25. _Victories of Montrose._--In Scotland, meanwhile, Montrose was

winning victories which amazed the people of the two kingdoms.

Montrose's royalism differed from that of Englishmen of the 17th century

less than from that of their forefathers under Henry VIII. and

Elizabeth. To him the king was the protector of his people against

Presbyterian theocracy, scarcely less offensive to him than the

Inquisition itself, and the feudal oppression of the great nobles.

Little as this ideal corresponded to the Charles of reality, it inspired

in Montrose not merely romantic heroism but a force of leadership which

was sufficient to carry to victory the nobles and gentry, the wild

Highlanders and the experienced professional soldiers who at various

times and places constituted his little armies. His first unsuccessful

enterprise has been mentioned above. It seemed, in the early stages of

his second attempt (August 1644), as if failure were again inevitable,

for the gentry of the northern Lowlands were overawed by the prevailing

party and resented the leadership of a lesser noble, even though he were

the king's lieutenant over all Scotland. Disappointed of support where

he most expected it, Montrose then turned to the Highlands. At Blair

Athol he gathered his first army of Royalist clansmen, and good fortune

gave him also a nucleus of trained troops. A force of disciplined

experienced soldiers (chiefly Irish Macdonalds and commanded by Alastair

of that name) had been sent over from Ireland earlier in the year, and,

after ravaging the glens of their hereditary enemies the Campbells, had

attempted without success, now here, now there, to gather the other

clans in the king's name. Their hand was against every man's, and when

he finally arrived in Badenoch, Alastair Macdonald was glad to protect

himself by submitting to the authority of the king's lieutenant.

There were three hostile armies to be dealt with,

besides--ultimately--the main covenanting army far away in England. The

duke of Argyll, the head of the Campbells, had an army of his own clan

and of Lowland Covenanter levies, Lord Elcho with another Lowland army

lay near Perth, and Lord Balfour of Burleigh was collecting a third

(also composed of Lowlanders) at Aberdeen. Montrose turned upon Elcho

first, and found him at Tippermuir near Perth on the 1st of September

1644. The Royalists were about 3000 strong and entirely foot, only

Montrose himself and two others being mounted, while Elcho had about

7000 of all arms. But Elcho's townsmen found that pike and musket were

clumsy weapons in inexperienced hands, and, like Mackay's regulars at

Killiecrankie fifty years later, they wholly failed to stop the rush of

the Highland swordsmen. Many hundreds were killed in the pursuit, and

Montrose slept in Perth that night, having thus accounted for one of his

enemies. Balfour of Burleigh was to be his next victim, and he started

for Aberdeen on the 4th. As he marched, his Highlanders slipped away to

place their booty in security. But the Macdonald regulars remained with

him, and as he passed along the coast some of the gentry came in, though

the great western clan of the Gordons was at present too far divided in

sentiment to take his part. Lord Lewis Gordon and some Gordon horse were

even in Balfour's army. On the other hand, the earl of Airlie brought in

forty-four horsemen, and Montrose was thus able to constitute two wings

of cavalry on the day of battle. The Covenanters were about 2500 strong

and drawn up on a slope above the How Burn[5] just outside Aberdeen

(September 13, 1644). Montrose, after clearing away the enemy's

skirmishers, drew up his army in front of the opposing line, the foot in

the centre, the forty-four mounted men, with musketeers to support them,

on either flank. The hostile left-wing cavalry charged piecemeal, and

some bodies of troops did not engage at all. On the other wing, however,

Montrose was for a moment hard pressed by a force of the enemy that

attempted to work round to his rear. But he brought over the small band

of mounted men that constituted his right wing cavalry, and also some

musketeers from the centre, and destroyed the assailants, and when the

ill-led left wing of the Covenanters charged again, during the absence

of the cavalry, they were mown down by the close-range volleys of

Macdonald's musketeers. Shortly afterwards the centre of Balfour's army

yielded to pressure and fled in disorder. Aberdeen was sacked by order

of Montrose, whose drummer had been murdered while delivering a message

under a flag of truce to the magistrates.

26. _Inverlochy._--Only Argyll now remained to be dealt with. The

Campbells were fighting men from birth, like Montrose's own men, and had

few townsmen serving with them. Still there were enough of the latter

and of the impedimenta of regular warfare with him to prevent Argyll

from overtaking his agile enemy, and ultimately after a "hide-and-seek"

in the districts of Rothiemurchus, Blair Athol, Banchory and

Strathbogie, Montrose stood to fight at Fyvie Castle, repulsed Argyll's

attack on that place and slipped away again to Rothiemurchus. There he

was joined by Camerons and Macdonalds from all quarters for a grand raid

on the Campbell country; he himself wished to march into the Lowlands,

well knowing that he could not achieve the decision in the Grampians,

but he had to bow, not for the first time nor the last, to local

importunity. The raid was duly executed, and the Campbells' boast, "It's

a far cry to Loch Awe," availed them little. In December and January the

Campbell lands were thoroughly and mercilessly devastated, and Montrose

then retired slowly to Loch Ness, where the bulk of his army as usual

dispersed to store away its plunder. Argyll, with such Highland and

Lowland forces as he could collect after the disaster, followed Montrose

towards Lochaber, while the Seaforths and other northern clans marched

to Loch Ness. Caught between them, Montrose attacked the nearest. The

Royalists crossed the hills into Glen Roy, worked thence along the

northern face of Ben Nevis, and descended like an avalanche upon

Argyll's forces at Inverlochy (February 2, 1645). As usual, the Lowland

regiments gave way at once--Montrose had managed in all this to keep

with him a few cavalry--and it was then the turn of the Campbells.

