HERBALS OF THE NEW WORLD
"And I doe wish all Gentlemen and Gentlewomen, whom it may
concerne, to bee as careful whom they trust with the
planting and replanting of these fine flowers, as they would
be with so many Iewels."--PARKINSON, _Paradisus_, 1629.
To English folk and Americans alike the herbals--now amongst the
rarest in the English language--treating of the virtues of herbs in
the New World are of exceptional interest. For these contain some of
the earliest records of the uses of herbs learnt from the Red Indians,
lists of English weeds introduced into America by the first settlers,
and, perhaps most interesting of all, what they grew in the first
gardens in New England. It requires very little imagination to realise
how much the discovery of the New World meant to the botanists,
gardeners and herbalists of that day, for at no time in our history
were there greater plant-lovers than in Elizabethan and Stuart times.
In their strenuous lives the soldiers, explorers and sea-captains
found time to send their friends in the Old World rare plants and
other treasures, and these gifts of "rarities" were cherished as
jewels. Is not the following a vivid picture of the arrival of such a
package from the New World? "There came a Paket, as of Letters,
inrolled in a seare clothe: so well made that thei might passe to any
part beeyng never so farre, the whiche beeyng opened, I founde a small
Cheste made of a little peece of Corke, of a good thickenesse sette
together, whiche was worthie to be seen, and in the holownesse of it
came the hearbes, and the seedes that the Letter speaketh of,
everythyng written what it was, and in one side of the Corke, in a
hollowe place there came three Bezaar stones, cloased with a
Parchement and with Waxe in good order. The Letter was written with
verie small Letters, and sumwhat harde to reade." The letter and the
precious gift of herbs, seeds and stones were from an officer on duty
in "New Spain" (he describes himself as "a Souldier that have followed
the warres in these countries all my life"), who was unknown to
Monardes, but had read his first book on the use of the herbs in the
New World, and therefore was emboldened to send him these rare plants
and the "bezaar stones." Nicolas Monardes, the author of this herbal
(translated into English by John Frampton),[86] most gratefully
acknowledges his unknown friend's kindness and writes of him, "the
gentleman of the Peru, which wrote to me this letter, although I know
hym not, it seemeth that he is a man curious and affectioned to the
like thinges and I have him in great estimation. For bicause that the
office of a Souldier is to handle weapons, and to sheed bloud, and to
do other exercises apertainyng to Souldiers, he is muche to bee
esteemed that he will enquire and searche out herbes, and Plantes and
to knowe their properties and vertue. And therefore I dooe esteeme
muche of this Gentlemanne for the labour whiche he taketh in knowyng
and enquiryng of these naturall thinges. And I doe owe much unto him,
... I wil provoke hym by writyng to hym againe, to sende more thinges.
For it is a greate thinge to knowe the secreates and marvailes of
nature, of the Hearbes which he hath sent me. I will make experience
of them and I will know their vertues and operation and the Seedes wee
will sowe at their time."
The interest in the plant-life of the New World may be judged from the
fact that Monardes's work, which is the earliest "American" herbal,
was translated into Latin by no less a botanist than Charles de
l'Escluse, and into Italian, Flemish, French and English. Frampton's
English translation went through four editions. The original book was
written nineteen years before the defeat of the Spanish Armada, and
throughout it there is very evident the pride of a Spanish subject in
the splendid overseas dominions of his country, then the first empire
in the world and the mistress of the seas. The preface is so redolent
of the atmosphere of Spanish galleons and the boundless interest in
the great new continent and its wonders, that I quote it almost in
full, although in modern print it loses much of the charm of the
original black-letter. The writer surely had in his mind the account
of the navy of Tharshish, which came once in three years, "bringing
gold and silver, ivory, and apes, and peacocks," and one cannot help
suspecting that loyalty to his Catholic Majesty of Spain suggested the
inclusion of lions from America in order that he might not be outdone
by the splendour of Solomon. Moreover, Monardes proudly tells us that
from the New World to Spain "there commeth every yere one hundred
shippes laden ... that it is a greate thynge and an incredle riches."
