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MEDICA SACRA;
OR, A
COMMENTARY
On the most remarkable
DISEASES,
Mentioned in the
HOLY SCRIPTURES.
By RICHARD MEAD,
Fellow of the Royal Colleges of Physicians at LONDON and EDINBURGH,
and of the Royal Society, and Physician to his Majesty.
Translated from the Latin, Under the AUTHOR's Inspection, By THOMAS
STACK, M.D.F.R.S.
LONDON:
Printed for J. BRINDLEY, late Bookseller to his Royal Highness the
Prince of WALES, in New Bond-street. M DCCLV.
THE CONTENTS.
_Memoirs of the life and writings of the learned author_
_The preface_
I. _The disease of_ Job page 1
II. _The leprosy_ 13
III. _The disease of king_ Saul 28
IV. _The disease of king_ Joram; Jehoram 34
V. _The disease of king_ Ezekias; Hezekiah 36
VI. _The disease of old age_ 38
VII. _The disease of king_ Nebuchadnezzar 57
VIII. _The paralysy, palsy_ 62
IX. _Of demoniacs_ 73
X. _Of lunatics_ 93
XI. _The issue of blood in a woman_ 103
XII. _Weakness of the back, with a rigidity of the spine back bone_ 104
XIII. _The bloody sweat of_ Christ 106
XIV. _The disease of_ Judas 108
XV. _The disease of king_ Herod 113
[Greek: Panta dochimazete to kalon katechete]
_D. Paul. 1 Ep. ad Thessal. v. 21._
_Prove all things; hold fast that which is good._
BOOKS wrote by the late learned Dr. MEAD, and sold by J. BRINDLEY,
Bookseller, in _New Bond Street_.
ENGLISH PIECES, _viz._
I. A Mechanical Account of Poisons in several Essays, 4th Edition.
Price 5s. 1747
II. A Discourse on the Plague, 9th Edit. Price 4s. 1744
III. ---- on the Small Pox and Measles; to which is annexed, a
Treatise on the same Disease by the celebrated Arab. Phys. _Abubeker
Rhazes_. Price 4s.
IV. ---- on the Scurvy; to which is annexed, An historical Account of
a new Method for extracting the foul Air out of Ships, &c. with the
Description and Draught of the Machines by which it is performed: In
two Letters to a friend. By _Samuel Sutton_, the Inventor. Price 3s 6d
1749
V. ---- on the Influence of the Sun and Moon upon human Bodies, and
the Diseases thereby produced. 4s 1748
VI. Medical Precepts and Cautions. Price 5s. 1751
VII. A Commentary on the Diseases mentioned in the Holy Scriptures.
Price 4s. 1755
_The above seven Discourses are all translated under the Author's
Inspection, by Dr. STACK, M.D.F.R.S._
LATIN PIECES, _viz._
VIII. De Variolis & Morbillis Liber, huic accessit _Rhazes_ Medici
inter Arabas celeberrimi, de iisdem Morbis Commentarius. Price 4s.
1747
IX. De Imperio Solis ac Lunæ in Corpora Humana, & Morbis inde
Oriundis, Editio Altera, Auctior. & Emendatior. Price 4s. 1746
X. Medica Sacra; sive de Morbis Insignioribus qui in Bibliis
memorantur Commentarius. Price 3s 6d 1749
XI. Monita & Precepta Medica. Price 4s 6d 1751
_N. B._ The above are to be had either in Sets, uniformly bound, or
separate.
MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE and WRITINGS Of the Late Dr. MEAD.
It is a natural, nor can it be deemed an illaudable curiosity to be
desirous of being informed of whatever relates to those who have
eminently distinguished themselves for sagacity, parts, learning, or
what else may have exalted their characters, and thereby entitled them
to a degree of respect superior to the rest of their cotemporaries.
The transmission of such particulars, has ever been thought no more
than discharging a debt due to posterity; wherefore it is hoped, that
what is here intended to be offered to the publick, relative to a
gentleman, who is universally allowed to have merited so largely in
the republic of letters, and more particularly in his own profession,
a profession, not less useful than respectable, will not be judged
impertinent or disagreeable.
Our learned author was descended from a distinguished family in
Buckinghamshire, and born at Stepney the second of August 1673. His
father, Mr. Matthew Mead, was held in great esteem as a divine among
the presbyterians, and was possessed, during their usurped power, of
the living of Stepney; from whence he was ejected the second year
after the restoration of king Charles the IId. Nevertheless, tho' he
had fifteen children, of whom our Richard was the seventh, he found
means, with a moderate fortune, to give them a compleat education. To
this purpose he kept a tutor in his house to instruct them, and they
were taught latin rather by practice than by rules.
Party-rage perhaps never run higher than about the latter end of
Charles the IId's reign; hereby this little domestic academy was
dispersed in 1683. The king, or rather his ministers, were determined
to be revenged on those, whom they could not prevail on to concur with
their measures. Mr. Mead (the father) was accused of being concerned
in some designs against the court; wherefore being conscious that even
his being a presbyterian, rendered him obnoxious to those in power, he
chose rather to consult his security by a retreat, then to rely upon
his innocence; to this purpose he sought and found that repose in
Holland, which was denied him in his own country; having first placed
his son Richard at a school, under the tuition of an able master of
his own principles: under whose care our young gentleman, by a ready
genius, strong memory, and close application, made a great
proficiency. At seventeen years of age he was sent to Utrecht, to be
further instructed in liberal knowledge, by the celebrated Grævius,
with whom he continued three years.
Having determined to devote his attention to medicine, he removed
from Utrecht to Leyden, where he attended Dr. Herman's botanical
lectures, and was initiated into the theory and practice of physick,
by the truely eminent Dr. Pitcairn, who then held the professorial
chair of this science in that university: here our young student's
assiduity and discernment, so effectually recommended him to the
professor, who was not very communicative of his instructions out of
the college, that he established a lasting correspondence with him,
and received several observations from him, which he inserted in one
of his subsequent productions.
His academical studies being finished, Mr. Mead sought further
accomplishments in Italy, whither he was accompanied by his elder
brother,[1] Mr. Polhill, and Dr. Thomas Pellet, afterwards president
of the college of physicians.
[1] Mr. Nathaniel Mead, who was at first destined to the
service of religion, and preach'd two or three times at the
meeting house at Stepney, built by his father, after his
ejection from the parish church: but taking a dislike to
theological studies, he applied himself to the law, and made
as great a figure at the bar, as his brother did in physick.
In the course of this tour, Mr. Mead commenced doctor in philosophy
and medicine at Padua, the twenty-sixth of August 1695, and afterwards
spent some time at Naples and Rome: how advantageous to himself, as
well as how useful to mankind he rendered his travels, his works bear
ample testimony.