Argyll escaped in a boat, but his clan, as a fighting force, was

practically annihilated, and Montrose, having won four victories in

these six winter months, rested his men and exultingly promised Charles

that he would come to his assistance with a brave army before the end of

the summer.

27. _Organization of the New Model Army._--To return to the New Model.

Its first necessity was regular pay; its first duty to serve wherever it

might be sent. Of the three armies that had fought at Newbury only one,

Essex's, was in a true sense a general service force, and only one,

Manchester's, was paid with any regularity. Waller's army was no better

paid than Essex's and no more free from local ties than Manchester's. It

was therefore broken up early in April, and only 600 of its infantry

passed into the New Model. Essex's men, on the other hand, wanted but

regular pay and strict officers to make them excellent soldiers, and

their own major-general, Skippon, managed by tact and his personal

popularity to persuade the bulk of the men to rejoin. Manchester's army,

in which Cromwell had been the guiding influence from first to last, was

naturally the backbone of the New Model. Early in April Essex,

Manchester, and Waller resigned their commissions, and such of their

forces as were not embodied in the new army were sent to do local

duties, for minor armies were still maintained, General Poyntz's in the

north midlands, General Massey's in the Severn valley, a large force in

the Eastern Association, General Browne's in Buckinghamshire, &c.,

besides the Scots in the north.

The New Model originally consisted of 14,400 foot and 7700 horse and

dragoons. Of the infantry only 6000 came from the combined armies, the

rest being new recruits furnished by the press.[6] Thus there was

considerable trouble during the first months of Fairfax's command, and

discipline had to be enforced with unusual sternness. As for the enemy,

Oxford was openly contemptuous of "the rebels' new brutish general" and

his men, who seemed hardly likely to succeed where Essex and Waller had

failed. But the effect of the Parliament's having "an army all its own"

was soon to be apparent.

28. _First Operations of 1645._--On the Royalist side the campaign of

1645 opened in the west, whither the young prince of Wales (Charles II.)

was sent with Hyde (later earl of Clarendon), Hopton and others as his

advisers. General (Lord) Goring, however, now in command of the Royalist

field forces in this quarter, was truculent, insubordinate and

dissolute, though on the rare occasions when he did his duty he

displayed a certain degree of skill and leadership, and the influence of

the prince's counsellors was but small. As usual, operations began with

the sieges necessary to conciliate local feeling. Plymouth and Lyme were

blocked up, and Taunton again invested. The reinforcement thrown into

the last place by Waller and Cromwell was dismissed by Blake (then a

colonel in command of the fortress and afterwards the great admiral of

the Commonwealth), and after many adventures rejoined Waller and

Cromwell. The latter generals, who had not yet laid down their

commissions, then engaged Goring for some weeks, but neither side having

infantry or artillery, and both finding subsistence difficult in

February and March and in country that had been fought over for two

years past, no results were to be expected. Taunton still remained

unrelieved, and Goring's horse still rode all over Dorsetshire when the

New Model at last took the field.

29. _Rupert's Northern March._--In the midlands and Lancashire the

Royalist horse, as ill-behaved even as Goring's men, were directly

responsible for the ignominious failure with which the king's main army

began its year's work. Prince Maurice was joined at Ludlow by Rupert and

part of his Oxford army early in March, and the brothers drove off

Brereton from the siege of Beeston Castle and relieved the pressure on

Lord Byron in Cheshire. So great was the danger of Rupert's again

invading Lancashire and Yorkshire that all available forces in the

north, English and Scots, were ordered to march against him. But at this

moment the prince was called back to clear his line of retreat on

Oxford. The Herefordshire and Worcestershire peasantry, weary of

military exactions, were in arms, and though they would not join the

Parliament, and for the most part dispersed after stating their

grievances, the main enterprise was wrecked. This was but one of many

ill-armed crowds--"Clubmen" as they were called--that assembled to

enforce peace on both parties. A few regular soldiers were sufficient to

disperse them in all cases, but their attempt to establish a third party

in England was morally as significant as it was materially futile. The

Royalists were now fighting with the courage of despair, those who still

fought against Charles did so with the full determination to ensure the

triumph of their cause, and with the conviction that the only possible

way was the annihilation of the enemy's armed forces, but the majority

were so weary of the war that the earl of Manchester's Presbyterian

royalism--which had contributed so materially to the prolongation of the

struggle--would probably have been accepted by four-fifths of all

England as the basis of a peace. It was, in fact, in the face of almost

universal opposition that Fairfax and Cromwell and their friends at

Westminster guided the cause of their weaker comrades to complete

victory.

30. _Cromwell's Raid._--Having without difficulty rid himself of the

Clubmen, Rupert was eager to resume his march into the north. It is

unlikely that he wished to join Montrose, though Charles himself

favoured that plan, but he certainly intended to fight the Scottish

army, more especially as after Inverlochy it had been called upon to

detach a large force to deal with Montrose. But this time there was no

Royalist army in the north to provide infantry and guns for a pitched

battle, and Rupert had perforce to wait near Hereford till the main

body, and in particular the artillery train, could come from Oxford and

join him. It was on the march of the artillery train to Hereford that

the first operations of the New Model centred. The infantry was not yet

ready to move, in spite of all Fairfax's and Skippon's efforts, and it

became necessary to send the cavalry by itself to prevent Rupert from

gaining a start. Cromwell, then under Waller's command, had come to

Windsor to resign his commission as required by the Self-denying

Ordinance. Instead, he was placed at the head of a brigade of his own

old soldiers, with orders to stop the march of the artillery train. On

the 23rd of April he started from Watlington north-westward. At dawn on

the 24th he routed a detachment of Royalist horse at Islip. On the same

day, though he had no guns and only a few firearms in the whole force,

he terrified the governor of Bletchingdon House into surrender. Riding

thence to Witney, Cromwell won another cavalry fight at

Bampton-in-the-Bush on the 27th, and attacked Faringdon House, though

without success, on the 29th. Thence he marched at leisure to Newbury.