"In the yere of our Lorde God, a thousande, fower hundreth
ninetie twoo: our Spaniardes were gouerned by Sir Christofer
Colon [Columbus], beeyng naturally borne of the countrie
Genoa, for to discouer the Occidentall Indias, that is
called at this daie, the Newe Worlde, and thei did discouer
the first lande thereof, the XI daie of October, of the
saied yere, and from that tyme unto this, thei haue
discouered many and sundrie Ilandes, and muche firme Lande,
as well in that countrie, whiche thei call the Newe Spaine,
as in that whiche is called the Peru, where there are many
Prouinces, many Kyngdomes, and many Cities, that hath
contrary and diuers customes in them, whiche there hath been
founde out, thynges that neuer in these partes, nor in any
other partes of the worlde hath been seen, nor unto this
daie knowen: and other thynges, whiche now are brought unto
us in greate aboundaunce, that is to saie, Golde, Siluer,
Pearles, Emeraldes, Turkeses [turquoises], and other fine
stones of greate value, yet greate is the excesse and
quantitie that hath come, and every daie doeth come, and in
especiallie of Golde and Siluer: That it is a thyng of
admiration that the greate number of Milleons, whiche hath
come besides the greate quantitie of Pearles, hath filled
the whole worlde, also thei doe bryng from that partes,
Popingaies, Greffons, Apes, Lions, Gerfaucons, and other
kinde of Haukes, Tigers wolle, Cotton wolle, Graine to die
colours with all, Hides, Sugars, Copper, Brasill, the woode
Ebano, Anill: and of all these, there is so greate
quantitie, that there commeth every yere, one hundred
Shippes laden thereof, that it is a greate thynge and an
incredle riches.
"And besides these greate riches, our Occidentall Indias
doeth sende unto us many Trees, Plantes, Herbes, Rootes,
Joices, Gummes, Fruites, Licours, Stones that are of greate
medicinall vertues, in the whiche there bee founde, and hath
been founde in them, verie greate effectes that doeth excede
muche in value and price: All that aforesaied, by so muche
as the Corporall healthe is more Excellent, and necessaire
then the temporall goodes, the whiche thynges all the worlde
doeth lacke, the wante whereof is not a little hurtfull,
according to the greate profite which wee doe see, by the
use of them doeth followe, not onely in our Spaine but in
all the worlde.... The people of old tyme did lacke them,
but the tyme whiche is the discouerer of all thynges, hath
shewed them unto us greatly to our profite, seying the
greate neede that we had of them.
"And as there is discouered newe regions, newe Kyngdomes,
and newe Prouinces, by our Spanyardes, thei haue brought
unto us newe Medicines, and newe Remedies, wherewith thei
doe cure and make whole many infirmities, whiche if wee did
lacke them, thei were incurable, and without any remedie,
the whiche thynges although that some have knowledge of
them, yet thei bee not common to all people, for whiche
cause I did pret[=e]de to treate and to write, of all
thynges, that thei bryng from our Indias, whiche serueth for
the arte and use of Medicine, and the remedy of the hurtes
and deseases, that wee doe suffer and endure, whereof no
small profite doeth followe to those of our tyme, and also
unto them that shall come after us, the whiche I shall be
the first, that the rather the followers maie adde hereunto,
with this beginnyng, that whiche thei shall more knowe, and
by experience shall finde. And, as in this Citee of Seuill,
which is the Porte and skale of all Occidentall Indias, wee
doe knowe of th[=e] more, then in any other partes of all
Spaine, for because that all thynges come first hither,
where with better relation, and greater experience it is
knowen. I doe it with experience and use of them this
fourtie yeres, that I doe cure in this Citee, where I haue
informed myself of them, that hath brought these thynges out
of those partes with muche care, and I have made with all
diligence and foresight possible, and with much happie
successe."
Then he begins straightway to tell us of various herbs and gums
brought from the New World, and of what the herbalists had been able
to learn of their medicinal virtues. He writes of "Copall" and "Anime"
(varieties of rosin), and tells us that the Spaniards first learnt of
these from the Indian priests, who "went out to receive them [the
Spaniards] with little firepottes, burnyng in them this Copall, and
giuing to them the smoke of it at their noses." "Tacamahaca" (the
Indian name for a rosin) is "taken out by incision of a tree beyng as
greate as a Willowe Tree, and is of a verie sweete smell; he doeth
bryng forth a redde fruite, as the seede of Pionia." The Indians used
it for swellings in any part of the body and also for toothache.
"Caranna," another gum brought from Nombre de Dios, is discovered to
be of sovereign virtue for gout--"it taketh it awaie with muche
easines." The balsam of the New World, "that licour most excellent
whiche for his Excellencie and meruerlous effectes is called Balsamo,
an imitation of the true Balsamo that was in the lande of Egipt," is
"made of a tree greater than a Powndgarned Tree, it carrieth leaues
like to Nettles: the Indians doe call it Xilo and we do call the same
Balsamo." There follows an account of the way in which the Red Indians
made the balsam, either by cutting incisions in the tree and letting
the "clammish licour, of colour white but most excellent and very
perfite," run out, or by cutting up boughs and branches of the tree
into very small pieces, boiling them in cauldrons and then skimming
off the oil. "It is not convenient, nor it ought to be kept in any
other vessel then in silver (glasse or Tinne or any other thing
glassed, it doth penetrate and doth passe through it), the use thereof
is onely in thinges of Medecine and it hath been used of long tyme ...
the Spaniards had knowledge of it because they did heale therwith the
woundes that they did receive of the Indians: beyng advised of the
vertue thereof by the same Indians, and they did see the saide Indians
heale and cure themselves therewith." We learn that when this precious
new balsam was first brought to Spain it sold for ten ducats an ounce,
and in Italy for a hundred ducats an ounce. The use of another wound
herb, "for shottes of arrows," of which unfortunately he does not give
even the Indian name, was taught to a certain "Jhon Infante" by his
native servant. The book gives us many pleasant glimpses of the kindly
courtesy of the Red Indians to their foes, and though, according to
some authorities, they would never tell the secrets of the herbs they
used as medicines, we have Monardes's detailed accounts of how they
showed the Spaniards the uses of them. Guiacum, for instance, was
brought to the notice of a Spaniard in San Domingo by an Indian
doctor.
