TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN THE COUNTRY)
ROME (15 FEBRUARY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
Your "black snow"[583] made me laugh, and I am very glad that you are in
a cheerful frame of mind and ready for a joke. As to Pompey, I agree
with you, or rather you agree with me. For, as you know, I have long
been singing the praises of your Cæsar. Believe me, he is very close to
my heart, and I am not going to let him slip from his place. Now for the
history of the Ides (13th). It was Cælius's tenth day.[584] Domitius had
not obtained a full panel. I am afraid that foul ruffian, Servius Pola,
will appear for the prosecution. For our friend Cælius has a dead set
made at him by the Clodian gens. There is nothing certain as yet, but I
am afraid. On the same day there was a full house for the case of the
Tyrians: the _publicani_ of Syria appeared in large numbers against
them. Gabinius was abused roundly:[585] the _publicani_ were also
denounced by (the consul) Domitius for having escorted him on his start
on horseback. Our friend Lucius Lamia was somewhat insolent: for on
Domitius saying, "It is your fault, equites of Rome, that such things
have happened: for you give verdicts laxly," he said, "Yes, we give
verdicts, but you senators give evidence of character."[586] Nothing was
done that day: the house stood adjourned at nightfall. On the comitial
days which follow the Quirinalia (17th February), Appius holds the view
that he is not prevented by the _lex Pupia_ from holding a meeting of
the senate, and that by the _lex Gabinia_ he is even compelled to have a
meeting for the legations from the 1st of February to the 1st of
March.[587] And so the elections are supposed to be put off till March.
Nevertheless, on these comitial days the tribunes say that they will
bring forward the case of Gabinius.[588] I collect every item of
intelligence, that I may have some news to tell you: but, as you see, I
am short of material. Accordingly, I return to Callisthenes and
Philistus, in whom I see that you have been wallowing. Callisthenes is a
commonplace and hackneyed piece of business, like a good many Greeks.
The Sicilian is a first-rate writer, terse, sagacious, concise, almost a
minor Thucydides;[589] but which of his two books you have--for these
are two works--I don't know. That about Dionysius is my favourite. For
Dionysius himself is a magnificent intriguer, and was familiarly known
to Philistus. But as to your postscript--are you really going in for
writing history? You have my blessing on your project: and since you
furnish me with letter-carriers, you shall hear to-day's transactions on
the Lupercalia (15th February). Enjoy yourself with our dear boy to your
heart's content.
[Footnote 583: We cannot tell the allusion, not having the letter of
Quintus. But he seems to have used the expression for something
incongruous either in politics, or in regard to his contemplated
services with Cæsar.]
[Footnote 584: _I.e._, the day he had to appear for trial, usually fixed
by the prætor on the tenth day from the notice of prosecution. Cælius
had been acqiuitted in B.C. 56, when Cicero defended him; this second
trial appears to have in some way fallen through. The prætor Domitius is
said to be Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, son of Lucius, but he was much too
young to have been prætor this year. The former trial of Cælius (B.C.
56) had been before Cn. Comitius Calvinus, hence a difficulty about this
passage. For the prætor Domitius of this year is not known. Domitius
Calvinus was prætor B.C. 56.]
[Footnote 585: The _publicani_ of Syria were enraged with Gabinius for
neglecting his province while going to Egypt, thus allowing the pirates
so to plunder that they could not collect enough dues to recoup them for
their bargain to the state (Dio, xxxix. 59).]
[Footnote 586: L. Ælius Lamia, an eques, appears to have been one of the
deputation of _publicani_ who attended the senate to accuse Gabinius.]
[Footnote 587: The prætorian elections were again postponed from the
previous year to the early months of B.C. 54. Appius Claudius found
means to put them off till March by holding meetings of the senate each
day--the electoral _comita_ not being able to meet on the same day as
the senate.]
[Footnote 588: The tribune C. Memmius was prosecuting Gabinius (Letter
CXLVII). The judicial _comita_ could meet, though not the electoral.]
[Footnote 589: Callisthenes of Olynthus wrote (1) a history of the
Trojan war; (2) an account of Alexander the Great. Philistus of Syracuse
(1) a history of Sicily; (2) a life of Dionysius the elder; (3) a life
of Dionysius the younger. He imitated Thucydides (_de Orat._ § 17).]