He had done his work thoroughly. He had demoralized the Royalist

cavalry, and, above all, had carried off every horse on the countryside.

To all Rupert's entreaties Charles could only reply that the guns could

not be moved till the 7th of May, and he even summoned Goring's cavalry

from the west to make good his losses.

31. _Civilian Strategy._--Cromwell's success thus forced the king to

concentrate his various armies in the neighbourhood of Oxford, and the

New Model had, so Fairfax and Cromwell hoped, found its target. But the

Committee of Both Kingdoms on the one side, and Charles, Rupert and

Goring on the other, held different views. On the 1st of May Fairfax,

having been ordered to relieve Taunton, set out from Windsor for the

long march to that place; meeting Cromwell at Newbury on the 2nd, he

directed the lieutenant-general to watch the movements of the king's

army, and himself marched on to Blandford, which he reached on the 7th

of May. Thus Fairfax and the main army of the Parliament were marching

away in the west while Cromwell's detachment was left, as Waller had

been left the previous year, to hold the king as best he could. On the

very evening that Cromwell's raid ended, the leading troops of Goring's

command destroyed part of Cromwell's own regiment near Faringdon, and on

the 3rd Rupert and Maurice appeared with a force of all arms at Burford.

Yet the Committee of Both Kingdoms, though aware on the 29th of Goring's

move, only made up its mind to stop Fairfax on the 3rd, and did not send

off orders till the 5th. These orders were to the effect that a

detachment was to be sent to the relief of Taunton, and that the main

army was to return. Fairfax gladly obeyed, even though a siege of Oxford

and not the enemy's field army was the objective assigned him. But long

before he came up to the Thames valley the situation was again changed.

Rupert, now in possession of the guns and their teams, urged upon his

uncle the resumption of the northern enterprise, calculating that with

Fairfax in Somersetshire, Oxford was safe. Charles accordingly marched

out of Oxford on the 7th towards Stow-on-the-Wold, on the very day, as

it chanced, that Fairfax began his return march from Blandford. But

Goring and most of the other generals were for a march into the west, in

the hope of dealing with Fairfax as they had dealt with Essex in 1644.

The armies therefore parted as Essex and Waller had parted at the same

place in 1644, Rupert and the king to march northward, Goring to return

to his independent command in the west. Rupert, not unnaturally wishing

to keep his influence with the king and his authority as general of the

king's army unimpaired by Goring's notorious indiscipline, made no

attempt to prevent the separation, which in the event proved wholly

unprofitable. The flying column from Blandford relieved Taunton long

before Goring's return to the west, and Colonel Weldon and Colonel

Graves, its commanders, set him at defiance even in the open country. As

for Fairfax, he was out of Goring's reach preparing for the siege of

Oxford.

32. _Charles in the Midlands._--On the other side also the generals were

working by data that had ceased to have any value. Fairfax's siege of

Oxford, ordered by the Committee on the 10th of May, and persisted in

after it was known that the king was on the move, was the second great

blunder of the year and was hardly redeemed, as a military measure, by

the visionary scheme of assembling the Scots, the Yorkshiremen, and the

midland forces to oppose the king. It is hard to understand how, having

created a new model army "all its own" for general service, the

Parliament at once tied it down to a local enterprise, and trusted an

improvised army of local troops to fight the enemy's main army. In

reality the Committee seems to have been misled by false information to

the effect that Goring and the governor of Oxford were about to declare

for the Parliament, but had they not despatched Fairfax to the relief of

Taunton in the first instance the necessity for such intrigues would not

have arisen. However, Fairfax obeyed orders, invested Oxford, and, so

far as he was able without a proper siege train, besieged it for two

weeks, while Charles and Rupert ranged the midlands unopposed. At the

end of that time came news so alarming that the Committee hastily

abdicated their control over military operations and gave Fairfax a

free hand. "Black Tom" gladly and instantly abandoned the siege and

marched northward to give battle to the king.

Meanwhile Charles and Rupert were moving northward. On the 11th of May

they reached Droitwich, whence after two days' rest they marched against

Brereton. The latter hurriedly raised the sieges he had on hand, and

called upon Yorkshire and the Scottish army there for aid. But only the

old Lord Fairfax and the Yorkshiremen responded. Leven had just heard of

new victories won by Montrose, and could do no more than draw his army

and his guns over the Pennine chain into Westmorland in the hope of

being in time to bar the king's march on Scotland via Carlisle.

33. _Dundee._--After the destruction of the Campbells at Inverlochy,

Montrose had cleared away the rest of his enemies without difficulty. He

now gained a respectable force of cavalry by the adhesion of Lord Gordon

and many of his clan, and this reinforcement was the more necessary as

detachments from Leven's army under Baillie and Hurry--disciplined

infantry and cavalry--were on the march to meet him. The Royalists

marched by Elgin and through the Gordon country to Aberdeen, and thence

across the Esk to Coupar-Angus, where Baillie and Hurry were encountered.