One of the most interesting accounts is of "Mechoacan." "It is brought
from a countrie that is beyonde the greate Citie of Mexico more than
fortie leagues, that is called Mechoacan, the whiche Syr Fernando
Curtes did conquer in the yere of 1524, it is a countrie of muche
Riches, of Gold and chiefly of Silver ... those Mynes be so celebrated
and of so muche riches that they be called the Cacatecas, every day
they goe discovering in the Lande verie riche Mynes of Silver and some
of Golde, it is a countrie of good and holsome ayres, and doth bring
forth healthfull Hearbes for to heale many diseases, in so muche that
at the tyme the Indians had the government of it, the inhabiters there
rounde aboute that Province, came thether to heale their diseases and
infirmities.... The Indians of that countrie be of a taller growthe
and of better faces then the Borderers are and of more healthe.
"The principall place of that province the Indians doe call in their
language Chincicila and the Spaniards doe call it as thei call that
realme Mechoacan, and it is a great towne of Indians, situated nere to
a lake which is of swete water and of verie muche Fishe, the same Lake
is like the fashion of making an horse shewe, and in the middest
thereof standeth the Towne, the whiche at this daye hath greate trade
of buying and sellyng."
We are told in detail how the Warden of the Friars of St. Francis was
cured by a native Indian doctor with this herb--"mechoacan":--
"As soone as that Province was gotten of the Indians there went
thither certaine Friers, of Saincte Frances order, and as in a
countrie so distant from their naturall soyle, some of them fell
sicke, amongest whom the Warden, who was the Chief Frier of the house
fell sicke, with whom Caconcin Casique, an Indian lord, a man of great
power in that countrie, had very greate friendship, who was Lorde of
all that countrie. The father Warden had a long sicknes and put to
muche danger of life, the Casique as he sawe his disease procede
forward, he saied that he would bryng hym an Indian of his, which was
a Phisition, with whom he did cure hym self, and it might bee that he
would give hym remeady of his disease. The whiche beeyng heard of the
Frier, and seyng the little helpe that he had there, and the want of a
Phisition, and other thynges of benefite, he thanked hym and saied
unto hym, that he should bryng hym unto hym: who beyng come, and seyng
his disease, he said to the Casique, that if he tooke a pouder that he
would giue hym of a roote, that it would heale hym. The whiche beeyng
knowen to the Frier, with the desire that he had of healthe, he did
accepte his offer and tooke the pouder that the Indian Physition gave
hym the nexte daie in a little Wine.... He was healed of his
infirmitie and the rest of the Friers which were sicke did followe the
father Warden's cure and took of the Self same powder once or twice
and as ofte as thei had neede of for to heale them. The use of the
whiche went so well with them that the Friers did send relation of
this to the Father Provincall to Mexico where he was: who did
communicate with those of the countrie, giving to them of the roote,
and comforting them that thei should take it, because of the good
relation that he had from those Friers of Mechoacan. The whiche beyng
used of many and seyng the marueilous woorkes that it did the fame of
it was extended all abrode, that in short tyme all the countrie was
full of his good woorkes and effectes, banishing the use of Ruibarbe
of Barbarie and taking his name, naming it Ruibarbo of the Indos and
so all men dooeth commonly call it. And also it is called Mechoaca for
that it is brought from thence.... And so thei do carry it from the
Newe Spaine as Merchandise of very great price."
The plant itself Monardes describes thus:--"It is an herbe that goeth
creepyng up by certaine little Canes, it hath a sadde greene coulour,
he carrieth certaine leaues, that the greatnesse of them maie bee of
the greatnesse of a good potenge dishe, that is in compasse rounde,
with a little point, the leaffe hath his little Senewes, he is small,
well nere without moisture, the stalke is of the coulour of a cleare
Taunie. Thei saie that he dooeth caste certaine clusters, with little
Grapes, of the greatnesse of a Coriander seede, whiche is his fruite
and dooeth waxe ripe by the Monethe of September: he doeth caste out
many bowes, the whiche doeth stretche a long up[=o] the yearth, and if
you doe put anythyng nere to it, it goeth creepyng upon it. The roote
of the Mechoacan is unsaverie and without bightyng or any sharpness of
taste."
