of breaking off my correspondence, that I have not written to you of
late years. The reason is that the earlier part of them was a period of
depression owing to the disaster which had befallen the Republic and
myself, while the later period, with your own most distressing and
undeserved misfortune, has made me reluctant to write. Since, however, a
sufficiently long period has now elapsed, and I have recalled with
greater distinctness your high character and lofty courage, I thought it
not inconsistent with my purposes to write this to you. For my part, my
dear P. Sittius, I defended you originally, when an attempt was made in
your absence to bring you into odium and under a criminal charge; and
when a charge against you was involved in the accusation and trial of
your most intimate friend,[716] I took the very greatest care to
safeguard your position and justify you. And, again also, on this last
occasion, soon after my return to Rome, though I found that your case
had been put on a footing far different from what I should have advised,
if I had been there, still I omitted nothing that could contribute to
your security. And though on that occasion the ill-feeling arising from
the price of corn, the hostility of certain persons, not only to
yourself, but to all your friends as well, the unfairness of the whole
trial, and many other abuses in the state, had greater influence than
the merits of your case or than truth itself, I yet did not fail to
serve your son Publius with active assistance, advice, personal
influence, and direct testimony. Wherefore, as I have carefully and
religiously fulfilled all the other offices of friendship, I thought I
ought not to omit that of urging upon you and beseeching you to remember
that you are a human being and a gallant man--that is, that you should
bear philosophically accidents which are common to all and incalculable,
which none of us mortals can shun or forestall by any means whatever:
should confront with courage such grief as fortune brings: and should
reflect that not in our state alone, but in all others that have
acquired an empire, such disasters have in many instances befallen the
bravest and best from unjust verdicts. Oh that I were writing untruly
when I say, that you are exiled from a state in which no man of
foresight can find anything to give him pleasure! As for your son,
again, I fear that, if I write nothing to you, I may seem not to have
borne testimony to his high qualities as they deserve; while on the
other hand, if I write fully all I feel, I fear that my letter may
irritate the smart of your regret. But, after all, your wisest course
will be to regard his loyalty, virtue, and steady conduct as being in
your possession, and as accompanying you wherever you may be: for, in
truth, what we embrace in imagination is no less ours than what we see
before our eyes. Wherefore not only ought his brilliant qualities and
extreme affection for you afford you great consolation, but so also
ought I and others of your friends who value you, and always will do so,
not for your position, but your worth; and so, above all else, ought
your own conscience, when you reflect that you have not deserved
anything that has befallen you, and when you consider besides that the
wise are distressed by guilt, not by mischance--by their own ill-doing,
not by the misconduct of others. For my part, I shall omit no
opportunity either of consoling or alleviating your present position;
for the recollection of our old friendship, and the high character and
respectful attentions of your son, will keep me in mind of that duty. If
you, on your part, will mention by letter anything you want, I will take
care that you shall not think that you have written in vain.
[Footnote 715: The letter in some MSS. is inscribed to Sextius or
Sestius. Of P. Sittius of Nuceria we hear in the speech _pro Sulla_, §§
56, 58. Sulla (who was accused of assisting Catiline) had sent P.
Sittius on a mission to Spain, as it was alleged, to raise a rebellion
there in support of Catiline. It does not, however, appear that his
condemnation took place then. It seems to have been just previous to
Cicero's return from exile (August, B.C. 57), and it is suggested that
it was after his ædileship of the previous year, when a scarcity of corn
had contributed to his unpopularity. The date of the letter is
uncertain.]
[Footnote 716: P. Sulla. Sittius was not, it seems, brought to trial
with Sulla, but his journey to Spain formed part of the allegations
against Sulla.]