CXXXV (F VII, 6)
TO C. TREBATIUS TESTA (IN GAUL)
CUMÆ (APRIL)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
In all my letters to Cæsar or Balbus there is a sort of statutory
appendix containing a recommendation of you, and not one of the ordinary
kind, but accompanied by some signal mark of my warm feeling towards
you. See only that you get rid of that feeble regret of yours for the
city and city ways, and carry out with persistence and courage what you
had in your mind when you set out. We, your friends, shall pardon your
going away for that purpose as much as
"The wealthy noble dames who held the Corinthian peak"
pardoned Medea, whom, with hands whitened to the utmost with chalk, she
persuaded not to think ill of her for being absent from her fatherland:
for
"Many have served themselves abroad and served the state as well;
Many have spent their lives at home to be but counted fools."
In which latter category you would have certainly been, had I not forced
you abroad. But I will write more another time. You who learnt to look
out for others, look out, while in Britain, that you are not yourself
taken in by the charioteers; and, since I have begun quoting the
_Medea_, remember this line:
"The sage who cannot serve himself is vainly wise I ween."
Take care of your health.[590]
[Footnote 590: Trebatius is going to join Cæsar, who is about to sail to
Britain; hence the jest about the _essedarii_, drivers of Gallic and
British war-chariots. Letter CXXXIII recommended him to Cæsar. The lines
quoted are from the _Medea_ of Ennius, adapted or translated from
Euripides. I date these two letters from Cumæ, because he speaks of
writing to Balbus, who was at Rome (p. 267).]
CXXXVI (F VII, 7)
TO C. TREBATIUS TESTA (ON HIS WAY TO GAUL)
CUMÆ (APRIL OR MAY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
For my part, I never cease recommending you, but I am eager to know from
you how far my recommendation is of service. My chief hope is in Balbus,
to whom I write about you with the greatest earnestness and frequency.
It often excites my wonder that I don't hear from you as often as
from my brother Quintus. In Britain I am told there is no gold or
silver. If that turns out to be the case, I advise you to capture a
war-chariot and hasten back to us at the earliest opportunity. But
if--letting Britain alone--we can still obtain what we want, take care
to get on intimate terms with Cæsar. In that respect my brother will be
of much use to you, so will Balbus, but most of all, believe me, your
own modesty and industry. You have an _imperator_ of the most liberal
character, your age is exactly the best one for employment, and your
recommendation at any rate is quite unique, so that all you have to fear
is not doing yourself full justice.
CXXXVII (A IV, 14)
TO ATTICUS (ON A JOURNEY)
CUMÆ (MAY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
Our friend Vestorius[591] has informed me by letter that you are
believed to have left Rome on the 10th of May--later than you said that
you intended--because you had not been very well. If you are now better
I rejoice indeed. I wish you would write to your town house, ordering
your books to be at my service just as if you were at home, especially
those of Varro. For I have occasion to use some passages of those books
in reference to those which I have in hand, and which, I hope, will meet
with your strong approval.[592] Pray, if by chance you have any news,
principally from my brother Quintus, next from Cæsar, and, finally,
anything about the elections or about politics--for you have an
excellent nose for such things--write and tell me about them: if you
have no news, nevertheless write something. For a letter from you never
yet seemed to me either ill-timed or too long-winded. But above all I
beg that, when your business and your whole tour has been concluded to
your mind, you will come back to us as soon as possible. Give my
compliments to Dionysius. Take care of your health.
[Footnote 591: A banker at Puteoli.]
[Footnote 592: The six books on the Republic.]