About the middle of the year 1696, he returned home, and settled at
Stepney, in the neighbourhood where he was born: the success, he met
with in his practice here, established his reputation, and was a happy
presage of his future fortunes. If it be remembered, that our author
was, when he began to practise, no more than twenty-three years old,
that only three years, including the time taken up in his travels,
were appropriated to his medical attainments, it may be, not
unreasonably, admitted, that nothing but very uncommon talents, join'd
to an extraordinary assiduity, could have enabled him to distinguish
himself, at this early a period of life, in so extensive, and so
important a science.
In 1702, Dr. Mead exhibited to the public, a manifest evidence of his
capacity for, as well as application to medical researches, in his
_mechanical account of poisons_; which he informs us was begun some
years before he had leisure to publish it. These subjects, our author
justly observes, had been treated hitherto very obscurely, to place
therefore the surprizing phoenomena, arising from these active bodies
in a more intelligible light, was his professed intention; how well he
succeeded, the reception this piece universally met with, even from
its first publication,[2] sufficiently declares. In 1708 he gave a new
edition of it, with some few additions, the principal of which
consists in some strictures on the external use of mercury in raising
salivations. He has considerably further explained his sentiments upon
the same head, in the edition of this work printed in 1747.
[2] An abstract of this work was thought deserving a place in
the philosophical transactions (Nº 283) for the months of
January and February 1703.
This last edition has received so many additions and alterations, as
might almost entitle it to the character of a new performance.----A
stiffness of opinion has been but too commonly observed, especially
among writers on science; and age has been seldom found to have worn
out this pertinacity: a favourite hypothesis has been defended even in
opposition to the most obvious experiments, with a degree of obstinacy
ever incompatible with the real interests of truth. On the contrary,
our ingenious author has set before his literary successors, an
example of sagacity and fortitude, truely worthy of imitation, in the
victory he obtained over these self-sufficient pre-possessions; length
of years was so far from rivetting in him an inflexibility of
sentiment, that, joined to a most extended experience, it served only
to teach him, that he had been mistaken: his candid retraction of
what he thought to have been advanced amiss by himself, cannot be
better expressed than in his own words. "Neither have I, says he,[3]
been ashamed on some occasions, (as the Latins said) _cædere vineta
mea_, to retrench or alter whatever I judged to be wrong. _Dies diem
docet._ I think truth never comes so well recommended, as from one who
owns his error: and it is allowed that our first master never shewed
more wisdom and greatness of mind, then in confessing his mistake, in
taking a fracture of a skull, for the natural suture;[4] and the
compliment, which Celsus[5] makes to him on this occasion, is very
remarkable and just;" nor is it less applicable to Dr. Mead at present
than it was to the Coan sage in his day. "_More scilicet_, inquit,
_magnorum virorum, & fiduciam magnarum rerum habentium. Nam levia
ingenia, quia nihil habent, nihil sibi detrahunt: magno ingenio,
multaque nihilominus habituro, convenit etiam simplex veri erroris
confessio; præcipueque in eo ministerio, quod utilitatis causâ
posteris traditur._"
[3] Advertisement prefixed to the last edition of the essay
on poisons, p. 4.
[4] Epidem. lib. iv. § 14.
[5] Medicin. lib. viii. c. 4.
The insertion of additions and improvements in the title of new
editions of books, has been too generally, though sometimes justly,
understood as little else than a contrivance of the bookseller, to
animate a languishing sale; but this is far from being the case in
respect to the works of our author, whose maturer sentiments on many
of the subjects, he had before treated of, cannot be well
comprehended, unless by a careful perusal of his later corrections,
seeing the alterations he has thought fit thereby to make in his
earlier productions, are not less necessary to be attended to by the
prudent practitioner, than they are really interesting to the unhappy
patient: the truth of which cannot be more manifestly evinced, than by
his last publication of his essays on poisons; wherein he entirely
subverts his former hypothesis, and builds his reasonings upon a new
foundation; he also tacitly admits his former experiments to have been
too precipitately made, and the conclusions deduced from them, to have
been too hastily drawn.
To illustrate what has been advanced upon this head, it will not be
improper to observe, that when Dr. Mead first wrote these essays, he
was of opinion, "That the effect of poisons, especially those of
venemous animals, might be accounted for, by their affecting the blood
only: but the consideration of the suddenness of their mischief, too
quick to be brought about in the course of the circulation, (for the
bite of a rattle snake killed a dog in less than a quarter of an
hour)[6] together with the nature of the symptoms entirely nervous,
induced him to change his sentiments,[7]" and to conclude, that the
poison must be conveyed by a medium of much greater quickness, which
could be no other than the animal spirits.
[6] Philosophical transactions Nº 399.
[7] Introduction to the last edition of the essays on
poisons, page 12.
From hence our author is led to prefix to the last edition of this
performance, an inquiry into the existence and nature of this
imperceptible fluid, with which we have been but very imperfectly
acquainted. He has also added several new experiments, tending to
confirm this theory, and explain the properties of the viperine venom,
particularly by venturing to _taste_ it; at the same time he has
likewise contradicted some of those he had formerly made, whereby he
had been induced to believe, this poison partook of a degree of
acidity: for instance, he formerly asserted that he had seen this
sanies, "as an acid, turn the blue tincture of _heliotropium_, to a
red colour;[8]" whereas his more modern trials convinced him, it
produced no alteration at all.
[8] Second edition of those essays, page 10.
The essays on the _tarantula_ and _mad dog_, are likewise considerably
enlarged in the last impression; especially the latter, in which is
now comprehended a regular and elegant history of the symptoms
attending the bite of this enraged animal, the reason of the
consequent _hydrophobia_, and more extensive directions for the cure:
also an accurate description of the _lichen cinereus terrestris_, its
efficacy, and manner of acting. A composition of equal parts of this
plant and black pepper, was inserted, at our author's desire, into the
London dispensatory, in the year 1721, under the title of _pulvis
antilyssus_, which he afterwards altered by using two parts of the
former, and only one of the latter, as it now stands: in 1735 he also
recommended the use of this medicine in a loose sheet, intitled, _a
certain cure for the bite of a mad dog_.
In treating of poisonous minerals, exclusive of what is added
concerning mercurial unctions, our author has given a new analysis of
the antient and modern _arsenic_; and his essay on deliterious plants,
has afforded him an opportunity of enquiring into the _cicuta_, so
much in use of old for killing, especially at Athens, and which is
said to have been administered to _Socrates_ in consequence of his
condemnation. To this he has likewise subjoin'd an appendix,
concerning the mischievous effects of the simple water distilled from
the _lauro-cerasus_, or common laurel, which were first observed some
years since in _Ireland_, where, for the sake of its flavour, it was
frequently mixed with brandy.--His observations upon venemous
exhalations, are not less extended, nor ought the, as well useful as
ornamental, plates added to this last edition, to pass unnoticed,
particularly, "The anatomical description of the parts in a viper,
and in a rattlesnake, which are concerned in their poison," by our
great anatomist the learned and ingenious Dr. Nichols.