The book was published in successive parts, and the second of these,
dedicated to the King of Spain, contains the first written account and
illustration of "the hearbe tabaco." Monardes tells us that this herb
was one "of much antiquity" amongst the Indians, who taught the
Spaniards to use it as a wound-herb. It was first introduced into
Spain "to adornate Gardens with the fairenesse thereof and to give a
pleasant sight, but nowe we doe use it more for his meruelous
medicinable vertues than for his fairenesse." The Red Indians called
it "picielt." (The name tabaco was given it by the Spaniards, either
from the island which still bears the name Tobago, as Monardes
declares, or from a native word connected in some way with the use of
the dried leaves for smoking.) According to Monardes the leaves, when
warmed and laid on the forehead with orange oil, were efficacious to
cure headaches. They were also good for toothache. "When the griefe
commeth of a cold cause or of colde Rumes, putting to the tooth a
little ball made of the leafe of the Tabaco, washing first the tooth
with a smal cloth wet in the Juyce, it stayeth it, that the
putrifaction goe not forwarde: and this remedie is so common that it
healeth euerie one." Of greater interest is the account of its
application as a wound-herb and of an experiment made on a small dog
at the Spanish Court.
"A little whiles past, certain wilde people going in their
Bootes [boats] to S. John De puerto Rico to shoote at
Indians or Spaniards (if that they might find them) came to
a place and killed certain Indians and Spaniards and did
hurt many, and as by chance there was no Sublimatum at that
place to heale them, they remembered to lay upon the wounds
the Juice of the Tabaco and the leaves stamped. And God
would, that laying it upon the hurts, the griefs, madnes,
and accidents wherewith they died were mittigated, and in
such sorte they were delivered of that euill that the
strength of the Venom was taken away and the wounds were
healed, of the which there was great admiration. Which thing
being knowen to them of the Islande they use it also in
other hurtes and wounds, which they take when they fight
with the wilde people: nowe they stand in no feare of them,
by reason they have founde so great a remedie in a case so
desperate. This Hearbe hath also vertue against the hearbe
called of the Crosse boweshooter, which our hunters doe use
to kill the wilde beastes withall and which hearbe is Venom
most stronge, and doeth kill without remedie, which the
Kinges pleasure was to prooue and commanded to make
experience thereof, and they wounded a little dogge in the
throate, and put forthwith into the wound the hearbe of the
Crosse boweshooter, and after a little whyle, they powred
into the self same wound that they had annointed with the
Crosse boweshooters hearbe, a good quantitie of the juice of
Tabaco and layde the stamped leaves upon it and they tied up
the dogge and he escaped, not without great admiration of
all men that saw him. Of the which the excellent Phisition
of the Chamber of his Maiestie, Doctor Barnarde in the
margent of this booke, that sawe it, by the commaundement of
his Maiestie, writeth these wordes--'I made this experience
by the commaundement of the Kinges Maiesty. I wounded the
dogge with a knife and after I put the Crosse boweshooters
hearbe into the wound and the hearbe was chosen and the
dogge was taken of the hearbe, and the Tabaco and his Juyce
being put into the wounde the dogge escaped and remained
whole.'"
[Illustration: ILLUSTRATIONS OF SASSAFRAS AND TOBACCO FROM
NICOLAS MONARDES' "JOYFULL NEWES OUT OF THE NEWE FOUNDE
WORLDE" (1577)
(The figure of tobacco is the first printed illustration of
that plant to appear in an English book)]
We are further given an exceptionally interesting account of the use
of tobacco in the religious ceremonies of the Red Indians. "One of the
meruelles of this hearbe and that whiche bringeth most admiration is
the maner howe the Priests of the Indias did use it, which was in this
maner: when there was amongst the Indians any maner of businesse of
great importaunce, in the whiche the chiefe Gentleman called Casiques
or any of the principall poople [people] of the Countrey had
necessitie to consult with their Priestes in any businesse of
importaunce: then they went and propounded their matter to their
chiefe Priest, foorthwith in their presence he tooke certeyne leaues
of the Tabaco and cast them into ye fire and did receive the smoke of
them at his mouth and at his nose with a Cane, and in taking of it he
fell downe uppon the ground as a Dead man, and remayning so according
to the quantity of the smoke that he had taken, when the hearbe had
done his woorke he did revive and awake, and gave them then aunsweares
[answers] according to the visions, and illusions whiche he sawe,
whiles he was rapte in the same maner, and he did interprete to them
as to him seemed best, or as the Divell had counselled him, giuing
them continually doubtfull aunsweres in such sorte that howsoever it
fell out, they might say that it was the same whiche was declared and
the aunswere that he made.
