As to your question about Messalla, I don't know what to say: I have

never seen candidates so closely matched. Messalla's means of support

you know. Scaurus has had notice of prosecution from Triarius. If you

ask me, no great feeling of sympathy for him has been roused. Still, his

ædileship is remembered with some gratitude, and he has a certain hold

on the country voters from the memory of his father. The two remaining

plebeian candidates have compensating advantages which make them about

equal: Domitius Calvinus is strong in friends, and is farther supported

by his very popular exhibition of gladiators; Memmius finds favour with

Cæsar's veterans and relies on Pompey's client towns in Gaul. If this

does not avail him, people think that some tribune will be found to push

off the elections till Cæsar comes back, especially since Cato has been

acquitted.

I have answered your letter brought by Paccius: now for the rest. From

my brother's letter I gather surprising indications of Cæsar's affection

for me, and they have been confirmed by a very cordial letter from Cæsar

himself. The result of the British war is a source of anxiety. For it is

ascertained that the approaches to the island are protected by

astonishing masses of cliff. Moreover, it is now known that there isn't

a pennyweight of silver in that island, nor any hope of booty except

from slaves, among whom I don't suppose you can expect any instructed

in literature or music.

Paullus has almost brought his basilica in the forum to the roof, using

the same columns as were in the ancient building: the part for which he

gave out a contract he is building on the most magnificent scale.[605]

Need I say more? Nothing could be more gratifying or more to his glory

than such a monument. Accordingly, the friends of Cæsar--I mean myself

and Oppius, though you burst with anger--have thought nothing of 60,000

sestertia (about £480,000) for that monument, which you used to speak of

in such high terms, in order to enlarge the forum and extend it right up

to the Hall of Liberty. The claims of private owners could not be

satisfied for less. We will make it a most glorious affair. For in the

Campus Martius we are about to erect voting places for the _comitia

tributa_, of marble and covered, and to surround them with a lofty

colonnade a mile in circumference: at the same time the _Villa Publica_

will also be connected with these erections.[606] You will say: "What

good will this monument do me?" But why should I trouble myself about

that? I have told you all the news at Rome: for I don't suppose you want

to know about the lustrum, of which there is now no hope,[607] or about

the trials which are being held under the (Cincian) law.[608]

Now allow yourself to be scolded, if you deserve it. For you say in the

letter from Buthrotum, delivered to me by C. Decimus, that you think you

will have to go to Asia. There did not, by Hercules, seem to me to be

anything that made it matter in the least whether you did the business

by agents or in person; or anything to make you go so often and so far

from your friends. But I could have wished that I had urged this on you

before you had taken any step. For I certainly should have had some

influence on you. As things are, I will suppress the rest of my

scolding. May it only have some effect in hastening your return! The

reason of my not writing oftener to you is the uncertainty I am in as to

where you are or are going to be. However, I thought I ought to give

this letter to a chance messenger, because he seemed to be likely to see

you. Since you think you really will go to Asia, pray tell me by what

time we may expect you back, and what you have done about Eutychides.

[Footnote 600: That is, as an interlocutor in the dialogue "On the

Republic," which Cicero was engaged in writing.]

[Footnote 601: A law re-enacting the _lex Didia_, and enacting under

penalties that no law was to be brought forward without due publication

beforehand.]

[Footnote 602: A law which enabled the magistrates and tribunes to stop

legislation by _obnuntiatio_.]

[Footnote 603: Procilius had been condemned _de vi_ (p. 280). The

rumours, I suppose, were as to the jury having been corrupted.]

[Footnote 604: The consul L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and C. Lucceius

Hirrus, the latter a warm partisan of Pompey, who was supposed to be

agitating for a dictatorship.]

[Footnote 605: L. Æmilius Paullus (consul B.C. 50) restored the basilica

built by his ancestor M. Æmilius Lepidus in B.C. 179, and appears to

have added largely to it, or even built a new one.]

[Footnote 606: These works seem to have been contemplated by the censors

and senate, and Cicero speaks of himself and Oppius as doing them

because they supported the measure. They were partly carried out by

Cæsar but not completed till the time of Augustus.]

[Footnote 607: Because the tribunes stopped it--the formal act at the

end of the Censor's office--by _obnuntiationes_.]

[Footnote 608: The name of the law mentioned here is uncertain. The _lex

Cincia de munuibus_ forbade advocates taking fees for pleading.]