A war of manoeuvre followed, in which they thwarted every effort of the

Royalists to break through into the Lowlands, but in the end retired into

Fife. Montrose thereupon marched into the hills with the intention of

reaching the upper Forth and thence the Lowlands, for he did not disguise

from himself the fact that there, and not in the Highlands, would the

quarrel be decided, and was sanguine--over-sanguine, as the event

proved--as to the support he would obtain from those who hated the kirk

and its system. But he had called to his aid the semi-barbarous

Highlanders, and however much the Lowlands resented a Presbyterian

inquisition, they hated and feared the Highland clans beyond all else. He

was equally disappointed in his own army. For a war of positions the

Highlanders had neither aptitude nor inclination, and at Dunkeld the

greater part of them went home. If the small remnant was to be kept to

its duty, plunder must be found, and the best objective was the town of

Dundee. With a small force of 750 foot and horse Montrose brilliantly

surprised that place on the 4th of April, but Baillie and Hurry were not

far distant, and before Montrose's men had time to plunder the prize they

were collected to face the enemy. His retreat from Dundee was considered

a model operation by foreign students of the art of war (then almost as

numerous as now), and what surprised them most was that Montrose could

rally his men after a sack had begun. The retreat itself was remarkable

enough. Baillie moved parallel to Montrose on his left flank towards

Arbroath, constantly heading him off from the hills and attempting to pin

him against the sea. Montrose, however, halted in the dark so as to let

Baillie get ahead of him and then turned sharply back, crossed Baillie's

track, and made for the hills. Baillie soon realized what had happened

and turned back also, but an hour too late. By the 6th the Royalists were

again safe in the broken country of the Esk valley. But Montrose

cherished no illusions as to joining the king at once; all he could do,

he now wrote, was to neutralize as many of the enemy's forces as

possible.

34. _Auldearn._--For a time he wandered in the Highlands seeking

recruits. But soon he learned that Baillie and Hurry had divided their

forces, the former remaining about Perth and Stirling to observe him,

the latter going north to suppress the Gordons. Strategy and policy

combined to make Hurry the objective of the next expedition. But the

soldier of fortune who commanded the Covenanters at Aberdeen was no mean

antagonist. Marching at once with a large army (formed on the nucleus of

his own trained troops and for the rest composed of clansmen and

volunteers) Hurry advanced to Elgin, took contact with Montrose there,

and, gradually and skilfully retiring, drew him into the hostile country

round Inverness. Montrose fell into the trap, and Hurry took his

measures to surprise him at Auldearn so successfully that (May 9)

Montrose, even though the indiscipline of some of Hurry's young

soldiers during the night march gave him the alarm, had barely time to

form up before the enemy was upon him. But the best strategy is of no

avail when the battle it produces goes against the strategist, and

Montrose's tactical skill was never more conspicuous than at Auldearn.

Alastair Macdonald with most of the Royalist infantry and the Royal

standard was posted to the right (north) of the village to draw upon

himself the weight of Hurry's attack; only enough men were posted in the

village itself to show that it was occupied, and on the south side, out

of sight, was Montrose himself with a body of foot and all the Gordon

horse. It was the prototype, on a small scale, of Austerlitz. Macdonald

resisted sturdily while Montrose edged away from the scene of action,

and at the right moment and not before, though Macdonald had been driven

back on the village and was fighting for life amongst the gardens and

enclosures, Montrose let loose Lord Gordon's cavalry. These, abandoning

for once the pistol tactics of their time, charged home with the sword.

The enemy's right wing cavalry was scattered in an instant, the nearest

infantry was promptly ridden down, and soon Hurry's army had ceased to

exist.

35. _Campaign of Naseby._--If the news of Auldearn brought Leven to the

region of Carlisle, it had little effect on his English allies. Fairfax

was not yet released from the siege of Oxford, in spite of the protests

of the Scottish representatives in London. Massey, the active and

successful governor of Gloucester, was placed in command of a field

force on the 25th of May, but he was to lead it against, not the king,

but Goring. At that moment the military situation once more changed

abruptly. Charles, instead of continuing his march on to Lancashire,

turned due eastward towards Derbyshire. The alarm at Westminster when

this new development was reported was such that Cromwell, in spite of

the Self-Denying Ordinance, was sent to raise an army for the defence of

the Eastern Association. Yet the Royalists had no intentions in that

direction. Conflicting reports as to the condition of Oxford reached the

royal headquarters in the last week of May, and the eastward march was

made chiefly to "spin out time" until it could be known whether it would

be necessary to return to Oxford, or whether it was still possible to

fight Leven in Yorkshire--his move into Westmorland was not yet

known--and invade Scotland by the easy east coast route.

Goring's return to the west had already been countermanded and he had

been directed to march to Harborough, while the South Wales Royalists

were also called in towards Leicester. Later orders (May 26) directed

him to Newbury, whence he was to feel the strength of the enemy's

positions around Oxford. It is hardly necessary to say that Goring found

good military reasons for continuing his independent operations, and

marched off towards Taunton regardless of the order. He redressed the

balance there for the moment by overawing Massey's weak force, and his

purse profited considerably by fresh opportunities for extortion, but he

and his men were not at Naseby. Meanwhile the king, at the geographical

centre of England, found an important and wealthy town at his mercy.

Rupert, always for action, took the opportunity, and Leicester was

stormed and thoroughly pillaged on the night of the 30th-31st of May.

There was the usual panic at Westminster, but, unfortunately for

Charles, it resulted in Fairfax being directed to abandon the siege of

Oxford and given _carte blanche_ to bring the Royal army to battle

wherever it was met. On his side the king had, after the capture of

Leicester, accepted the advice of those who feared for the safety of

Oxford--Rupert, though commander-in-chief, was unable to insist on the

northern enterprise--and had marched to Daventry, where he halted to

throw supplies into Oxford. Thus Fairfax in his turn was free to move,

thanks to the insubordination of Goring, who would neither relieve

Oxford nor join the king for an attack on the New Model. The

Parliamentary general moved from Oxford towards Northampton so as to

cover the Eastern Association. On the 12th of June the two armies were

only a few miles apart, Fairfax at Kislingbury, Charles at Daventry,

and, though the Royalists turned northward again on the 13th to resume

the Yorkshire project under the very eyes of the enemy, Fairfax followed

close. On the night of the 13th Charles slept at Lubenham, Fairfax at

Guilsborough. Cromwell, just appointed lieutenant-general of the New

Model, had ridden into camp on the morning of the 13th with fresh

cavalry from the eastern counties, Colonel Rossiter came up with more

from Lincolnshire on the morning of the battle, and it was with an

incontestable superiority of numbers and an overwhelming moral advantage

that Fairfax fought at Naseby (q.v.) on the 14th of June. The result of

the battle, this time a decisive battle, was the annihilation of the

Royal army. Part of the cavalry escaped, a small fraction of it in

tolerable order, but the guns and the baggage train were taken, and,

above all, the splendid Royal infantry were killed or taken prisoners to

a man.