"In like sort the rest of the Indians for their pastime do take the
smoke of the Tabaco, to make themselves drunke withall, and to see the
visions, and things that represent unto them, that wherein they do
delight: and other times they take it to know their businesse and
successe, because conformable to that whiche they haue seene, being
drunke therewith, euen so they iudge of their businesse. And as the
devil is a deceuer and hath the knowledge of the vertue of hearbs, so
he did shew the vertue of this Hearb, that by the meanes thereof, they
might see their imaginations and visions, that he hath represented
unto them and by that meanes deceiue them."
The Red Indians also used this herb when they were obliged to travel
for several days "in a dispeopled countrie where they shal finde
neither water nor meate." They rolled the leaves into small balls,
which they put "betweene the lower lippe and the teeth and goe chewing
it all the time that they trauell and that whiche they chew they
swallow downe and in this sort they journey three or foure dayes
without hauing neede of meate or drink, for they feele no hunger nor
weaknesse nor their trauel doth trouble them." (This custom Monardes
compares to that of the bear, which during the winter "remaineth in
his Caue and liueth without meate or drink, with onely chewing his
pawes"!)
On its first introduction into Europe tobacco seems to have been
regarded as a new all-heal, and in the city of Seville, we read, "they
know not what other to doe, hauing cut or hurt themselves but to run
to the Tabaco as to a most readie remedie. It doth meruellous workes,
without any need of other Surgery, but this only hearbe." One chapter
is devoted entirely to an account of various cures effected by
tobacco, and it is interesting to read the authoritative account of
the origin of the botanical name "Nicotiana." Monardes tells us that
it was so called after Nicot, "my very friend ye first author inventer
and bringer of this hearbe into France." It appears that "Maister John
Nicot, being Embassador for his Maiestie in Portugall, in the yeere of
our Lorde 1559, went one day to see the Prysons of the King of
Portugall, and a Gentleman, being the Keeper of the said Prysons,
presented him with this hearb as a strange plant brought from
Florida." The same Maister Nicot, "hauing caused the said hearb to be
set in his Garden, where it grewe and multiplyed maruellously,"
experimented with it, and amongst other things cured a young man who
had a sore on his nose. Quite a number of cures were effected, the
most interesting being that of one of Nicot's own cooks, who "hauing
almost cutte off his thombe with a great Chopping Knife ran unto the
said Nicotiane and healed it"!
The prescription for the ointment of tobacco is as follows:--"Take a
pounde of the freshe leaues of the sayde Hearbe, stampe them, and
mingle them with newe Waxe, Rosine, common oyle of each three ounces,
let them boyle altogether, untill the Juice of Nicotiane be consumed,
then add therto three ounces of Venise Turpentine, straine the same
through a Linen cloth, and keepe it in Pottes to your use." The
account of tobacco ends thus:--"Loe here you haue the true Historie of
Nicotiane of the which the sayde Lorde Nicot, one of the Kinge's
Counsellors, first founder out of this hearbe, hath made me privie, as
well by woorde as by writing, to make thee (friendly Reader) partaker
thereof, to whome I require thee to yeeld as harty thankes as I
acknowledge myself bound unto him for this benefite received."
We find that the Indians first taught the Spaniards the use of
sassafras, and "the Spaniards did begin to cure themselves with the
water of this tree and it did in them greate effectes, that it is
almost incredible: for with the naughtie meates and drinkyng of the
rawe waters, and slepyng in the dewes, the moste parte of them came to
fall into continuall Agues.... Thei tooke up the roote of this Tree
and tooke a peece thereof suche as it seemed to theim beste, thei
cutte it small into verie thinne and little peeces and cast them into
water at discretion, little more or lesse, and thei sodde it the tyme
that seemed nedefull for to remaine of a good colour, and so thei
dranke it in the mornyng fastyng and in the daie tyme and at dinner
and supper, without kepyng any more waight or measure, then I have
saied, nor more keepyng, nor order then this, and of this thei were
healed of so many griefes and euill diseases. That to heare of them
what thei suffred and how thei were healed it doeth bryng admiration
and thei whiche were whole dranke it in place of wine, for it doeth
preserue them in healthe: As it did appeare verie well by theim, that
hath come fr[=o] thence this yere, for thei came all whole and strong,
and with good coulours, the whiche doeth not happen to them that
dooeth come from those partes and from other conquestes, for thei come
sicke and swolne, without collour, and in shorte space the moste of
theim dieth: and these souldiours doeth trust so muche in this woodde
that I beyng one daie amongest many of them, informing myself of the
thynges of this Tree, the moste parte of them tooke out of their
pokettes a good peece of this woodd, and said: 'Maister, doe you see
here the woodde, that euery one of us doth bryng for to heale us with
all, if we do fall sicke, as we haue been there,' and they began to
praise so muche, to confirme the meruelous workes of it, with so many
examples of them that were there, that surely I gave greate credite
unto it and thei caused me to beleeve all that thereof I had heard,
and gave me courage to experimente it as I have doen." There is
another vivid glimpse of the use of sassafras as a pomander when the
pestilence was rife in Seville. "Many did use to carrie a peece of the
Roote of the wood with them to smell to it continually, as to a
Pomander. For with his smell so acceptable it did rectifie the
infected ayre: I caried with mee a peece a greate tyme, and to my
seemyng I founde greate profite in it. For with it and with the
chewing of the rinde of lemmon in the mornyng and in the daye tyme for
to preserve health it hath a greate strength and property. It seemeth
to mee that I was delivered by the healpe of God from the fyre in the
whiche we that were Phisitions went in, blessed be our Lorde God that
delivered us from so great euill and gave us this moste excellente
Tree called Sassafras, which hath so greate vertues, and doth suche
maruellous effectes as we have spoken of and more that the tyme will
shewe us, which is the discouerer of all thinges."