CXLIII (A IV, 15)

TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME, 27 JULY

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]

I am glad about Eutychides, who, using your old _prænomen_ and your new

_nomen_, will be called Titus Cæcilius, just as Dionysius, from a

combination of your names and mine, is Marcus Pomponius. I am, by

Hercules, exceedingly gratified that Eutychides has had cause to know

your kindness to me, and that the sympathy he shewed me in the time of

my sorrow was neither unnoticed at the time nor afterwards forgotten by

me. I suppose you were obliged to undertake your journey to Asia. For

you never would have been willing, without the most urgent cause, to be

so far from so many persons and things which you love so much, and which

give you so much delight. But the speed of your return will shew your

kindness and love for your friends. Yet I fear lest the rhetorician

Clodius, by his charms, and Pituanius, that excellent scholar, as he is

said to be, and now, indeed, so wholly devoted to Greek letters, may

detain you. But if you would shew the feelings of a man, come back to us

at the time you promised. You will, after all, be able to enjoy their

society at Rome, when they get there safe. You say you desire something

in the way of a letter from me: I have written, and, indeed, on many

subjects--everything detailed like a journal--but, as I conjecture from

your not having, as it seems, remained long in Epirus, I suppose it has

not reached you. Moreover, my letters to _you_ are generally of such a

kind, that I don't like to put them in anyone's hands, unless I can feel

certain that he will deliver them to you.

Now for affairs at Rome. On the 4th of July Sufenas and Cato were

acquitted, Procilius condemned. From which we have learnt that our

treble-distilled Areopagites care not a rush for bribery, elections,

_interregnum, lèse majesté_, or, in fact, for the state generally; but

that they would rather that a father of a family were not murdered on

his own hearth-stone--and even that preference not very decided. There

were twenty-two votes for acquittal, twenty-nine for condemnation![609]

Publius, no doubt by an eloquent peroration in his speech for the

prosecution, had quickened the feelings of the jurors! Herbalus[610] was

in the case, and behaved as usual. I said never a word. For my little

girl, who is unwell, was afraid of offending Publius's feelings. After

this was over the people of Reate conducted me to their Temple, to plead

their cause against the people of Interamna before the consul and ten

commissioners, because the Veline Lake, which had been drained by Manius

Curius by cutting away the mountain, flowed into the Nar, by which means

the famous Rosia has been reclaimed from the swamp, though still fairly

moist.[611] I lived with Axius, who took me also to visit Seven Waters.

I returned to Rome on the 9th of July for the sake of Fonteius. I

entered the theatre. At first I was greeted with loud and general

applause--but don't take any notice of that, I was a fool to mention

it--then I turned my attention to Antiphon. He had been manumitted

before being brought on to the stage. Not to keep you in suspense, he

bore away the palm. But there never was anything so dwarfish, so

destitute of voice, so---- But keep this to yourself. However, in the

_Andromache_ he was just taller than Astyanax: among the rest he had not

one of his own height. You next ask about Arbuscula: she had a great

success. The games were splendid and much liked. The wild-beast hunt was

put off to a future occasion. Next follow me into the _campus_. Bribery

is raging: "and I a sign to you will tell."[612] The rate of interest

from being four percent, on the 15th of July has gone up to eight

percent. You will say, "Well, _I_ don't mind that."[613] What a man!

What a citizen! Memmius is supported by all Cæsar's influence. The

consuls have formed a coalition between him and Domitius (Calvinus) on

terms which I dare not commit to paper. Pompey rages, remonstrates,

backs Scaurus, but whether only ostensibly or from the heart people

don't feel sure. No one takes the lead: money reduces all to the same

level. Messalla's chance is at a low ebb: not because he is wanting in

spirit or friends, but because this coalition of the consuls, as well as

Pompey's opposition, stands in his way. I think the result will be a

postponement of the elections. The tribunician candidates have taken an

oath to conduct their canvass according to the direction of Cato. They

have deposited with him 500 sestertia apiece, on condition that whoever

Cato condemns should forfeit it, and that it should be paid over to his

competitors. I write this the day before the elections are to take

place. But on the 28th of July, if they have taken place, and if the

letter-carrier has not started, I will write you an account of the whole

_comitia_: and, if they are conducted without corruption, Cato by

himself will have been more efficacious than all laws and jurors put

together. I have undertaken to defend Messius, who has been recalled

from his legation: for Appius had named him _legatus_ to Cæsar.

Servilius ordered his attendance in an edict. His jurors are to be from

the tribes Pomptina, Velina, and Mæcia. It is a sharp fight: however, it

is going fairly well. After that I have to prepare myself for Drusus,

then for Scaurus. Very high-sounding title-slips are being prepared for

my speeches! Perhaps even the consuls-designate will be added to the

list of my clients: and if Scaurus is not one of them, he will find

himself in serious difficulties in this trial. Judging from my brother

Quintus's letter, I suspect that by this time he is in Britain. I await

news of him with anxiety. We have certainly gained one advantage--many

unmistakable indications enable us to feel sure that we are in the

highest degree liked and valued by Cæsar. Please give my compliments to

Dionysius, and beg and exhort him to come as soon as possible, that he

may continue the instruction of my son and of myself as well.