In 1703 Dr. _Mead_ communicated to the royal society, a letter
published in Italy in 1687 (a copy of which he met with in the course
of his travels) from Dr. Bonomo to Seignor Redi, containing some
observations concerning the worms of human bodies;[9] whereby it is
intended to prove, that the disease, we call the itch, proceeds merely
from the biting of these animalcules: this opinion is espoused by our
author in one of his latest performances,[10] wherein therefore he
directs only _topical_ applications for the cure of this troublesome
disease.
[9] An abstract of part of this letter was inserted in the
before-cited number of the philosophical transactions. Vid.
supra p. 10.
[10] Monita & præcepta medica, p. 211, &c.
The proofs our young physician had already given of literary merit,
recommended him soon after the above-mentioned communication, to a
seat among that learned body; in the same year he was also elected one
of the physicians of St. Thomas's hospital, and was employed by the
surgeons company to read anatomical lectures at their hall, which he
continued to do for some years.
In 1704 appeared his treatise _de imperio solis ac lunæ in corpora
humana, & morbis inde oriundis_. At this time the Newtonian system of
philosophy, from whence our author had chiefly deduced his reasonings
upon this abstruse subject, were neither thoroughly understood, nor
universally received: nevertheless whatever cavils were raised
against his hypothesis, it was generally admitted, that his
observations had their uses in practice.
The doctor thought proper to revise this juvenile production, and to
give a new edition of it in 1748; when he not only altered the
disposition of some of the _old_, but also introduced more than a
little _new_ matter into that work: particularly he has placed some
mathematical points in a clearer light, than they before appeared; he
has entered into the discussion of "a difficult question, which has
raised great contention among philosophers: viz. whereas water is more
than eight hundred times heavier than air, how does it happen, that
the latter when replete with watery vapours, depresses the mercury in
the barometer; so that its fall is an indication of rain?[11]" he has
also enquired into "the weight of the atmosphere on a human body, and
its different pressure at different times;[12]" and he has illustrated
and confirmed the medicinal part by several additional observations
and cases, that promise real utility to the practice of physic. To the
whole is now first adjoined a corollary tending to strengthen his
reasonings upon the subject, by observations of the effects of storms
on the human body; wherein, from the case of a lady who was seized in
an instant with a _gutta serena_, (that rendered her totally blind) on
the night of the great storm which happened in 1703, he is led to give
a distinct account of the cause and cure of that melancholly
distemper. This work is also remarkably distinguished by many curious
observations our author received from his ingenious preceptor in the
art of healing, Dr. _Pitcairne_.
[11] Stack's translation of the influence of the sun and
moon, p. 21.
[12] Ibid. p. 30.
Our author's distinguished genius for, and sedulous attention to the
interests of his profession, procured him an acquisition of farther
honours, as well as recommended him to the patronage of the most
eminent of the faculty: in 1707 his _Paduan diploma_ for doctor of
physick, was confirmed by the university of Oxford; in 1716 he was
elected fellow of the college of physicians, and served all the
offices of that learned body, except that of president, which he
declined when offered to him in 1744. Radcliff, the most followed
physician of his day, in a particular manner espoused Dr. Mead, and in
1714, upon the death of the former, the latter succeeded him in his
house, and the greater part of his practice; some years before which,
he had quitted Stepney, and had resided in Austin Fryars.
Party-principles were far from influencing his attachments; though he
was himself a zealous whig, he was equally the intimate of _Garth_,
_Arbuthnot_, and _Friend_: his connections, more especially, with the
latter, are manifested not only in their mutual writings, (of which,
more hereafter) but in that when Dr. _Friend_ was committed a prisoner
to the Tower in 1723, upon a suggestion of his being concerned in the
practices of Bishop _Atterbury_ against the government, Dr. _Mead_
became one of his securities to procure his enlargement.
In 1719, an epidemic fever made great ravages at Marseilles; and tho'
the French physicians were very unwilling to admit, this disease to
have been of foreign extraction or contagious; yet our government
wisely thought it necessary, to consider of such measures as might be
the most likely to prevent our being visited by so dangerous a
neighbour; or in failure thereof, to put an early stop to the progress
of the infection. Dr. _Mead_, whose deserved reputation may not
unjustly be said to have merited that mark of distinction, was
consulted on these critical and important points, by command of their
excellencies, the lords justices of the kingdom, in his majesty's
absence: how equal he was to this momentous talk, sufficiently appears
from the discourse he published on that occasion: the approbation this
performance met with, may be estimated from the reception it
universally found; seven impressions were sold of it in the space of
one year, and in the beginning of 1722, the author gave an eighth, to
which he prefixed a long preface, particularly calculated to refute
what had been advanced in _France_, concerning the absence of
contagion in the malady that had afflicted them: he also now added a
more distinct description of the plague, and its causes; and confirmed
the utility of the measures he had recommended, for preventing its
extension, from examples of good success, where the same had been put
in practice: to these he has likewise annexed, a short chapter
relating to the cure of this deplorable affliction.--In 1744, this
work was carried to a ninth edition, wherein, to use the doctor's own
expression, he has "here and there added some new _strokes_ of
reasoning, and, as the painters say, retouched the _ornaments_, and
heightened the _colouring_ of the _piece_." Here it may not be
improper to take notice, that it is in this last impression of his
_discourse on the plague_, that our author appears to have first
adopted his theory of the properties and affections of the _nervous
fluid_, or _animal spirits_, upon which he has also founded his latter
reasonings on the subject of poisons, as well as in respect to the
influence of the sun and moon on human bodies.
In 1723, Dr. _Mead_ was appointed to speak the anniversary Harveian
oration, before the members of the college of physicians, when, ever
studious of the honour of his profession, he applied himself to wipe
off the obloquy, thought to be reflected upon it, by those who
maintained the _practice_ of _physic_ at _Rome_, to have been
confined to _slaves_ or _freed-men_, and not deemed worthy the
attention of an _old Roman_: which oration was made publick in 1724,
and to it was annexed, _a dissertation upon some coins, struck by the_
Smyrnæans, _in honour of physicians_.[13]
[13] Dissertatio de nummis quibusdam, a _Smyrnæis_, in
medicorum honorem, percussis.
