operation with it for a time
would be desirable so far as it would perforce lead us to trusting and
working with one another and thereby strengthen the bonds of
national unity.
The most tragic consequence of dependence on the complex machinery of a
foreign government is the atrophy of the communal sense. The direct
touch with administrative cause and effect is lost. An outside protector
performs all the necessary functions of the community in a mysterious
manner, and communal duties are not realised by the people. The one
reason addressed by those who deny to us the capacity for self-rule is
the insufficient appreciation by the people of communal duties and
discipline. It is only by actually refraining for a time from dependence
on Government that we can regain self-reliance, learn first-hand the
value of communal duties and build up true national co-operation.
Non-co-operation is a practical and positive training in Swadharma, and
Swadharma alone can lead up to Swaraj.
The negative is the best and most impressive method of enforcing the
value of the positive. Few outside government circles realise in the
present police anything but tyranny and corruption. But if the units of
the present police were withdrawn we would soon perforce set about
organising a substitute, and most people would realise the true social
value of a police force. Few realise in the present taxes anything but
coercion and waste, but most people would soon see that a share of every
man's income is due for common purposes and that there are many
limitations to the economical management of public institutions; we
would begin once again to contribute directly, build up and maintain
national institutions in the place of those that now mysteriously spring
up and live under Government orders.