CXXXVIII (Q FR II, 12 [14])
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN GAUL)
CUMÆ (MAY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
I have up to now received two letters from you, one just as I was
leaving town, the other dated Ariminum: others which you say in your
letter that you have sent I have not received. I am having a fairly
pleasant time (except that you are not here) at Cumæ and Pompeii, and
intend staying in these parts till the 1st of June. I am writing the
treatise of which I spoke to you, "On the Republic," a very bulky and
laborious work. But if it turns out as I wish, it will be labour well
bestowed, and if not I shall toss it into the very sea which I have
before my eyes as I write, and set to work on something else; since to
do nothing is beyond my power. I will carefully observe your instruction
both as to attaching certain persons to myself and not alienating
certain others. But my chief care will be to see your son, or rather
our son, if possible, every day at any rate, and to watch the progress
of his education as often as possible; and, unless he declines my help,
I will even offer to be his instructor, a practice to which I have
become habituated in the leisure of these days while bringing my own
boy, the younger Cicero, on. Yes, do as you say in your letter, what,
even if you had not said so, I know you do with the greatest
care--digest, follow up, and carry out my instructions. For my part,
when I get to Rome, I will let no letter-carrier of Cæsar go without a
letter for you. During these days you must excuse me: there has been no
one to whom I could deliver a letter until the present bearer M. Orfius,
a Roman knight, a man that is my friend as well from personal
consideration as because he comes from the _municipium_ of Atella,[593]
which you know is under my patronage. Accordingly, I recommend him to
you with more than common warmth, as a man in a brilliant position in
his own town and looked up to even beyond it. Pray attach him to
yourself by your liberal treatment of him: he is a military tribune in
your army. You will find him grateful and attentive. I earnestly beg you
to be very friendly to Trebatius.
[Footnote 593: A _municipium_ of Campania nine miles from Naples.]
CXXXIX (F VII, 8)
TO C. TREBATIUS TESTA (IN GAUL)
ROME (JUNE)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
Cæsar has written me a very courteous letter saying that he has not yet
seen as much of you as he could wish, owing to his press of business,
but that he certainly will do so. I have answered his letter and told
him how much obliged I shall be if he bestows on you as much attention,
kindness, and liberality as he can. But I gathered from your letters
that you are in somewhat too great a hurry: and at the same time I
wondered why you despised the profits of a military tribuneship,
especially as you are exempted from the labour of military duty. I shall
express my discontent to Vacerra and Manilius: for I dare not say a word
to Cornelius,[594] who is responsible for your unwise conduct, since you
profess to have learnt legal wisdom from him. Rather press on your
opportunity and the means put into your hands, than which none better
will ever be found. As to what you say of the jurist Precianus, I never
cease recommending you to him; for he writes me word that you owe him
thanks. Be sure to let me know to what that refers. I am waiting for a
letter from you dated "Britain."[595]
[Footnote 594: Vacerra, Manilius, Cornelius, well-known lawyers or
jurists of the day.]
[Footnote 595: We shall afterwards see that Trebatius did not go to
Britain.]
CXL (Q FR II, 13)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN GAUL)
ROME (3 JUNE)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
On the 2nd of June, the day of my return to Rome, I received your letter
dated Placentia: then next day another dated Blandeno, along with a
letter from Cæsar filled full of courteous, earnest, and pleasant
expressions. These expressions are indeed valuable, or rather _most_
valuable, as tending very powerfully to secure our reputation and
exalted position in that state. But believe me--for you know my
heart--that what I value most in all this I already possess, that is,
first of all, your active contribution to our common position; and,
secondly, all that warm affection of Cæsar for me, which I prefer to all
the honours which he desires me to expect at his hands. His letter too,
despatched at the same time as your own--which begins by saying what
pleasure your arrival and the renewed memory of our old affection had
given him, and goes on to say that he will take care that, in the midst
of my sorrow and regret at losing you, I shall have reason to be glad
that you are with him of all people--gave me extraordinary delight.