This publication was smartly attacked by Dr. _Conyers Middleton_ in
1726,[14] who was replied to by several, and particularly, as it is
said, by Dr. _John Ward_, professor of _rhetoric_ in _Gresham
College_. This gentleman was supposed by his opponent, to have been
employed by Dr. _Mead_, who did not chuse to enter personally, into
this little-important debate; upon which presumption, Dr. _Middleton_
published a defence of his former dissertation in the succeeding
year;[15] wherein he treats his respondents with no little
contempt.[16] The merits of this dispute are not intended to be here
discussed, but it may not be amiss to observe, that however
displeased Dr. _Middleton_ may have been with his antagonists; in a
work published several years after, he speaks of our author in the
most respectful manner. In treating of an antique picture, he says, he
believes it to be the first, and only one of the sort ever brought to
_England_, "_donec_ Meadius _noster, artis medicæ decus, qui vita
revera nobilis, vel principibus in republica viris, exemplum præbet,
pro eo, quo omnibus fere præstat artium veterum amore, alias postea
quasdam, & splendidiores, opinor, Roma quoque deportandas
curavit_."[17]
[14] In a piece entitled, _De medicorum apud veteres_ Romanos
_degentium conditione dissertatio; contra viros celeberrimos_
Jac. Sponium & Rich. Meadium, M.D.D. _Servilem atque
ignobilem eam fuisse ostenditur_, published in the fourth
volume of his works, p. 179.
[15] Dissertationis, &c. contra _anonymos_ quosdam _notarum
brevium, responsionis_ atque _animadversionis_ auctores,
desensio, ibid. p. 207.
[16] Speaking of the answer ascribed to Dr. _Ward_, Dr.
_Middleton_ says, _quamvis enim nomen suum celavisset, sensi
tamen hominem e_ rhetorum turba _conductum esse oportere; cui
scilicet generi concessum novimus, omnia_ tragice ornare,
augere, ementiri: _is mihi solum scrupulus restabat, quod in
ejus quidem sermone, nihil plane, quod_ rhetorem oleret,
_nihil venustatis, nihil ornatùs, sed inculta potiùs omnia
nec satis latina invenirem_.
_Hujusmodi itaque scriptorem, haud magis quam alterum illum
(cui neutiquam sane eum anteserendam censeo) cogitatione ulla
mea aut animadversione dignum judicassem; ni hanc potissimum
hominem a_ clarissimo Meadio _ad hoc_ respondendi munus
_delectum; librumque ipsum_ ejusdem cura & sumptibus _in
lucem emissam; amicisque suis_ manu propria inscriptum & dono
a Meadio ipso missum _intellixissem_.
[17] Germana quædam antiquitatis erudita monumenta, &c. first
published in 1745, and inserted in the before-cited volume of
his works, p. 2.
In respect to this controversy, our author's _eulogist_[18] takes
notice that there is reason to believe, that Dr. _Mead_ himself had
some thoughts of more determinately explaining or confirming his
sentiments upon this subject, in a work which he left unfinished, and
which was designed to have been intitled, _medicina vetus collectitia
ex auctoribus antiquis non medicis_.
[18] The ingenious Dr. _Maty_, who in his _journal
britannique_ (a work not less useful than entertaining) for
the months of _July_ and _August_ 1754, has inserted a piece,
which he titles, _eloge du docteur Richard Mead_, composed,
as himself takes notice, from materials communicated to him
by Mr. _Birch_; to which piece these memoirs are obliged for
some anecdotes relating to our learned author.
However, this literary altercation, did not in the least affect our
author's medical reputation, for in 1727, soon after his present
Majesty's accession to the throne, whom he had the honour to serve in
the same capacity while prince of _Wales_, he was appointed one of the
royal physicians, and he had the happiness to see his two
sons-in-law, Dr. _Willmot_ and Dr. _Nichols_, his co-adjutors in that
eminent station.
After having spent near fifty years in the constant hurry of an
extensive and successful practice; after having lived (truely
according to his own motto, _non sibi sed toti_) beyond that period
assigned by the royal psalmist for the general term of mortality; when
the infirmities of age would no longer permit him the free exercise of
those faculties, which he had hitherto so advantageously employed in
the service of the community, far from sinking into a supine
indolence, or assuming a supercilious disregard of the world, he still
continued his application, even in the decline of life, to the
improvement of physic, and the benefit of mankind.
When he was grown unequal to the discharge of more active functions,
and a retirement was become absolutely necessary, he took the
opportunity of revising all his former writings: to this retreat
therefore, and the happy protraction of so useful a life, the world is
indebted for the improvements that appear in the latter editions of
those works, which have already been taken notice of. It was not till
now that our author could find leisure to perfect his _discourse on
the small pox and measles_,[19] which had been begun by him many years
before.
[19] _De variolis & morbillis 1747._
As it was the principal design of these _memoirs_, to lay before the
public a concise and comprehensive history of Dr. _Mead_'s writings,
the occasion of this universally admired performance, cannot be better
given than from the author's own account, contained in the preface to
it, in which also his connections with, and attachment to Dr.
_Friend_, are further illustrated.
It appears that Dr. _Mead_, from having observed in the year 1708,
that some of his patients in St. _Thomas's Hospital_, recovered from a
very malignant sort of the small pox, even beyond expectation, by a
looseness seizing them on the ninth or tenth day of the disease, and
sometimes earlier, first took the hint to try what might be done by
opening the body with a gentle purge, on the decline of the distemper;
finding the success of this experiment in a great measure answerable
to his wishes, he communicated this method of practice to Dr.
_Friend_, and met with his approbation.
The latter being, soon after, called to a consultation with two other
eminent physicians, on the case of a young nobleman who lay
dangerously ill of the small pox, proposed our author's method; this
was opposed till the fourteenth day from the eruption, when the case
appearing desperate, they consented to give him a gentle laxative
draught; which had a very good effect: Dr. _Friend_ was of opinion to
repeat it, but was over-ruled, and the patient died the seventh day
after.[20]
[20] Friendi opera, p. 263.
From the result of this case, the gentlemen of the faculty were
greatly divided in opinion, as to the rectitude of this practice,
insomuch that Dr. _Friend_ thought himself under a necessity of
vindicating it; and therefore sent to our author for the purport of
their former conversation upon this topic, desiring it might be
reduced into writing. Such was the friendship that mutually subsisted
between these learned men, that this request was granted without
hesitation, and Dr. _Mead_'s letter was shewn to Dr. _Radcliffe_, who
prevailed upon our author to consent, that the same might be annexed
to Dr. _Friend_'s intended _defence_; which, however he was advised by
some friends, to drop at that time; whereby this letter lay by till
the latter's publication of _the first and third books of
Hippocrates's epidemics_, illustrated with _nine commentaries
concerning fevers_. Of these the _seventh_ treats of _purging in the
putrid fever, which follows upon the confluent small pox_: to which
are annexed, in support of this opinion, letters from four physicians
on that subject, and among them that from our author, which he had
translated from the english into latin, enlarged and new modelled to
serve this purpose.