* * * * *
It is a far cry from Monardes's book to that by "John Josselyn
Gentleman," written nearly a hundred years later. Instead of the
atmosphere of the El Dorado of the Spanish Main, of the galleons, of
the tropical sun and plants of the West Indies, we find ourselves in
the good company of the first settlers in New England, the Spanish
Empire being only a memory of the past. Just fifty years after the
landing of the Pilgrim Fathers on American soil, _New England's
Rarities discovered_ was printed at the Green Dragon in St. Paul's
Churchyard, London, and the book is of peculiar interest, for it
contains the first published lists of English plants that would thrive
in America. There is a certain pathos in the efforts of the new
settlers to produce in the New Country (which then took two months to
reach) something that would remind them of the familiar English
gardens of their old homes, and no one with a gardener's heart can
read it without sympathy. The book was written by one John Josselyn,
who undertook the then perilous voyage in order to stay with his only
brother, who lived a hundred leagues from Boston. There he remained
about eight years, making it his business to collect all the
information he could about plants that interested him. Even as late as
1663 the country was very imperfectly explored, for he gravely informs
the reader that he cannot say whether New England is an island or not.
He is not very sure whether even America is an island, but is
confident that the Indians are closely allied to the Tartars.
But to turn to the subject-matter of the book. First we have a careful
list of plants which the author found and which were common in England
also, and--what is quite delightful--notes on the uses made of these
plants by the Red Indians. For instance, they used white hellebore to
cure their wounds, and John Josselyn tells us exactly how. They first
rubbed racoon's grease or wild cat's grease on the wounds and then
strewed the dried and powdered root on to it. They also applied the
powdered root for toothache. Under the yellow-flowered water-lily we
find a note to the effect that the Indians used the roots for food,
and Josselyn seems to have tried them himself, for he says that they
taste of sheep's liver. "The Moose Deer," he says, "feed much on them
and the Indians choose this time when their heads are under water to
kill them." From acorns the Indians made the oil with which they
rubbed themselves. This was prepared by burning rotten maple wood to
ashes and then boiling acorns with these ashes till the oil floated on
the top. Of American walnuts and violets he had apparently a poor
opinion, for he describes the walnuts as being not much bigger than a
nutmeg and "but thinly replenished with kernels," and the violets as
inferior to the English "Blew Violet." The most interesting of the
recipes is that for the beer which he used to brew for Indians who
came to him when they had bad colds. New Englanders who still possess
treasured old housewives' books will probably find they have recipes
for the same kind of beer; for it is typical of that commonly made in
England in the seventeenth century and is strangely flavoured with
elecampane, liquorice, sassafras, aniseed, and fennel seed. Then
follows a list of plants peculiar to New England, with a long
description of "Indian wheat," of which "the Flower [flour] makes
excellent Puddens." Another plant described at length is the
hollow-leaved lavender, but it is difficult to identify it from the
illustration. The most interesting part of this list is that
consisting of plants to which no English names had yet been given.
It is hard to believe that before the Pilgrim Fathers landed some of
the commonest weeds were unknown in their new country. Yet we have
John Josselyn's list of these, and it includes couch-grass, shepherd's
purse, dandelion, groundsel, sow-thistle, stinging-nettle, mallows,
plantain, wormwood, chickweed, mullein, knot-grass and comfrey. The
plantain, one always learnt as a child, follows the English colonist
wherever he goes, and there is curious confirmation in Josselyn's note
that the Indians called this familiar weed "'Englishman's Foot,' as
though it were produced by their treading." But the most fascinating
list of all is that of the English garden-plants which those early
settlers tried to grow, and it is impossible to read it without
realising the loving care which must have been lavished on the
southernwood, rosemary, lavender, and other plants imported from
English gardens, which survived the long journey only to succumb to
the rigours of the New England winter. There is something so naïve and
appealing about this list, the first gardening link, as it were,
between England and America, that I give it in full as it stands in
the original:
"Cabbidge growes there exceeding well
Lettice
Parsley, Marygold, French Mallowes, Chervil, Burnet,
Winter Savory, Summer Savory, Time, Sage, Carrots.