CLXXIX (F V, 18)
TO T. FADIUS[717] (IN EXILE)
ROME
[Sidenote: B.C. 52, ÆT. 54]
Although I too, who am desirous of consoling you, stand in need of
consolation myself--for nothing for a long time past has so deeply
afflicted me as your disaster--nevertheless I do strongly not only
exhort, but even beg and implore you, with all the earnestness that my
affection dictates, to summon all your energies, to shew a manly
courage, and to reflect under what conditions all mortals, and in what
times we particularly, have been born. Your virtue has given you more
than fortune has taken away: for you have obtained what not many "new
men" have obtained; you have lost what many men of the highest rank have
lost. Finally, a state of legislation, law courts, and politics
generally appears to be imminent, such that the man would seem to be the
most fortunate who has quitted such a republic as ours with the lightest
possible penalty. As for you, however--since you retain your fortune and
children, with myself and others still very closely united to you,
whether by relationship or affection--and since you are likely to have
much opportunity of living with me and all your friends--and since,
again, your condemnation is the only one out of so many that is
impugned, because, having been passed by one vote (and that a doubtful
one), it is regarded as a concession to a particular person's
overwhelming[718] power--for all these reasons, I say, you ought to be
as little distressed as possible at the inconvenience that has befallen
you. My feeling towards yourself and your children will always be such
as you wish, and such as it is in duty bound to be.
[Footnote 717: Titus Fadius Gallus had been a quæstor in Cicero's
consulship (B.C. 63), and a tribune in B.C. 58, when Cicero reckoned him
among those on whom he depended to resist Clodius. He also, among
others, had a motion prepared for Cicero's recall, of which Cicero
speaks with approbation (p. 178). We do not know on what charge he had
been condemned, but a number of prosecutions followed the death of
Clodius and Pompey's legislation as to violence and corruption of
juries.]
[Footnote 718: Pompey. He uses the word _potentia_, as he generally
does, in an invidious sense of "tyrannical, or, unconstitutional power,"
as opposed to _auctoritas_, "legitimate influence."]
CLXXX (F III, 1)
TO APPIUS CLAUDIUS PULCHER[719] (IN CILICIA)
ROME
[Sidenote: B.C. 52, ÆT. 54]
Cicero to Appius, _imperator_. Could the Republic itself speak and tell
you of its state, you would not learn it more easily from its own lips
than from your freedman Phania: he is a man of such clear insight, as
well as (in a good sense) of such keen curiosity! Wherefore he shall
explain everything to you: for that will suit me best by enabling me to
curtail my letter, and will be more prudent for me in view of other
circumstances. But in regard to my good feeling towards you, though you
can learn it from this same Phania, yet I think that I also have
personally something I ought to say on the subject. For assure yourself
of this--that you are exceedingly dear to me, from the many attractions
of your character, your kindness, and the goodness of your heart, but
also because from your letter, as well as from the remarks of many, I
understand that all my conduct towards you has been most warmly
appreciated by you. And since that is so, I will take means to make up
for the great loss of time, which we have sustained from this
interruption of our intercourse, by the liberality, the frequency, and
the importance of my services; and that I think I shall do, since you
would have it be so, by no means against the grain, or as the phrase is,
"against the will of Minerva"--a goddess by the way whom, if I shall
chance to get possession of a statue of her from your stock, I shall not
simply designate "Pallas," but "Appias."[720] Your freedman Cilix was
not well known to me before, but when he delivered me your kind and
affectionate letter, he confirmed the courteous expressions of that
letter by his own words. I was much gratified by his speech, when he
described to me your feelings and the remarks which you were daily
making about me. In short, within two days he became my intimate friend,
without, however, my ceasing to regret Phania deeply. When you send the
latter back to Rome, which I imagine you intend speedily to do, pray
give him instructions as to all matters which you wish to be transacted
or looked after by me.
I commend L. Valerius the lawyer to you very strongly; not, however, in
his capacity of lawyer: for I wish to take better precautions for him
than he does for others. I am really fond of the man: he is one of my
closest and most intimate friends. In a general way he expresses nothing
but gratitude to you; but he also says that a letter from me will have
very great influence with you. I beg you again and again that he may not
find himself mistaken.
[Footnote 719: Brother of Cicero's enemy, P. Clodius. He had been consul
in B.C. 54, and was now proconsul in Cilicia, in which government Cicero
was to succeed him. His relations with Cicero had been varied, and
though Cicero speaks warmly to him, he does not do so often of him, and
his compliments are evidently not really sincere.]