This work gave rise to a controversy, maintained with an unbecoming
warmth on both sides: among Dr. _Friend_'s principal opponents, may be
reckoned Dr. _Woodward_; who, not contented with condemning a
practice, experience has since evinced not only salutary in general,
but in many cases absolutely necessary; likewise treated its favourers
with contempt and ill-manners, and more particularly our author;[21]
whose resentment upon this occasion, appears to have been carried to a
justly exceptionable length, seeing it had not subsided twenty years
after the death of his antagonist.[22]
[21] The state of physic, by _John Woodward_, M.D. printed in
1718.
[22] "In the front of this band stood forth Dr. _John
Woodward_, physic professor at _Gresham College_, a man
equally ill-bred, vain, and ill-natured; who, after being for
some time apprentice to a linnen-draper, took it into his
head to make a collection of shells and fossils, in order to
pass upon the world for a philosopher; thence getting
admission into a physician's family, at length, by dint of
interest, obtained a doctor's degree." Preface to the
discourse on the small pox, &c. p. 8, &c.
Dr. _Mead_'s daily acquisition of knowledge and experience, enabled
him to enlarge to many beneficial purposes, this performance, which,
in all probability, was at first designed only to illustrate and
vindicate the sentiments contained in the aforementioned letter; and
it is but justice to say, the applause it has found among the learned,
as well for the elegance of its diction, as the perspicuity of its
precepts, is no more than what is truely due to it.----To this
discourse is subjoin'd a latin translation, from the arabic of
_Rhazes_'s treatise on the _small pox_ and _measles_, a copy of the
original having been obtained for this purpose by Dr. _Mead_, from the
celebrated _Boerhaave_, between whom there had long subsisted an
intimate correspondence, nor did their reciprocally differing in some
opinions, diminish the friendship they mutually manifested for each
other.
The year 1749, furnished two new productions from our author; a
translation of one of which follows these memoirs. The other is
entitled, _a discourse on the scurvy_, affixed to Mr. _Sutton_'s
second edition of his _method for extracting the foul air out of
ships_.
It is more than possible that, but, for the patronage of Dr. _Mead_,
this contrivance, which confers no less honour to the inventor, than
utility to the public, might have been for ever stifled: our author,
than whom no one more ardently wished for, or more zealously promoted
the glory and interest of his country, being thoroughly convinced of
its efficacy, so earnestly, and so effectually recommended it to the
lords of the admiralty, as to prevail over the obstinate opposition
that was made against its being put into practice. To the same purpose
in 1742, he explained the nature and conveniencies of this invention
to the royal society,[23] and with the same view he confessedly wrote
the last mentioned discourse, of which he made a present to Mr.
_Sutton_.
[23] In a paper read before the royal society, _Feb._ 11,
1741-2, and published in Mr. _Sutton_'s account, page 41. He
also presented a model of this invention made in copper to
the royal society, which cost him 200l.
His _medical precepts_ and _cautions_, which appeared in 1751, and was
his last publication, affords an indisputable testimony, that length
of years had not in the least impaired his intellectual faculties.
Our author has herein furnished the public, with the principal helps
against most diseases which he had either learned by long practice, or
deduced from rational principles.[24] Who could with the same
propriety take upon himself to be an instructor and legislator in the
medical world, as he who had been taught to distinguish truth from
falsehood, in the course of so extended an experience, protracted now
to almost threescore years? to this may be added, that he has so
contrived to blend the _utile dulci_, by embellishing his precepts
with all the delicacy of polite expression, as to render them at the
same time not less entertaining than instructive.
[24] Preface to the _monita & præcepta medica_, p. 1.
However, this work was productive of two other little pieces, from two
gentlemen of the faculty: one by Dr. _Summers_; who in a pamphlet _on
the success of warm bathing in paralytic cases_, controverts Dr.
_Mead_'s assertion, that "hot bathing is prejudicial to all
paralytics" ... "_calidæ vero immersiones omnibus paralyticis
nocent_[25]."--Some reflections upon the advocates for Mrs.
_Stephens_'s medicines, in the cure of the stone and gravel, by our
author, occasioned a letter to him on that subject by Dr. _Hartley_ of
_Bath_. The former expressed himself in the following manner; "_Neque
temperare mihi possum, quin dicam in opprobrium nuper medicis
nonnullis cessisse, quod insano pretio redimendi anile remedium
magnatibus auctores fuerunt._[26]" ... "Nor can I forbear observing,
tho' I am extremely sorry for the occasion, that some gentlemen of the
faculty a few years since acted a part much beneath their characters,
first in suffering themselves to be imposed on, and then in
encouraging the legislature to purchase an old woman's medicine at an
exorbitant price."[27] Of this the latter complains as an unmerited
indignity, "_Illud interea_ (inquit) _tanquem inopinatum, & ab
æquitate tua alienum queri liceat_, TE, _qui in obvios quoscunque
comis & urbanus esse, bene autem merentibus de re medica, vel etiam
literaria quavis, summa cum benignitate favere soleas, in
lithrontriptici fautores acerbiùs invectum fuisse; & non potius laudi
illis dedisse, quod arcanum sine pretio vulgatum, virorum dignitate,
fide, ingenio, artis nostræ peritiâ illustrium examini subjecerent,
neque aliam viam ad præmium reportandum aperiri voluerint, quam quæ,
veris licèt rerum inventoribus facilis & munita, jactatoribus tamen &
falsiloquis esset impervia.[28]_" ... In the mean while, I cannot but
complain of it as a thing unexpected, and greatly inconsistent with
your usual candour, that YOU, who are so courteous and humane to all
mankind, and so remarkably the patron of those who excel in the
profession of physic, or indeed in any branch of learning, should so
severely reproach the favourers of this lithontriptic medicine; and
not rather have commended them, for submitting a secret, communicated
to them without fee or reward, to the examination of some worthy
physicians, eminent for integrity, ingenuity, and learning: and for
endeavouring to excite the munificence of the publick in such a manner
only, as to render it accessible to the true authors of an important
discovery, but impervious to boasting impostors.
[25] Monita & præcepta, p. 62, and _Stack_'s translation of
the same, p. 69.
[26] Our author's disapprobation of this medicine and its
favourers, is no less severely express in his treatise
concerning the _influence of the sun and moon upon human
bodies_, p. 100.
[27] Monita, &c. medica, and _Stack_'s translation, p. 174
and 197.