36. _Effects of Naseby._--After Naseby, though the war dragged on for

another year, the king never succeeded in raising an army as good as, or

even more numerous than, that which Fairfax's army had so heavily

outnumbered on the 14th of June. That the fruits of the victory could

not be gathered in a few weeks was due to a variety of hindrances rather

than to direct opposition--to the absence of rapid means of

communication, the paucity of the forces engaged on both sides

relatively to the total numbers under arms, and from time to time to the

political exigencies of the growing quarrel between Presbyterians and

Independents. As to the latter, within a few days of Naseby, the Scots

rejoiced that the "back of the malignants was broken," and demanded

reinforcements as a precaution against "the insolence of others," i.e.

Cromwell and the Independents--"to whom alone the Lord has given the

victory of that day." Leven had by now returned to Yorkshire, and a

fortnight after Naseby, after a long and honourable defence by Sir

Thomas Glemham, Carlisle fell to David Leslie's besieging corps.

Leicester was reoccupied by Fairfax on the 18th, and on the 20th Leven's

army, moving slowly southward, reached Mansfield. This move was

undertaken largely for political reasons, i.e. to restore the

Presbyterian balance as against the victorious New Model. Fairfax's army

was intended by its founders to be a specifically English army, and

Cromwell for one would have employed it against the Scots almost as

readily as against malignants. But for the moment the advance of the

northern army was of the highest military importance, for Fairfax was

thereby set free from the necessity of undertaking sieges. Moreover, the

publication of the king's papers taken at Naseby gave Fairfax's troops a

measure of official and popular support which a month before they could

not have been said to possess, for it was now obvious that they

represented the armed force of England against the Irish, Danes, French,

Lorrainers, &c., whom Charles had for three years been endeavouring to

let loose on English soil. Even the Presbyterians abandoned for the time

any attempt to negotiate with the king, and advocated a vigorous

prosecution of the war.

37. _Fairfax's Western Campaign._--This, in the hands of Fairfax and

Cromwell, was likely to be effective. While the king and Rupert, with

the remnant of their cavalry, hurried into South Wales to join Sir

Charles Gerard's troops and to raise fresh infantry, Fairfax decided

that Goring's was the most important Royalist army in the field, and

turned to the west, reaching Lechlade on the 26th, less than a fortnight

after the battle of Naseby. One last attempt was made to dictate the

plan of campaign from Westminster, but the Committee refused to pass on

the directions of the Houses, and he remained free to deal with Goring

as he desired. Time pressed; Charles in Monmouthshire and Rupert at

Bristol were well placed for a junction with Goring, which would have

given them a united army 15,000 strong. Taunton, in spite of Massey's

efforts to keep the field, was again besieged, and in Wilts and Dorset

numerous bands of Clubmen were on foot which the king's officers were

doing their best to turn into troops for their master. But the process

of collecting a fresh royal army was slow, and Goring and his

subordinate, Sir Richard Grenville, were alienating the king's most

devoted adherents by their rapacity, cruelty and debauchery. Moreover,

Goring had no desire to lose the independent command he had extorted at

Stow-on-the-Wold in May. Still, it was clear that he must be disposed

of as quickly as possible, and Fairfax requested the Houses to take

other measures against the king (June 26). This they did by paying up

the arrears due to Leven's army and bringing it to the Severn valley. On

the 8th of July Leven reached Alcester, bringing with him a

Parliamentarian force from Derbyshire under Sir John Gell. The design

was to besiege Hereford.

38. _Langport._--By that time Fairfax and Goring were at close quarters.