[Footnote 720: "I shall, in compliment to your accomplishments, call the
goddess of learning and wisdom 'Appias,'" _i.e._, the "Appian Goddess."
But the meaning of the elaborate and dull joke or compliment is far from
clear, especially the phrase _si forte de tuis sumpsero_. Was Cicero
expecting a present of a bust of Minerva, or intending to purchase one
from Appius's collection? Or does he allude, as has been suggested, to
the Minerva he had himself dedicated before his exile, and which had
probably fallen into the hands of the Appian family?]
CLXXXI (F VII, 2)
TO M. MARIUS (IN CAMPANIA)
ROME (DECEMBER)
[Sidenote: B.C. 52, ÆT. 54]
I will look after your commission carefully. But, sharp man that you
are, you have given your commission to the very person above all others
whose interest it is that the article should fetch the highest possible
price! However, you have been far-sighted in fixing beforehand how far I
am to go. But if you had left it to me, I am so much attached to you
that I would have made a bargain with the heirs: as it is, since I know
your price, I will put up some one to bid rather than let it go for
less. But a truce to jesting! I will do your business with all care, as
in duty bound. I feel sure you are glad about Bursa[721], but your
congratulations are too half-hearted. For you suppose, as you say in
your letter, that, owing to the fellow's meanness, I don't look upon it
as a matter of much rejoicing. I would have you believe that I am more
pleased with this verdict than with the death of my enemy. For, in the
first place, I would rather win by legal process than by the sword; in
the second place, by what brings credit to a friend than by what
involves his condemnation.[722] And, above all, I was delighted that the
support of the loyalists was given to me so decisively against the
influence exerted to an incredible degree by a most illustrious and
powerful personage. Finally--though, perhaps, you won't think it
likely--I hated this man much more than the notorious Clodius himself.
For the latter I had attacked, the former I had defended. The latter,
too, though the very existence of the Republic was to be risked in my
person, had yet a certain great object in view; nor was it wholly on his
own initiative, but with the support of those who could not be safe as
long as I was so. But this ape of a fellow, in sheer wantonness, had
selected me as an object for his invectives, and had persuaded certain
persons[723] who were jealous of me that he would always be a ready
instrument for an attack upon me. Wherefore I bid you rejoice with all
your heart: a great stroke has been struck. Never were any citizens more
courageous than those who ventured to vote for his condemnation, in the
teeth of the immense power of the man by whom the jurors had themselves
been selected. And this they never would have done had not my grievance
been theirs also. Here, in Rome, I am so distracted by the number of
trials, the crowded courts, and the new legislation,[724] that I daily
offer prayers that there may be no intercalation,[725] so that I may see
you as soon as possible.
[Footnote 721: The condemnation of T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, who, being
tribune in B.C. 52, had promoted the riots following the death of
Clodius, especially in regard to burning his body in the Curia, and had,
after his office terminated (10th December), been prosecuted _de vi_ by
Cicero successfully. Bursa, with others, had supported Pompey's wish for
the dictatorship, as well as his legislation, and accordingly, in
attacking him, Cicero had against him the weight of Pompey's influence.
He therefore looks upon it as a great triumph.]
[Footnote 722: The condemnation of Bursa was a point in favour of Milo,
whereas Milo's murder of Clodius only brought his ultimate condemnation
and exile. Milo's trial had taken place in April.]
[Footnote 723: Pompey and his friends.]
[Footnote 724: The new laws introduced by Pompey _de vi_, _de
magistratibus_, _de pecunia ob iudicium_.]
[Footnote 725: The intercalary month was inserted between the 23rd and
24th of February. Whether it was to be inserted or not depended on the
pontifices, who kept their secret jealously. If it is inserted, Cicero
will be kept all the longer in town with senatorial and legal business,
and so be prevented from seeing Marius, who lived near his Pompeian
villa.]
APPENDIX A
DE PETITIONE CONSULATUS
[This is rather an essay than a letter, and is not generally included in
any of the books of the correspondence. To my mind there are indications
of its being a later composition, the exercise of some one who wished to
shew the nature of canvassing at the time. Still, there are many
arguments in favour of regarding it as the composition of Quintus, and
at any rate it is a contribution to the picture of the times.]