[28] Ad virum clarissimum _Ric. Mead_, M.D. Epistolæ, varias
lithontripticum, _Joannæ Stephens_ exhibendi methodos
indicans. Auctore _Davide Hartley_, A.M. p. 3.
In enumerating the obligations the republic of letters is under to Dr.
_Mead_, it would be injustice to omit taking notice, that to his
generosity and public spirit, it is farther indebted for the first
complete edition of the celebrated history of _Thuanus_.[29]
[29] Published in seven volumes folio 1733, by _Samuel
Buckley_, under the sanction of an act of parliament.
To enlarge upon his literary collections, and other curiosities, would
at present be useless, seeing the world will soon be apprized of
their value and contents from the catalogues that are already, and are
yet about to be published of them; it may therefore suffice to say,
that he did not shew more assiduity and judgment in collecting them,
than he did candour and generosity in permitting the use of them to
all that were competent judges, or that could benefit themselves, or
the public by them.
It may, perhaps not unjustly, be said no Subject in _Europe_ had a
cabinet so richly and so judiciously filled; to which the
correspondence he maintained with the learned in all parts of
_Europe_, not a little contributed; nor can there be an higher
instance given of his reputation in this respect, than in the king of
_Naples_ having sent him the two first volumes of M. _Bajurdi_'s
account of the antiquities found in _Herculaneum_, with the
additional compliment of asking in return, _only_, a compleat
collection of our author's works, to which was adjoined, an invitation
to visit that newly discovered subterraneous city: an invitation that
could not but be greatly pleasing to a genius so inquisitive after
knowledge, and which he declared, he should very gladly have embraced,
had not his advanced years been an insuperable impediment, to the
gratification of his curiosity. In short, his character abroad was so
well known and established, that a foreigner of any taste, would have
thought it a reproach to him, to have been in _England_ without seeing
Dr. _Mead_.
As his knowledge was not limited only to his profession, the deserving
in all sciences had not only free access to him, but always found a
welcome reception, and at his table might daily be seen together the
naturalist, the antiquarian, the mathematician, and the mechanic, with
all whom he was capable of conversing in their respective terms; here
might be seen united the magnificence of a prince, with the pleasures
of the wise.
His munificence was conspicuous in that there was no remarkable
publick charity to which he was not a benefactor, particularly he was
one of the earliest promoters of, and subscribers to the _Foundling
hospital_.
Let these specimens of his superior abilities and merit suffice for
the present, nor let envy or detraction attempt to sully so exalted a
character.--Soon after the publication of his _monita & præcepta
medica_, this ornament of his profession, and delight of his
acquaintance, grew more and more sensible of the natural infirmities
attending his length of years; and with the utmost tranquillity and
resignation, quietly sunk into the arms of death on the 16th of
_February_ 1754. To whom may, with the greatest propriety, be applied
a part of the epitaph inscribed to the memory of the celebrated
_Guicciardini_, at _Florence_;
_Cujus_ Otium _an_ Negotium
_Gloriosius incertum:_
_Nisi_ Otii _Lumen_ Negotii _Famam_
_Clariorem reddidisset_.
The END.
THE PREFACE.
My declining years having in a great measure released me from those
medical fatigues, in which, for the publick good, (at least as I hope)
I have been employed about fifty years, I have determined to pass the
short remains of life in such a sort of leisure, as may prove neither
disagreeable to myself, nor useless to others. For good men are of
opinion, that we must give an account even of our idle hours, and
therefore thought it necessary, that they should be always well-spent.
Having from my earliest childhood entertained a strong passion for
learning, after I had chosen the art of medicine for my profession, I
still never intermitted my literary studies; to which I had recourse
from time to time, as to refreshments strengthening me in my daily
labours, and charming my cares. Thus, among other subjects, I
frequently read the holy scriptures, as becomes a christian; and next
to those things which regard eternal life, and the doctrine of
morality, I usually gave particular attention to the histories of
diseases, and the various ailments therein recorded; comparing those
with what I had learnt either from medical writers or my own
experience. And this I did the more willingly, because I had remarked
that divines, thro' an unacquaintance with medicinal knowledge,
frequently differed widely in their sentiments; especially on the
subject of dæmoniacs cured by the power of our saviour Jesus Christ.
For it is the opinion of many, that these were really possessed with
devils, and that his divine virtue shone forth in nothing more
conspicuous than in expelling them. I am very far from having the
least intention to undermine the foundations of the christian
doctrine, or to endeavour, by a perverse interpretation of the sacred
oracles, to despoil the Son of God of his divinity, which he has
demonstrated by so many and great works performed contrary to the
laws of nature. Truth stands no more in need of the patronage of
error, than does a natural good complexion of paint. And it is
certain, that the opinion which has been prevalent for many ages, of
the power granted to devils, of torturing human bodies and minds, has
been several ways made subservient to the subtle designs of crafty
men, to the very great detriment and shame of the christian religion.
What sensible man can avoid justly deriding those solemn ceremonies,
practised by the roman priests, in exorcising, as they are fond of
terming it, dæmoniacs: while proper persons (hired and) taught to
counterfeit certain gestures and fits of fury, such as are believed to
be caused by evil spirits, pretend that they are freed from devils,
and restored to their senses by holy water, and certain prayers, as by
inchantment. But these juggling tricks, how grosly soever they may
impose on the eyes and minds of the ignorant multitude, not only
scandalize, but also do a real injury to, men of greater penetration.
For such, seeing into the cheat, often rush headlong into impiety;
and viewing all sacred things in the same light, after they have
learnt
_Relligionibus atque minis obsistere vatum:_[30]
[30] _Lucret. Lib. i. ver. 110._
they advance farther, and by an abominable effort, endeavour
thoroughly to root out of their minds all sense and fear of the
supreme deity. In which proceeding they act as if a person doubted of
the existence of the _Indies_, because travellers relate many
falshoods and fictions concerning them. Hence it comes to pass, that,
in countries too much given up to superstition, very many atheists are
to be met with even among the learned, whom their learning and
knowledge ought to secure from these errors. Therefore to be free from
this folly, is the principal part of wisdom; next to which, is not to
corrupt truth with fictitious opinions.
And indeed it is frequently to me a matter of wonder, why our
spiritual guides so strenuously insist on exhibiting devils on the
stage, in order to make the divinity of Christ triumph over these
infernal enemies. Is Christ's divine power less manifested by the cure
of the most grievous diseases, performed in an instant at his command;
than by the expulsion of evil spirits out of the bodies of men?
Certainly all the wonderful things done by him for the good of
mankind, such as restoring sight to the blind, firmness and
flexibility to relaxed or contracted nerves, calling the dead to life,
changing the properties of the elements, and others of the same kind,
are testimonies of the omnipotence of the creator of the world, and
demonstrate the presence of God; who alone commands all nature, and
at his pleasure changes and inverts the order of things established by
himself. Wherefore it cannot be doubted, that He, who has perform'd
these things, had the devils subject to him, that they might not
obstruct his gracious resolution of revealing the will of his father
to men, and correcting their depraved morals.