The Royalist general's line of defence faced west along the Yeo and the

Parrett between Yeovil and Bridgwater, and thus barred the direct route

to Taunton. Fairfax, however, marched from Lechlade via Marlborough and

Blandford--hindered only by Clubmen--to the friendly posts of Dorchester

and Lyme, and with these as his centre of operations he was able to turn

the headwaters of Goring's river-line via Beaminster and Crewkerne. The

Royalists at once abandoned the south and west side of the rivers--the

siege of Taunton had already been given up--and passed over to the north

and east bank. Bridgwater was the right of this second line as it had

been the left of the first; the new left was at Ilchester. Goring could

thus remain in touch with Charles in south Wales through Bristol, and

the siege of Taunton having been given up there was no longer any

incentive for remaining on the wrong side of the water-line. But his

army was thoroughly demoralized by its own licence and indiscipline, and

the swift, handy and resolute regiments of the New Model made short work

of its strong positions. On the 7th of July, demonstrating against the

points of passage between Ilchester and Langport, Fairfax secretly

occupied Yeovil. The post at that place, which had been the right of

Goring's first position, had, perhaps rightly, been withdrawn to

Ilchester when the second position was taken up, and Fairfax repaired

the bridge without interruption. Goring showed himself unequal to the

new situation. He might, if sober, make a good plan when the enemy was

not present to disturb him, and he certainly led cavalry charges with

boldness and skill. But of strategy in front of the enemy he was

incapable. On the news from Yeovil he abandoned the line of the Yeo as

far as Langport without striking a blow, and Fairfax, having nothing to

gain by continuing his detour through Yeovil, came back and quietly

crossed at Long Sutton, west of Ilchester (July 9). Goring had by now

formed a new plan. A strong rearguard was posted at Langport and on high

ground east and north-east of it to hold Fairfax, and he himself with

the cavalry rode off early on the 8th to try and surprise Taunton. This

place was no longer protected by Massey's little army, which Fairfax had

called up to assist his own. But Fairfax, who was not yet across Long

Sutton bridge, heard of Goring's raid in good time, and sent Massey

after him with a body of horse. Massey surprised a large party of the

Royalists at Ilminster on the 9th, wounded Goring himself, and pursued

the fugitives up to the south-eastern edge of Langport. On the 10th

Fairfax's advanced guard, led by Major Bethel of Cromwell's own

regiment, brilliantly stormed the position of Goring's rearguard east of

Langport, and the cavalry of the New Model, led by Cromwell himself,

swept in pursuit right up to the gates of Bridgwater, where Goring's

army, dismayed and on the point of collapse, was more or less rallied.

Thence Goring himself retired to Barnstaple. His army, under the

regimental officers, defended itself in Bridgwater resolutely till the

23rd of July, when it capitulated. The fall of Bridgwater gave Fairfax

complete control of Somerset and Dorset from Lyme to the Bristol

channel. Even in the unlikely event of Goring's raising a fresh army, he

would now have to break through towards Bristol by open force, and a

battle between Goring and Fairfax could only have one result. Thus

Charles had perforce to give up his intention of joining Goring--his

recruiting operations in south Wales had not been so successful as he

hoped, owing to the apathy of the people and the vigour of the local

Parliamentary leaders--and to resume the northern enterprise begun in

the spring.

39. _Schemes of Lord Digby._--This time Rupert would not be with him.

The prince, now despairing of success and hoping only for a peace on the

best terms procurable, listlessly returned to his governorship of

Bristol and prepared to meet Fairfax's impending attack. The influence

of Rupert was supplanted by that of Lord Digby. As sanguine as Charles

and far more energetic, he was for the rest of the campaign the guiding

spirit of the Royalists, but being a civilian he proved incapable of

judging the military factors in the situation from a military

standpoint, and not only did he offend the officers by constituting

himself a sort of confidential military secretary to the king, but he

was distrusted by all sections of Royalists for his reckless optimism.

The resumption of the northern enterprise, opposed by Rupert and

directly inspired by Digby, led to nothing. Charles marched by

Bridgnorth, Lichfield and Ashbourne to Doncaster, where on the 18th of

August he was met by great numbers of Yorkshire gentlemen with promises

of fresh recruits. For a moment the outlook was bright, for the

Derbyshire men with Gell were far away at Worcester with Leven, the

Yorkshire Parliamentarians engaged in besieging Scarborough Castle,

Pontefract and other posts. But two days later he heard that David

Leslie with the cavalry of Leven's army was coming up behind him, and

that, the Yorkshire sieges being now ended, Major-General Poyntz's force

lay in his front. It was now impossible to wait for the new levies, and

reluctantly the king turned back to Oxford, raiding Huntingdonshire and

other parts of the hated Eastern Association _en route_.

40. _Montrose's Last Victories._--David Leslie did not pursue him.

Montrose, though the king did not yet know it, had won two more battles,

and was practically master of all Scotland. After Auldearn he had turned

to meet Baillie's army in Strathspey, and by superior mobility and skill

forced that commander to keep at a respectful distance. He then turned

upon a new army which Lindsay, titular earl of Crawford, was forming in

Forfarshire, but that commander betook himself to a safe distance, and

Montrose withdrew into the Highlands to find recruits (June). The

victors of Auldearn had mostly dispersed on the usual errand, and he was

now deserted by most of the Gordons, who were recalled by the chief of

their clan, the marquess of Huntly, in spite of the indignant

remonstrances of Huntly's heir, Lord Gordon, who was Montrose's warmest

admirer. Baillie now approached again, but he was weakened by having to

find trained troops to stiffen Lindsay's levies, and a strong force of

the Gordons had now been persuaded to rejoin Montrose. The two armies

met in battle near Alford on the Don; little can be said of the

engagement save that Montrose had to fight cautiously and tentatively as

at Aberdeen, not in the decision-forcing spirit of Auldearn, and that in

the end Baillie's cavalry gave way and his infantry was cut down as it

stood. Lord Gordon was amongst the Royalist dead (July 2). The plunder

was put away in the glens before any attempt was made to go forward, and

thus the Covenanters had leisure to form a numerous, if not very

coherent, army on the nucleus of Lindsay's troops. Baillie, much against

his will, was continued in the command, with a council of war (chiefly

of nobles whom Montrose had already defeated, such as Argyll, Elcho and

Balfour) to direct his every movement. Montrose, when rejoined by the

Highlanders, moved to meet him, and in the last week of July and the

early part of August there were manoeuvres and minor engagements round

Perth. About the 7th of August Montrose suddenly slipped away into the

Lowlands, heading for Glasgow. Thereupon another Covenanting army began

to assemble in Clydesdale. But it was clear that Montrose could beat

mere levies, and Baillie, though without authority and despairing of

success, hurried after him. Montrose then, having drawn Baillie's

Fifeshire militia far enough from home to ensure their being

discontented, turned upon them on the 14th of August near Kilsyth.

Baillie protested against fighting, but his aristocratic masters of the

council of war decided to cut off Montrose from the hills by turning his

left wing. The Royalist general seized the opportunity, and his advance

caught them in the very act of making a flank march (August 15). The

head of the Covenanters' column was met and stopped by the furious

attack of the Gordon infantry, and Alastair Macdonald led the men of his

own name and the Macleans against its flank. A breach was made in the

centre of Baillie's army at the first rush, and then Montrose sent in

the Gordon and Ogilvy horse. The leading half of the column was

surrounded, broken up and annihilated. The rear half, seeing the fate of

its comrades, took to flight, but in vain, for the Highlanders pursued

_a outrance_. Only about one hundred Covenanting infantry out of six

thousand escaped. Montrose was now indeed the king's lieutenant in all

Scotland.