Wherefore you, of course, are acting in a truly brotherly spirit when
you exhort me, though, by heaven, I am now indeed forward enough to do
so, to concentrate all my attentions upon him alone. Yes, I will do so,
indeed, with a burning zeal: and perhaps I shall manage to accomplish
what is frequently the fortune of travellers when they make great haste,
who, if they have got up later than they intended, have, by increasing
their speed, arrived at their destination sooner than if they had waked
up before daylight. Thus I, since I have long overslept myself in
cultivating that great man, though you, by heaven, often tried to wake
me up, will make up for my slowness with horses and (as you say he likes
my poem) a poet's chariots. Only let me have Britain to paint in colours
supplied by yourself, but with my own brush. But what am I saying? What
prospect of leisure have I, especially as I remain at Rome in accordance
with his request? But I will see. For perhaps, as usual, my love for you
will overcome all difficulties. For my having sent Trebatius to him he
even thanks me in very witty and polite terms, remarking that there was
no one in the whole number of his staff who knew how to draw up a
recognizance. I have asked him for a tribuneship for M. Curtius--since
Domitius (the consul) would have thought that he was being laughed at,
if my petition had been addressed to him, for his daily assertion is
that he hasn't the appointment of so much as a military tribune: he even
jested in the senate at his colleague Appius as having gone to visit
Cæsar,[596] that he might get from him at least one tribuneship. But my
request was for next year, for that was what Curtius wished. Whatever
line you think I ought to take in politics and in treating my opponents,
be sure I shall take, and shall be "gentler than any ear-lap." Affairs
at Rome stand thus; there is some hope of the elections taking place,
but it is an uncertain one. There is some latent idea of a
dictatorship,[597] but neither is that confirmed. There is profound calm
in the forum, but it is rather the calm of decrepitude than content.
The opinions I express in the senate are of a kind to win the assent of
others rather than my own:
"Such the effects of miserable war."[598]
[Footnote 596: At Luca in the year B.C. 56.]
[Footnote 597: _Comitia habendi causa_. No such had been appointed since
B.C. 202, and the irregular dictatorship of Sulla in B.C. 82 made the
idea distasteful. Pompey was understood to wish for the appointment, now
and later on. See pp. 326, 335.]
[Footnote 598: τοιαῦθ' ὁ τλήμων πόλεμος ἐξεργάζεται (Eur. _Supp._ 119).]
CXLI (Q FR II, 14 [15 b])
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN GAUL)
ROME (JULY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
Well! this time I'll use a good pen, well-mixed ink, and superfine
paper. For you say you could hardly read my previous letter, for which,
my dear brother, the reason was none of those which you suppose. For I
was not busy, nor agitated, nor out of temper with some one: but it is
always my way to take the first pen that turns up and use it as if it
were a good one. But now attend, best and dearest of brothers, to my
answer to what you wrote in this same short letter in such a very
business-like way. On this subject you beg that I should write back to
you with brotherly candour, without concealment, or reserve, or
consideration for your feelings--I mean whether you are to hasten home,
as we had talked of, or to stay where you are, if there is any excuse
for doing so, in order to extricate yourself from your embarrassments.
If, my dear Quintus, it were some small matter on which you were asking
my opinion, though I should have left it to you to do what you chose, I
should yet have shewn you what mine was. But on this subject your
question amounts to this--what sort of year I expect the next to be?
Either quite undisturbed as far as we are concerned, or at any rate one
that will find us in the highest state of preparation for defence. This
is shewn by the daily throng at my house, my reception in the forum, the
cheers which greet me in the theatre. My friends feel no anxiety,
because they know the strength of my position in my hold upon the
favour both of Cæsar and Pompey. These things give me entire
confidence. But if some furious outbreak of that madman occurs,
everything is ready for crushing him. This is my feeling, my deliberate
opinion: I write to you with entire confidence. I bid you have no
doubts, and I do so with no intention of pleasing you, but with
brotherly frankness. Therefore, while I should wish you to come at the
time you arranged, for the sake of the pleasure we should have in each
other's society, yet I prefer the course you yourself think the better
one. I, too, think these objects of great importance--ample means for
yourself and extrication from your load of debt. Make up your mind to
this, that, free from embarrassments, we should be the happiest people
alive if we keep well. For men of our habits the deficiency is small,
and such as can be supplied with the greatest ease, granted only that we
keep our health.
There is an enormous recrudescence of bribery. Never was there anything
equal to it. On the 15th of July the rate of interest rose from four to
eight per cent., owing to the compact made by Memmius with the consul
Domitius:[599] I wish Scaurus could get the better of it. Messalla is
very shaky. I am not exaggerating--they arrange to offer as much as
10,000 sestertia (about £80,000) for the vote of the first century. The
matter is a burning scandal. The candidates for the tribuneship have
made a mutual compact--having deposited 500 sesteria (about £4,000)
apiece with Cato, they agree to conduct their canvass according to his
direction, with the understanding that anyone offending against it is to
be condemned by him. If this election then turns out to be pure, Cato
will have been of more avail than all laws and jurors put together.