[Footnote 609: M. Nonius Sufenas and C. Cato were charged with bribery

and other illegal proceedings during their tribuneship: Procilius for

riot (_de vi_) when some citizen was killed.]

[Footnote 610: Q. Hortensius, the great orator.]

[Footnote 611: This refers to the famous waterfall of Terni. An

artificial cutting drained the River Velinus (which otherwise covered

the high valley as a lake) into the Nar, which is in the valley below.

What was good for the people of Reate was, of course, dangerous for the

people of Interamna living below. M. Curius Dentatus was consul B.C.

290.]

[Footnote 612: σἠμα δἐ τοι ἐρέω (Hom. _Il._ xxiii. 326).]

[Footnote 613: Because Atticus lent money.]

CXLIV (F VII, 9)

TO C. TREBATIUS TESTA (IN GAUL)

ROME (SEPTEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]

It is a long time since I heard how you were getting on: for you don't

write, nor have I written to you for the last two months. As you were

not with my brother Quintus I did not know where to send a letter, or to

whom to give it. I am anxious to know how you are and where you mean to

winter. For my part, my opinion is that you should do so with Cæsar; but

I have not ventured to write to him owing to his mourning.[614] I would

rather you put off your return to us, so long as you come with fuller

pockets. There is nothing to make you hurry home, especially since

"Battara"[615] is dead. But you are quite capable of thinking for

yourself. I desire to know what you have settled. There is a certain Cn.

Octavius or Cn. Cornelius, a friend of yours,

"Of highest race begot, a son of Earth."

He has frequently asked me to dinner, because he knows that you are an

intimate friend of mine. At present he has not succeeded in getting me:

however, I am much obliged to him.

[Footnote 614: For the death (in September) of his daughter Iulia, wife

of Pompey.]

[Footnote 615: A nickname, it is said, of Vacerra (perhaps because he

stuttered), who had been a teacher of Trebatius.]

CXLV (F VII, 17)

TO C. TREBATIUS TESTA (IN GAUL)

ROME (SEPTEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]

From what I gather from your letter I have thanked my brother Quintus,

and can besides at last heartily commend you, because you at length seem

to have come to some fixed resolution. For I was much put out by your

letters in the first months of your absence, because at times you seemed

to me--pardon the expression--to be light-minded in your longing for the

city and city life, at others timid in undertaking military work, and

often even a little inclined to presumption--a thing as unlike your

usual self as can be. For, as though you had brought a bill of exchange,

and not a letter of recommendation to your commander-in-chief, you were

all in a hurry to get your money and return home; and it never occurred

to you that those who went to Alexandria[616] with real bills of

exchange have as yet not been able to get a farthing. If I looked only

to my own interests, I should wish, above all things, to have you with

me: for I used to find not only pleasure of no ordinary kind in your

society, but also much advantage from your advice and active assistance.

But since from your earliest manhood you had devoted yourself to my

friendship and protection, I thought it my duty not only to see that you

came to no harm, but to advance your fortunes and secure your promotion.

Accordingly, as long as I thought I should be going abroad to a

province, I am sure you remember the voluntary offers I made you. After

that plan had been changed, perceiving that I was being treated by Cæsar

with the highest consideration, and was regarded by him with unusual

affection, and knowing as I did his incredible liberality and

unsurpassed loyalty to his word, I recommended you to him in the

weightiest and most earnest words at my command. And he accepted this

recommendation in a gratifying manner, and repeatedly indicated to me in

writing, and shewed you by word and deed, that he had been powerfully

affected by my recommendation. Having got such a man as your patron, if

you believe me to have any insight, or to be your well-wisher, do not

let him go; and if by chance something at times has annoyed you, when

from being busy or in difficulties he has seemed to you somewhat slow to

serve you, hold on and wait for the end, which I guarantee will be

gratifying and honourable to you. I need not exhort you at any greater

length: I only give you this warning, that you will never find a better

opportunity, if you let this slip, either of securing the friendship of

a most illustrious and liberal man, or of enjoying a wealthier province

or a more suitable time of life. "Quintus Cornelius concurred," as you

say in your law books. I am glad you didn't go to Britain, because you

have been saved some hard work, and I the necessity of listening to your

stories about that expedition. Pray write to me at full length as to

where you are going to winter, and what your hopes and present position

are.

[Footnote 616: To Ptolemy Auletes, who had agreed to pay large sums to

certain persons for supporting his interests in the senate.]

CXLVI (Q FR II, 15)

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN BRITAIN)

ROME (SEPTEMBER)

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]

When you receive a letter from me by the hand of an amanuensis, you may

be sure that I have not even a little leisure; when by my own--a little.