Q. CICERO TO HIS BROTHER MARCUS (AT ROME)
I. Although you have all the accomplishments within the reach of human
genius, experience, or acuteness, yet I thought it only consistent with
my affection to set down in writing what occurred to my mind while
thinking, as I do, day and night on your canvass, not with the
expectation that you would learn anything new from it, but that the
considerations on a subject, which appeared to be disconnected and
without system, might be brought under one view by a logical
arrangement.
Consider what the state is: what it is you seek: who you are that seek
it. Almost every day as you go down to the forum you should say to
yourself, "I am a _novus homo_," "I am a candidate for the consulship,"
"This is Rome." For the "newness" of your name you will best compensate
by the brilliancy of your oratory. That has ever carried with it very
great political distinction. A man who is held worthy of defending
consulars cannot be thought unworthy of the consulship. Wherefore, since
your reputation in this is your starting-point, since whatever you are,
you are from this, approach each individual case with the persuasion
that on it depends as a whole your entire reputation. See that those
aids to natural ability, which I know are your special gifts, are ready
for use and always available; and remember what Demetrius wrote about
the hard work and practice of Demosthenes; and, finally, take care that
both the number and rank of your friends are unmistakable. For you have
such as few _novi homines_ have had--all the _publicani_, nearly the
whole equestrian order, many municipal towns specially devoted to you,
many persons who have been defended by you, men of every order, many
_collegia_, and, besides these, a large number of the rising generation
who have become attached to you in their enthusiasm for rhetoric, and,
finally, your friends who visit you daily in large numbers and with such
constant regularity. See that you retain these advantages by reminding
these persons, by appealing to them, and by using every means to make
them understand that this, and this only, is the time for those who are
in your debt to show their gratitude, and for those who wish for your
services in the future to place you under an obligation. It also seems
possible that a "new man" may be much assisted by the fact that he has
the good wishes of men of high rank, and especially of consulars. It is
a point in your favour that you should be thought worthy of this
position and rank by the very men to whose position and rank you are
wishing to attain. All these men must be canvassed with care, agents
must be sent to them, and they must be convinced that we have always
been at one with the Optimates in our political sentiments, that we have
never been demagogues in the very least: that if we seem ever to have
said anything in the spirit of that party, we did so with the view of
attracting Cn. Pompeius, that we might have the man of the greatest
influence either actively on our side in our canvass, or at least not
opposed to us.[726] Farthermore, take pains to get on your side the
young men of high rank, or retain the affection of those you already
have. They will contribute much to your political position. You have
very many; make them feel how much you think depends on them: if you
induce those to be positively eager who are merely not disinclined, they
will be of very great advantage to you.
II. It is also a great set-off to your "newness," that the nobles who
are your competitors are of a such a kind that no one can venture to say
that their nobility ought to stand them in greater stead than your high
character. For instance, who could think of P. Galba and L. Cassius,
though by birth of the highest rank, as candidates for the consulship?
You see, therefore, that there are men of the noblest families, who from
defect of ability are not your equals. But, you will say, Catiline and
Antonius are formidable. Rather I should say that a man of energy,
industry, unimpeachable character, great eloquence, and high popularity
with those who are the ultimate judges, should wish for such
rivals--both from their boyhood stained with blood and lust, both of
ruined fortunes. Of one of them we have seen the property put up for
sale, and actually heard him declare on oath that at Rome he could not
contend with a Greek or obtain an impartial tribunal.[727] We know that
he was ejected from the senate by the judgment of genuine censors: in
our prætorship we had him as a competitor, with such men as Sabidius and
Panthera to back him, because he had no one else to appear for him at
the scrutiny. Yet in this office he bought a mistress from the slave
market whom he kept openly at his house. Moreover, in his canvass for
the consulship, he has preferred to be robbing all the innkeepers, under
the disgraceful pretext of a _libera legatio_, rather than to be in town
and supplicate the Roman people. But the other! Good heavens! what is
his distinction? Is he of equally noble birth? No. Is he richer? No. In
manliness, then? How do you make that out? Why, because while the former
fears his own shadow, this man does not even fear the laws!--A man born
in the house of a bankrupt father, nurtured in the society of an
abandoned sister, grown to manhood amidst the massacre of fellow
citizens, whose first entrance to public life was made by the slaughter
of Roman knights! For Sulla had specially selected Catiline to command
that band of Gauls which we remember, who shore off the heads of the
Titinii and Nannii and Tanusii: and while with them he killed with his
own hands the best man of the day, his own sister's husband, Quintus
Cæcilius, who was a Roman eques, a man belonging to no party, always
quiet by inclination, and then so from age also.