41. _Fall of Bristol._--But Charles was in no case to resume his

northern march. Fairfax and the New Model, after reducing Bridgwater,

had turned back to clear away the Dorsetshire Clubmen and to besiege

Sherborne Castle. On the completion of this task, it had been decided to

besiege Bristol, and on the 23rd of August--while the king's army was

still in Huntingdon, and Goring was trying to raise a new army to

replace the one he had lost at Langport and Bridgwater--the city was

invested. In these urgent circumstances Charles left Oxford for the west

only a day or two after he had come in from the Eastern Association

raid. Calculating that Rupert could hold out longest, he first moved to

the relief of Worcester, around which place Leven's Scots, no longer

having Leslie's cavalry with them to find supplies, were more occupied

with plundering their immediate neighbourhood for food than with the

siege works. Worcester was relieved on the 1st of September by the king.

David Leslie with all his cavalry was already on the march to meet

Montrose, and Leven had no alternative but to draw off his infantry

without fighting. Charles entered Worcester on the 8th, but he found

that he could no longer expect recruits from South Wales. Worse was to

come. A few hours later, on the night of the 9th-10th, Fairfax's army

stormed Bristol. Rupert had long realized the hopelessness of further

fighting--the very summons to surrender sent in by Fairfax placed the

fate of Bristol on the political issue,--the lines of defence around the

place were too extensive for his small force, and on the 11th he

surrendered on terms. He was escorted to Oxford with his men, conversing

as he rode with the officers of the escort about peace and the future of

his adopted country. Charles, almost stunned by the suddenness of the

catastrophe, dismissed his nephew from all his offices and ordered him

to leave England, and for almost the last time called upon Goring to

rejoin the main army--if a tiny force of raw infantry and disheartened

cavalry can be so called--in the neighbourhood of Raglan. But before

Goring could be brought to withdraw his objections Charles had again

turned northward towards Montrose. A weary march through the Welsh hills

brought the Royal army on the 22nd of September to the neighbourhood of

Chester. Charles himself with one body entered the city, which was

partially invested by the Parliamentarian colonel Michael Jones, and the

rest under Sir Marmaduke Langdale was sent to take Jones's lines in

reverse. But at the opportune moment Poyntz's forces, which had followed

the king's movements since he left Doncaster in the middle of August,

appeared in rear of Langdale, and defeated him in the battle of Rowton

Heath (September 24), while at the same time a sortie of the king's

troops from Chester was repulsed by Jones. Thereupon the Royal army

withdrew to Denbigh, and Chester, the only important seaport remaining

to connect Charles with Ireland, was again besieged.

42. _Philiphaugh._--Nor was Montrose's position, even after Kilsyth,

encouraging, in spite of the persistent rumours of fighting in

Westmorland that reached Charles and Digby. Glasgow and Edinburgh were

indeed occupied, and a parliament summoned in the king's name. But

Montrose had now to choose between Highlanders and Lowlanders. The

former, strictly kept away from all that was worth plundering, rapidly

vanished, even Alastair Macdonald going with the rest. Without the

Macdonalds and the Gordons, Montrose's military and political

resettlement of Scotland could only be shadowy, and when he demanded

support from the sturdy middle classes of the Lowlands, it was not

forgotten that he had led Highlanders to the sack of Lowland towns. Thus

his new supporters could only come from amongst the discontented and

undisciplined Border lords and gentry, and long before these moved to

join him the romantic conquest of Scotland was over. On the 6th of

September David Leslie had recrossed the frontier with his cavalry and

some infantry he had picked up on the way through northern England.

Early on the morning of the 13th he surprised Montrose at Philiphaugh

near Selkirk. The king's lieutenant had only 650 men against 4000, and

the battle did not last long. Montrose escaped with a few of his

principal adherents, but his little army was annihilated. Of the veteran

Macdonald infantry, 500 strong that morning, 250 were killed in the

battle and the remainder put to death after accepting quarter. The

Irish, even when they bore a Scottish name, were, by Scotsmen even more

than Englishmen, regarded as beasts to be knocked on the head. After

Naseby the Irishwomen found in the king's camp were branded by order of

Fairfax; after Philiphaugh more than 300 women, wives or followers of

Macdonald's men, were butchered. Montrose's Highlanders at their worst

were no more cruel than the sober soldiers of the kirk.

43. _Digby's Northern Expedition._--Charles received the news of

Philiphaugh on the 28th of September, and gave orders that the west

should be abandoned, the prince of Wales should be sent to France, and

Goring should bring up what forces he could to the Oxford region. On the

4th of October Charles himself reached Newark (whither he had marched

from Denbigh after revictualling Chester and suffering the defeat of

Rowton Heath). The intention to go to Montrose was of course given up,

at any rate for the present, and he was merely waiting for Goring and

the Royalist militia of the west--each in its own way a broken reed to

lean upon. A hollow reconciliation was patched up between Charles and

Rupert, and the court remained at Newark for over a month. Before it set

out to return to Oxford another Royalist force had been destroyed. On

the 14th of October, receiving information that Montrose had raised a

new army, the king permitted Langdale's northern troops to make a fresh

attempt to reach Scotland. At Langdale's request Digby was appointed to

command in this enterprise, and, civilian though he was, and disastrous

though his influence had been to the discipline of the army, he led it

boldly and skilfully. His immediate opponent was Poyntz, who had

followed the king step by step from Doncaster to Chester and back to

Welbeck, and he succeeded on the 15th in surprising Poyntz's entire

force of foot at Sherburn. Poyntz's cavalry were soon after this

reported approaching from the south, and Digby hoped to trap them also.