[Footnote 599: For the nature of this compact, see p. 300.]
CXLII (A IV, 16 AND PART OF 17)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS OR ON HIS JOURNEY TO ASIA)
ROME (? 24 JUNE)
[Sidenote: B.C. 54, ÆT. 52]
The bare fact of my letter being by the hand of an amanuensis will be a
sign of the amount of my engagements. I have no fault to find with you
as to the number of your letters, but most of them told me nothing
except where you were, or at most shewed by the fact that they came from
you that no harm had happened to you. Of this class of letters there
were two which gave me very great pleasure, dated by you from Buthrotum
almost at the same time: for I was anxious to know that you had had a
favourable crossing. But this constant supply of your letters did not
give me so much pleasure by the richness of their contents as by their
frequency. The one which your guest, M. Paccius, delivered to me was
important and full of matter. I will therefore answer it. And this is
the first thing I have to say: I have shewn Paccius, both by word and
deed, what weight a recommendation from you has: accordingly, he is
among my intimate friends, though unknown to me before. Now for the
rest. Varro, of whom you write, shall be got in somewhere, if I can but
find a place for him.[600] But you know the style of my Dialogues: just
as in those "On the Orator," which you praise to the skies, a mention of
anyone by the interlocutors was impossible, unless he had been known to
or heard of by them, so in the "Dialogue on the Republic," which I have
begun, I have put the discussion in the mouths of Africanus, Philus,
Lælius, and Manilius. I have added two young men, Q. Tubero and P.
Rutilius, and the two sons-in-law of Lælius, Scævola and Fannius. So I
am thinking how (since I employ introductions to each book, as
Aristotle does in what he calls his "Exoterics") to contrive some
pretext for naming your friend in a natural way, as I understand is your
wish. May I only be enabled to carry out my attempt! For, as you cannot
but observe, I have undertaken a subject wide, difficult, and requiring
the utmost leisure--the very thing that, above all others, I lack. In
those books which you commend you complain of the absence of Scævola
among the speakers. Well, I did not withdraw him without a set purpose,
but I did exactly what that god of our idolatry, Plato, did in his
Republic. When Socrates had come to the Piræus on a visit to Cephalus, a
wealthy and cheerful old man, during all the introductory conversation
the old man takes part in the discussion; then, after having himself
made a speech very much to the point, he says that he wants to go away
to attend on the religious rites, and does not return again. I believe
Plato hardly thought that it would be quite natural, if he kept a man of
that age any longer in a conversation so protracted. I thought that I
was bound to be still more careful in the case of Scævola, who was at
the age and with the broken health as you remember he then was, and who
had enjoyed such high offices, that it was scarcely in accordance with
etiquette for him to be staying several days in the Tusculan villa of
Crassus. Besides, the conversation in the first book was not unconnected
with Scævola's special pursuits: the other books, as you know, contain a
technical discussion. In such I was unwilling that that facetious
veteran, as you know he was, should take part.
As to Pilia's business, which you mention, I will see to it. For the
matter is quite clear, as you say, from the information supplied by
Aurelianus, and in managing it I shall have also an opportunity of
glorifying myself in my Tullia's eyes. I am supporting Vestorius: for I
know that it gratifies you, and I am careful that he would understand
that to be the case. But do you know the sort of man he is? Though he
has two such good-natured people to deal with, nothing can exceed his
impracticability. Now as to what you ask about Gaius Cato. You know that
he was acquitted under the _lex Iunia Licinia_:[601] I have to tell you
that he will be acquitted under the _lex Fufia_,[602] and not so much to
the satisfaction of his defenders as of his accusers. However, he has
become reconciled to myself and Milo. Drusus has had notice of
prosecution by Lucretius. The 3rd of July is the day fixed for
challenging his jurors. About Procilius[603] there are sinister
rumours--but you know what the courts are. Hirrus is on good terms with
Domitius.[604] The senatorial decree which the present consuls have
carried about the provinces--"whoever henceforth, etc."--does not seem
to me likely to have any effect.