For let me tell you that in regard to causes and trials in court, I have

never been closer tied, and that, too, at the most unhealthy season of

the year, and in the most oppressively hot weather. But these things,

since you so direct me, I must put up with, and must not seem to have

come short of the ideas and expectations which you and Cæsar entertain

of me, especially since, even if it were somewhat difficult not to do

that, I am yet likely from this labour to reap great popularity and

prestige. Accordingly, as you wish me to do, I take great pains not to

hurt anyone's feelings, and to secure being liked even by those very men

who are vexed at my close friendship with Cæsar, while by those who are

impartial, or even inclined to this side, I may be warmly courted and

loved. When some very violent debates took place in the senate on the

subject of bribery for several days, because the candidates for the

consulship had gone to such lengths as to be past all bearing, I was not

in the house. I have made up my mind not to attempt any cure of the

political situation without powerful protection. The day I write this

Drusus has been acquitted on a charge of collusion by the _tribuni

ærarii_, in the grand total by four votes, for the majority of senators

and equites were for condemnation. On the same day I am to defend

Vatinius. That is an easy matter. The _comitia_ have been put off to

September. Scaurus's trial will take place immediately, and I shall not

fail to appear for him. I don't like your "Sophoclean Banqueters" at

all, though I see that you played your part with a good grace.[617] I

come now to a subject which, perhaps, ought to have been my first. How

glad I was to get your letter from Britain! I was afraid of the ocean,

afraid of the coast of the island. The other parts of the enterprise I

do not underrate; but yet they inspire more hope than fear, and it is

the suspense rather than any positive alarm that renders me uneasy. You,

however, I can see, have a splendid subject for description, topography,

natural features of things and places, manners, races, battles, your

commander himself--what themes for your pen! I will gladly, as you

request, assist you in the points you mention, and will send you the

verses you ask for, that is, "An owl to Athens."[618] But, look you! I

think you are keeping me in the dark. Tell me, my dear brother, what

Cæsar thinks of my verses. For he wrote before to tell me he had read my

first book. Of the first part, he said that he had never read anything

better even in Greek: the rest, up to a particular passage, somewhat

"careless"[619]--that is his word. Tell me the truth--is it the

subject-matter or the "style" that he does not like? You needn't be

afraid: I shall not admire myself one whit the less. On this subject

speak like a lover of truth, and with your usual brotherly frankness.

[Footnote 617: In the "Banqueters" (σύνδειπνοι) of Sophocles, Achilles

is excluded from a banquet in Tenedos. Some social mishap seems to have

occurred to Quintus in camp.]

[Footnote 618: Sending coals to Newcastle.]

[Footnote 619: ῥαθυμότερα.]

CXLVII (Q FR III, 1)

TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN BRITAIN)

ARPINUM AND ROME, 28 SEPTEMBER

[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]

After extraordinarily hot weather--I never remember greater heat--I have

refreshed myself at Arpinum, and enjoyed the extreme loveliness of the

river during the days of the games, having left my tribesmen under the

charge of Philotimus.[620] I was at Arcanum on the 10th of September.

There I found Mescidius and Philoxenus, and saw the water, for which

they were making a course not far from your villa, running quite nicely,

especially considering the extreme drought, and they said that they were

going to collect it in much greater abundance. Everything is right with

Herus. In your Manilian property I came across Diphilus outdoing himself

in dilatoriness. Still, he had nothing left to construct, except baths,

and a promenade, and an aviary. I liked that villa very much, because

its paved colonnade[621] gives it an air of very great dignity. I never

appreciated this till now that the colonnade itself has been all laid

open, and the columns have been polished. It all depends--and this I

will look to--upon the stuccoing being prettily done. The pavements

seemed to be being well laid. Certain of the ceilings I did not like,

and ordered them to be changed. As to the place in which they say that

you write word that a small entrance hall is to be built--namely, in the

colonnade--I liked it better as it is. For I did not think there was

space sufficient for an entrance hall; nor is it usual to have one,

except in those buildings which have a larger court; nor could it have

bedrooms and apartments of that kind attached to it. As it is, from the

very beauty of its arched roof, it will serve as an admirable summer

room. However, if you think differently, write back word as soon as

possible. In the bath I have moved the hot chamber to the other corner

of the dressing-room, because it was so placed that its steampipe was

immediately under the bedrooms. A fair-sized bedroom and a lofty winter

one I admired very much, for they were both spacious and

well-situated--on the side of the promenade nearest to the bath.

Diphilus had placed the columns out of the perpendicular, and not

opposite each other. These, of course, he shall take down; he will learn

some day to use the plumb-line and measure. On the whole, I hope

Diphilus's work will be completed in a few months: for Cæsius, who was

with me at the time, keeps a very sharp look-out upon him.

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