Parsnips of a prodigous size,
Red Beetes,
Radishes
Purslain
Pease of all sorts and the best in the world. I never heard of nor
did see in Eight Years time one worm Eaten Pea.
Spearmint, Rew will hardly grow
Featherfew prospereth exceedingly.
Southernwood is no plant for this Country, Nor Rosemary, Nor
Bayes,
White Satten groweth pretty well, so doth
Lavender Cotton. But
Lavender is not for the Climate.
Penny Royal,
Smalledge
Ground Ivy or Ale Hoof.
Gillyflowers will continue Two Years.
Fennel must be taken up and kept in a Warm Cellar all the Winter.
Housleek prospereth notably,
Hollyhocks.
Enula Campana, in two Years time the Roots rot,
Comferie with white Flowers,
Coriander and
Dill and
Annis thrive exceedingly, but Annis Seed as also the Seed of Fennel
seldom come to maturity; the Seed of Annis is commonly eaten of
a fly.
Clary never lasts but one Summer, the
Roots rot with the Frost,
Sparagus thrives exceedingly so does
Garden Sorrel and
Sweet Bryer or Eglantine
Bloodwort but sorrily but
Patience and
English Roses very pleasantly.
Celandine by the West Country Men called Kenning Wort grows but
slowly.
Muschata as well as in England.
Pepperwort flourisheth notably and so doth Tansie
Musk Mellons are better than our English and Cucumbers.
Pompions there be of several kinds; they are dryer than our English
pompions and better tasted; You may eat them Green."
The book ends in a delightfully irrelevant fashion with a poem on an
Indian squaw, introduced as follows:--"Now, gentle Reader, having
trespassed upon your patience a long while in the perusing of these
rude Observations, I shall, to make you amends, present you by way of
Divertisement, or Recreation, with a Copy of Verses on the Indian Squa
or Female Indian trick'd up in all her bravery."
* * * * *
_The American Physitian; or a Treatise of the Roots, Plants, Trees,
Shrubs, Fruit, Herbs, etc., growing in the English Plantations in
America_,[87] has, as its name implies, more of a medical character
than the older books. In his preface the writer, William Hughes, tells
us:--"'Tis likely some may say need we trouble ourselves with those
things we cannot reach? To such I answer, that the most part of them
here mentioned which grow not in England already are brought over
daily and made use of.... I suppose there are few but would gladly
know that there are such things in the world, although scarcely any
which care or desire to go to see them; I hope this Description which
is as right to truth as I could possibly draw it, if my eyesight
failed me not, may be acceptable, although it be far short of what I
intended; it being my desire to have made it more compleat by one more
voyage into those parts of the World, in which my endeavours should
not have been found wanting for the bringing and fitting of Roots,
Seeds and other Vegetables to our climate, for, to increase the number
of Rarities which we have here in our Garden already; in the which I
perceive much may be done, if further industry were used, but I have
yet met with no opportunity to accomplish the same; and therefore hope
that some others who have conveniency will do something herein for the
promotion of further knowledge in these and many other excellent
things which those parts afford, and we are yet unacquainted with. And
whosoever is offended at this that I have here written, may let it
alone; it forceth none to meddle with it: I know the best things
displease some, neither was there ever any man yet that could please
all people: but in hurting none, possibly I may please some; for whom
only it is intended."
The book itself contains interesting accounts of yams, gourds,
potatoes, prickly pears, maize (of turkeys fed on maize he says, "If I
should tell how big some of their turkeys are I think I should hardly
be believed"), cotton, pepper and sugar. His dissertation on the
making of sugar is one of the earliest accounts of the process. Of the
"Maucaw tree" he writes that "the seeds being fully ripe are of a pure
crimson or reddish colour apt to dye the skin with a touch so that it
cannot quickly be washed off." The Red Indians used these seeds to dye
their skins, and Hughes remarks, "were some Ladies acquainted with
this Rarity, doubtless they would give much for it." The longest
section of the book deals with the cacao tree, its fruit and the
making of chocolate. Cacao kernels were used as tokens and cacao
plantations were entailed property. "In Carthagena, New Spain and
other adjacent places, they do not only entail their Cacao Walks or
Orchards on their Eldest Sons, as their Right of Inheritance (as Lands
here in England are settled on the next Heir), but these cacao kernels
have been, and are in so great esteem with them, that they pass
between man and man for any merchandise, in buying and selling in the
Markets, as the most current silver Coyn; as I have been told and as
some credible Writers do affirm." There is a notable description of
the making of chocolate by the servants "before they go forth to work
in the Plantations in a morning and without which they are not well
able to perform their most laborious employments in the Plantations,
or work with any great courage until eleven a clock, their usual time
of going to Dinner." A detailed account of the preparation of the
drink ends with this vivid picture: "and then taking it off the Fire
they pour it out of the Pot into some handsome large Dish or Bason:
and after they have sweetened it a little with Sugar, being all
together and sitting down round about it like good Fellows, everyone
dips in his Calabash or some other Dish, supping it off very hot." He
describes all sorts of ways of using the chocolate, the best in his
opinion being that of the "Maroonoes Hunters and such as have occasion
to travel the Country." They made it into "lozanges," which "exceed a
Scotch-man's provision of Oat-meal and Water, as much (in my opinion)
as the best Ox-beef for strong stomacks exceeds the meanest food."