But to resume the subject of dæmoniacs, the opinion, which I propose
in this treatise, is not purely my own, but also of several other
persons, before me, eminent for piety and learning. And indeed among
our own countrymen, it was in the last century defended in an
excellent dissertation, by that treasure of sacred knowledge, the
reverend _Joseph Mead_. Wherefore as I have the honour to be of the
same family with him, and am the son of _Matthew Mead_, a very able
divine, I always thought I might lay some claim to these studies, by a
kind of hereditary right.
I am not insensible of the difficulty of removing vulgar errors,
especially those which relate to religion. For every body knows the
power of education, in imprinting on the mind notions, which are hard
to be effaced even in adult age. Children in the dark, fear ghosts and
hobgoblins; and hence often quake with the same fear through the whole
course of their lives. Why then do we admire, if we can hardly
unlearn, and clear our minds of, some false notions, even when we are
advancing to old age? Nor will this be deemed indeed a matter of
little importance by him, who considers the serious evils, into which
mankind are often led, by things that to some may appear trifling, as
being nothing more than bugbears of children and women. My soul is
seized with horror on recollecting, how many millions of innocent
persons have been condemned to the flames in various nations, since
the birth of Christ, upon the bare suspicion of witchcraft: while the
very judges were perhaps either blinded by vain prejudices, or dreaded
the incensed populace, if they acquitted those, whom the mob had
previously adjudged guilty. Who would believe that any man in his
right senses could boast, as a matter of merit, that he had capitally
condemned about nine hundred persons for witchcraft, in the space of
fifteen years, in the sole dutchy of _Lorraine_?[31] And yet from many
histories, which he relates of those who suffered, it manifestly
appears, that every individual of these criminals, had no compacts
with devils, as they themselves imagined, but were really mad, so as
openly to confess that they had done such feats as are impossible in
the nature of things. But so it happens, that error generally begets
superstition, and superstition cruelty. Wherefore I most heartily
rejoice, that I have lived to see all our laws relating to witchcraft
entirely abolished: whereas foreign states still retain this barbarous
cruelty, and with various degrees of obstinacy in proportion to their
ignorance of natural causes. And it is but too true, that the doctrine
of dæmons is so understood by the vulgar, as if the devil was to be
esteemed a sort of deity; or at least, that, laying the fear of him
aside, no divine worship can well subsist; altho' the apostle has
expresly said; _For this purpose the Son of God was manifested, that
he might destroy the works of the devil_.[32]
[31] See _Nic. Remigii Dæmonolatreia_.
[32] _John. Ep. i. Chap. iii. ver. 8._
And here it may not be improper, once for all, to inform the reader,
that I have generally made use of _Sebastian Castalio_'s version of
the bible, because, upon collating it in many places, I found it to be
not only excellent Latin, but also very accurate, and particularly
well adapted to the sense and meaning of the words in the Hebrew and
Greek.
Nor can I refrain from declaring, that I have not writ these essays
for the profane or vulgar; but for those only who are well versed, or
at least initiated in theological or medical studies: and for this
reason I chose to publish it in Latin; which language has for many
ages past been made use of by learned men; in order to communicate to
each other, whatsoever might seem to them either new, or expressed in
a different manner from the common notions. Wherefore if any person
should intend to publish an English version of this book, I give him
this timely notice, that he will do it, not only against my will; but
likewise in direct opposition to that equitable law, whereby every
man is allowed to dispose of his own property according to his
pleasure.[33]
[33] This declaration seems to have been intended only to
prevent any surreptitious translation of this performance
from appearing, seeing most of the works of our learned
author have heretofore been greatly disgraced by attempts of
that kind. Nevertheless the public may be assured, that Dr.
_Mead_ not only approved, but inspected what is now offered
to them.
But to bring this preface to a conclusion; it is manifest that the
christian religion requires of all its members in a most especial
manner, to practice every act of humanity and benevolence towards each
other. Wherefore the utmost care ought to be taken, that this
beneficent disposition of mind be not corrupted by any means
whatsoever: and nothing contributes more towards bringing on this
corruption, than opinions derogatory from the divine goodness. Upon
this account, as such is the misfortune of our times, that it is not
only allowed, but even by many deemed a commendable action, to oppugn,
and by every method to invalidate, the doctrine and authority of the
christian religion; no interpretations of the histories of miracles
ought to be look'd upon as out of season, provided they appear
neither improbable, nor repugnant to the nature of the facts related.
In fine, it was not my intention to treat of every disease mentioned
in holy writ; but to confine myself more particularly to those, the
nature of which is generally but little known, or at least to such as
I had some peculiar medicine for, or method of cure, to offer to the
public; and to perform this task, in the same order, in which they
occur in those sacred writings: excepting only _Job_'s disease, to
which I have given the first place, on account of the great antiquity
of that book. The Saviour of the world, in order to make his divine
power manifest to mankind, cured many other diseases, both of the body
and mind, besides those which I have mentioned in this work: the
nature and causes of all which diseases, whosoever would intend to
enquire into, must of necessity compile a body of physic, which was
not my present design. But if providence protract my life, I am not
without hopes of laying more of my thoughts on this subject before the
public, for the honour which I bear to my profession, unless
_Frigidus obstiterit circum præcordia sanguis._
In the mean time, whatever be the fate of these essays with my
readers, I shall rest satisfied from a consciousness of the rectitude
of my intention, in having thus employ'd some of my hours of leisure.
A COMMENTARY ON THE DISEASES Mentioned in Scripture.
CHAPTER I.
_The Disease of Job._
Job's disease is rendered remarkable by some uncommon circumstances
and consequences; such as the dignity of the man, the sudden change of
his condition, his extraordinary adversity, his incredible patience
under them, his restoration to a much happier state than he had ever
before enjoyed, and lastly the singular nature of the illness with
which he was seized.