III. Why should I speak of him as a candidate for the consulship, who
caused M. Marius, a man most beloved by the Roman people, to be beaten
with vine-rods in the sight of that Roman people from one end of the
city to the other--forced him up to the tomb--rent his frame with every
kind of torture, and while he was still alive and breathing, cut off his
head with his sword in his right hand, while he held the hairs on the
crown of his head with his left, and carried off his head in his own
hand with streams of blood flowing through his fingers?[728] A man who
afterwards lived with actors and gladiators on such terms that the
former ministered to his lust, the latter to his crimes--who never
approached a place so sacred or holy as not to leave there, even if no
actual crime were committed, some suspicion of dishonour founded on his
abandoned character--a man whose closest friends in the senate were the
Curii and the Annii, in the auction rooms the Sapalæ and Carrilii, in
the equestrian order the Pompilii and Vettii--a man of such consummate
impudence, such abandoned profligacy, in fine, such cunning and success
in lasciviousness, that he corrupted young boys when almost in the
bosoms of their parents? Why should I after this mention Africa to you,
or the depositions of the witnesses? They are well known--read them
again and again yourself. Nevertheless, I think that I should not omit
to mention that he left that court in the first place as needy as some
of the jurors were before the trial, and in the second place the object
of such hatred, that another prosecution against him is called for every
day. His position is such that he is more likely to be nervous even if
you do nothing, than contemptuous if you start any proceedings.
What much better fortune in your canvass is yours than that which not
long ago fell to the lot of another "new man," Gaius Cælius![729] He had
two men of the highest rank as competitors, but they were of such a
character that their rank was the least of their recommendations--genius
of the highest order, supreme modesty, very numerous public services,
most excellent methods of conducting a canvass, and diligence in
carrying them out. And yet Cælius, though much inferior in birth, and
superior in hardly anything, beat one of them. Wherefore, if you do what
your natural ability and studies, which you have always pursued, enable
you to do, what the exigencies of your present position require, what
you are capable of doing and are bound to do, you will not have a
difficult struggle with competitors who are by no means so conspicuous
for their birth as notorious for their vices. For what citizen can there
be found so ill-affected as to wish by one vote to draw two daggers
against the Republic?
IV. Having thus set forth what advantages you have and might have to set
against your "newness," I think I ought now to say a word on the
importance of what you are trying for. You are seeking the consulship,
an office of which no one thinks you unworthy, but of which there are
many who will be jealous. For, while by birth of equestrian rank,[730]
you are seeking the highest rank in the state, and yet one which, though
the highest, reflects much greater splendour on a man of courage,
eloquence, and pure life than on others. Don't suppose that those who
have already held that office are blind to the political position you
will occupy, when once you have obtained the same. I suspect, however,
that those who, though born of consular families, have not attained the
position of their ancestors, will, unless they happen to be strongly
attached to you, feel some jealousy. Even "new men" who have been
prætors I think, unless under great obligations to you, will not like to
be surpassed by you in official rank. Lastly, in the populace itself, I
am sure it will occur to you how many are envious, how many, from the
precedents of recent years, are averse to "new men." It must also needs
be that some are angry with you in consequence of the causes which you
have pleaded. Nay, carefully consider this also, whether, seeing that
you have devoted yourself with such fervour to the promotion of Pompey's
glory, you can suppose certain men to be your friends on that
account.[731] Wherefore, seeing that you are seeking the highest place
in the state, and at the same time that there do exist sentiments
opposed to you, you must positively employ every method, and all your
vigilance, labour, and attention to business.