Chocolate, it will be remembered, became a very fashionable drink in
England in the seventeenth century, but Hughes considers it inferior
to the genuine stuff made in the Plantations. In fact, he cautions
English people to procure their chocolate straight from Jamaica, and
then to see themselves to the making of it according to his
directions!
* * * * *
In spite of its impressive name, _The South-Sea Herbal containing the
names, use, etc. of divers medicinal plants lately discovered by Pere
L. Feuillee, one of the King of France's herbalists ... much desired
and very necessary to be known of all such as now traffick to the
South-Seas or reside in those parts_ (1715), is only eight pages long,
five of which are devoted to figures of the plants. Nevertheless this
now rare little pamphlet is valuable inasmuch as it is probably the
first account in English of the medicinal plants of Peru and Chili.
The writer--James Petiver--began life by serving his apprenticeship to
Mr. Feltham, apothecary to St. Bartholomew's Hospital, London. He
afterwards qualified as apothecary and became demonstrator of plants
to the Society of Apothecaries. All his life he seems to have been
rather a recluse, devoting his time to the study of natural history
specimens sent him from all parts of the world. His herbarium, now in
the Sloane Collection in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South
Kensington, is exceptionally interesting, for Petiver appears to have
had friends in all parts of the world, mostly sea-captains, who took
delight in sending him treasures. The value of his collection may be
judged from the fact that shortly before his death, Sir Hans Sloane
offered him £4000 for it. His _South-Sea Herbal_ is purely medicinal,
except for an appeal to anyone living in Quito who "would be pleased
to procure branches of the leaves of Jesuits' Bark or Quinquina with
its Flowers and Fruit, which Favour should be acknowledged and more
accurate Figures given of each if communicated to your humble
servant." There is unfortunately now no copy extant of another of
Petiver's pamphlets, _The Virtues of several Sovereign Plants found
wild in Maryland with Remarks on them_. Apparently not many were
printed, for there is a note to this effect at the end of the
advertisement: "Divers of these Tracts are now so very scarce that of
some of them there are not 20 left." Owing to the fact that nearly
every page of illustrations in Petiver's works is dedicated to some
friend who had sent him specimens, we have preserved for us the record
of his numerous correspondents. These dedications are very pleasant
reading:--
"To ye memory of y{t} curious Naturalist and Learned Father,
Geo Jos{ph} Camel for many Observations and Things sent me."
"To ye memory of my curious Friend Mr. Sam Browne, Surgeon
at Madrass, for divers Indian Plants, Shells, Seeds, etc."
"To Mr. George Bouchere, Surgeon, For divers Minorca Plants,
Seed, etc."
"To Mr. Alexander Bartlet, Surgeon, For divers Cape and Moca
Plants, Shells, etc."
"To Mr. George London, Late Gardiner to K. Will and Q.
Mary."
"To ye memory of Mr. Will{m} Browne, Surgeon, who Presented
me w{th} Divers Plants, Shells, etc."
"To His Hearty Friend, Mr. John Stocker, in gratitude for
divers Plants, Shells, etc."
"To Mr. Claud Joseph, Geoffroy, Apothecary Chymist and
Fellow of ye Academy Royall in Paris."
"To Mr. Charles Du-Bois, Treasurer of the East India
Company."
"To the Honourable Dr. William Sherard, Consul of Smyrna."
"To Captain Jonathan Whicker for Divers Shells from St.
Christophers."
"To his Curious Friend, Mr. John Smart, Surgeon, For Divers
Plants, etc., from Hudson's Bay."
"To his kind Friend, Capt. George Searle for divers Antego
Shells, Coralls, etc."
"To Capt. Thomas Grigg at Antego in gratitude for divers
Insects, Shells, etc."
"To that very obliging Gentlewoman, Madam Hannah Williams at
Carolina."
FOOTNOTES:
[86] _Joyfull Newes out of the newe founde worlde wherein is declared
the rare and singular vertues of diuerse and sundrie Hearbes, etc._
See Bibliography of English Herbals, p. 211. Nicolas Monardes was a
Spanish doctor living in Seville and his book was written in 1569 (see
p. 231).
[87] Published in London. See Bibliography, p. 217.