His habitation was in the land of _Uz_, which, according to the
learned _Friderick Spanheim_,[34] was situated in the northern part of
_Arabia deserta_, towards the _Euphrates_ and _Mesopotamia_. He was a
very illustrious man, the most opulent of all the Orientals, very
happy in sons and daughters, of a most upright life and exemplary
piety. Now it is related that God, in order to try his integrity and
constancy, permitted Satan to afflict him by all means which he could
devise, except the taking away of his life. "In pursuance of this
permission, Satan brought the most dreadful calamities on him; for all
his oxen and asses were driven away by the Sabeans; his sheep and
servants were consumed by fire from heaven; his camels were carried
off; his sons and daughters were crush'd to death by the falling in of
the house upon them in a violent storm of wind; and soon after he
himself was afflicted with scabs and foul ulcers all over his body; so
that he sate down among the ashes, and scraped himself with a
potsherd." Thus from a very rich man he became extremely poor, and
from the heighth of prosperity he sunk into the depth of misery. And
yet all these evils did not give the least shock to his firmness of
mind, nor to his piety towards God:[35] wherefore the Lord, moved by
his prayers, put an end to all his calamities; gave him twice as much
wealth as he had lost, and made him more prosperous than he had ever
been before.[36]
[34] _Histor. Jobi, Cap. iv._
[35] _See Job Chap. i and ii._
[36] _The same, Chap. xiii._
Now the book of Job may justly be esteemed the most ancient of all
books, of which we have any certain account: for some are of opinion
that it was written in the times of the patriarchs; many others, that
it was composed about the days of Moses, and even by Moses himself;
and there are but few who think it posterior to him.[37] For my part,
I embrace the learned Lightfoot's opinion, that it was composed by
Elihu, one of Job's companions, chiefly because he therein speaks of
himself as of the writer of this history,[38] and if so, it will
appear to be older than the days of Moses. However this be, it is most
certain that this book carries with it manifest tokens of very great
antiquity; the most material of which seem to be these. In it there is
not the least mention made of the departure of the Israelites out of
Egypt, of Moses, or the Mosaic Law. After the manner of the
Patriarchs, Job, as the head of his family, offered sacrifices in his
own private house, for the sins of his children.[39] When he declares
his integrity he scarcely mentions any other Idolatry, but that most
ancient one, the worship of the sun and moon,[40] which we know to be
very old, and to have first obtained among the neighbouring Chaldeans,
and Phoenicians. In fine his own age, protracted far beyond the life of
man in Moses's time, is a proof of its antiquity, for he lived a
hundred and forty years after an end had been put to his calamities;
so that it is reasonable to believe that he lived above two hundred
years in all. For that he was aged, when his misfortunes crowded on
him, may be hence inferred, that, altho' his three friends are stiled
old men,[41] yet in his disputes with them, he does not seem to honour
them for their age, as Elihu does. To avoid prolixity, I join with
Spanheim in opinion, that Job's time coincides with the bondage of the
children of Israel in Egypt, so as to be neither posterior to their
quitting that country, nor anterior to their entering it.
[37] _See Spanheim's learned dissertation on this subject in
the book above quoted, Chap. viii. and ix._
[38] _His Works, tom. 1. page 24._
[39] _Job, Chap. i. v. 5._
[40] _The same, Chap. xxxi. v. 26, 27._
[41] _Job Chap. xxxii. v. 6._
But there subsists a dispute of a different nature between very grave
authors, and that is, whether this narrative be a fable or a true
history: If I were allowed to interpose my opinion, I would say, that
it is not a parable invented by [Greek: hypotypôsis], but a dramatic
poem composed upon a true history; and perhaps with this design, that
from the example of this illustrious and upright, yet afflicted and
most miserable man, the people of Israel might learn to bear with
patience, all those evils and hardships, which they were daily
suffering in their Egyptian captivity. That this book is metrical, as
well as _David_'s _Psalms_, the _Proverbs_, _Ecclesiastes_, and
_Solomon_'s _Song_, is generally allowed: and the persons of the drama
are God, Satan, Job and his wife, his three friends, and Elihu.
_Wherefore it is_, says Grotius, _a real fact, but poetically
handled_.[42] Poetry was certainly a very ancient manner of writing,
and poets were wont to embellish true histories in their own way, as
we see in the most ancient among the Greeks and Romans. And among the
Hebrews likewise, long after the time above-mentioned, Ezechiel
comprised the history of the departure out of Egypt in a dramatic
poem; upon which account he is called by Clemens Alexandrinus, _the
poet of Judaic tragedies_.[43] Nor indeed, in my opinion, can there
be found, in this kind of writing, any thing more admirable, and
better adapted to move the passions than this piece; whether we regard
the sublimity and elegance of style, the description of natural
things, or in fine, the propriety of the characters ascribed to all
the persons concerned in it; all which circumstances are of the
greatest moment in a dramatic performance.
[42] _Est ergo res vere gesta, sed poeticè tractata. In
locum._
[43] [Greek: Ho tôn Ioudaikôn tragôdiôn poiêtês.] _Stromat.
book 1. p. 414 of the Oxford Edit. 1715._
... _Quo propius stes
Te capiet magis._
The nearer you behold,
The more it strikes you.
Before I close this chapter, it may not be improper to offer my
conjecture concerning the disease of this illustrious man. But
previous to this, it is proper to remark, that it is not Job himself,
or his friends, but the author of the book that attributes his
calamities to Satan; for this author's intention seems to be, to shew,
by a striking example, that the world is governed by the providence of
Almighty God, and as the holy angels, whose ministry God makes use of
in distributing his bountiful gifts, punctually execute all his
commands; so Satan himself with his agents are under the power of God,
and cannot inflict any evils on mankind without the divine permission.
Thus, _when the Sons of God_ (angels) _came and presented themselves
before the Lord_, it is said that _Satan came also among them_. Now
the word _astare_ to present one's self, as Moses Maimonides[44]
observes, signifies to be prepared to receive Jehovah's commands, but
Satan came of his own accord and mixed with them without any summons.
[44] _More Nevochim, Part. iii. Chap. xxii._
Now as to the disease, it is plain that it was cuticular, and as it is
certain that the bodies of the Hebrews were very liable to foul ulcers
of the skin from time immemorial; upon which account it is, that
learned men are of opinion that they were forbid the eating of swine's
flesh (which, as it affords a gross nourishment, and not easily
perspirable, is very improper food in such constitutions) wherefore by
how much hotter the countries were which they inhabited, such as are
the desarts of Arabia, the more severely these disorders raged. And
authors of other nations, who despised and envied the Jews, say that
it was upon this account that they were driven out of Egypt; lest the
leprosy, a disease common among them, should spread over the
country.[45] But there is another much worse disease, so frequent in
Egypt, that it is said to be endemial there,[46] though it may also be
engendered in this hot country, I mean the Elephantiasis. Perhaps it
was this, which is nearly of the same nature with the leprosy, that
had affected the body of our righteous man: but on this subject we
shall treat more largely in the subsequent chapter.
[45] _Justin. Hist. Lib. xxxvi, C. 2. & Tacit. Hist. Lib. v.
ab initio._
[46] _Lucret. Lib. vi. v. 1112._
_Est Elephas morbus, qui propter flumina Nisi._
_Gignitur Aegypto in media._