At first all went well and body after body of the rebels was routed. But

by a singular mischance the Royalist main body mistook the Parliamentary

squadrons in flight through Sherburn for friends, and believing all was

lost took to flight also. Thus Digby's cavalry fled as fast as Poyntz's

and in the same direction, and the latter, coming to their senses first,

drove the Royalist horse in wild confusion as far as Skipton. Lord Digby

was still sanguine, and from Skipton he actually penetrated as far as

Dumfries. But whether Montrose's new army was or was not in the

Lowlands, it was certain that Leven and Leslie were on the Border, and

the mad adventure soon came to an end. Digby, with the mere handful of

men remaining to him, was driven back into Cumberland, and on the 24th

of October, his army having entirely disappeared, he took ship with his

officers for the Isle of Man. Poyntz had not followed him beyond

Skipton, and was now watching the king from Nottingham, while Rossiter

with the Lincoln troops was posted at Grantham. The king's chances of

escaping from Newark were becoming smaller day by day, and they were not

improved by a violent dispute between him and Rupert, Maurice, Lord

Gerard and Sir Richard Willis, at the end of which these officers and

many others rode away to ask the Parliament for leave to go over-seas.

The pretext of the quarrel mattered little, the distinction between the

views of Charles and Digby on the one hand and Rupert and his friends on

the other was fundamental--to the latter peace had become a political as

well as a military necessity. Meanwhile south Wales, with the single

exception of Raglan Castle, had been overrun by the Parliamentarians.

Everywhere the Royalist posts were falling. The New Model, no longer

fearing Goring, had divided, Fairfax reducing the garrisons of Dorset

and Devon, Cromwell those of Hampshire. Amongst the latter was the

famous Basing House, which was stormed at dawn on the 14th of October

and burnt to the ground. Cromwell, his work finished, returned to

headquarters, and the army wintered in the neighbourhood of Crediton.

44. _End of the First War._--The military events of 1646 call for no

comment. The only field army remaining to the king was Goring's, and

though Hopton, who sorrowfully accepted the command after Goring's

departure, tried at the last moment to revive the memories and the local

patriotism of 1643, it was of no use to fight against the New Model with

the armed rabble that Goring turned over to him. Dartmouth surrendered

on January 18, Hopton was defeated at Torrington on February 16, and

surrendered the remnant of his worthless army on March 14. Exeter fell

on April 13. Elsewhere, Hereford was taken on December 17, 1645, and the

last battle of the war was fought and lost at Stow-on-the-Wold by Lord

Astley on March 21, 1646. Newark and Oxford fell respectively on May 6

and June 24. On August 31 Montrose escaped from the Highlands. On the

19th of the same month Raglan Castle surrendered, and the last Royalist

post of all, Harlech Castle, maintained the useless struggle until March

13, 1647. Charles himself, after leaving Newark in November 1645, had

spent the winter in and around Oxford, whence, after an adventurous

journey, he came to the camp of the Scottish army at Southwell on May 5,

1646.

45. _Second Civil War (1648-52)._--The close of the First Civil War left

England and Scotland in the hands potentially of any one of the four

parties or any combination of two or more that should prove strong enough

to dominate the rest. Armed political Royalism was indeed at an end, but

Charles, though practically a prisoner, considered himself and was, almost

to the last, considered by the rest as necessary to ensure the success of

whichever amongst the other three parties could come to terms with him.

Thus he passed successively into the hands of the Scots, the Parliament

and the New Model, trying to reverse the verdict of arms by coquetting

with each in turn. The Presbyterians and the Scots, after Cornet Joyce of

Fairfax's horse seized upon the person of the king for the army (June 3,

1647), began at once to prepare for a fresh civil war, this time against

Independency, as embodied in the New Model--henceforward called the

Army--and after making use of its sword, its opponents attempted to

disband it, to send it on foreign service, to cut off its arrears of pay,

with the result that it was exasperated beyond control, and, remembering

not merely its grievances but also the principle for which it had fought,

soon became the most powerful political party in the realm. From 1646 to

1648 the breach between army and parliament widened day by day until

finally the Presbyterian party, combined with the Scots and the remaining

Royalists, felt itself strong enough to begin a second civil war.

46. _The English War._--In February 1648 Colonel Poyer, the

Parliamentary governor of Pembroke Castle, refused to hand over his

command to one of Fairfax's officers, and he was soon joined by some

hundreds of officers and men, who mutinied, ostensibly for arrears of

pay, but really with political objects. At the end of March, encouraged

by minor successes, Poyer openly declared for the king. Disbanded

soldiers continued to join him in April, all South Wales revolted, and

eventually he was joined by Major-General Laugharne, his district

commander, and Colonel Powel. In April also news came that the Scots

were arming and that Berwick and Carlisle had been seized by the English

Royalists. Cromwell was at once sent off at the head of a strong

detachment to deal with Laugharne and Poyer. But before he arrived

Laugharne had been severely defeated by Colonel Horton at St Fagans (May

8). The English Presbyterians found it difficult to reconcile their

principles with their allies when it appeared that the prisoners taken

at St Fagans bore "We long to see our King" on their hats; very soon in

fact the English war became almost purely a Royalist revolt, and the war

in the north an attempt to enforce a mixture of Royalism and

Presbyterianism on Englishmen by means of a Scottish army. The former

were disturbers of the peace and no more. Nearly all the Royalists who

had fought in the First Civil War had given their parole not to bear

arms against the Parliament, and many honourable Royalists, foremost

amongst them the old Lord Astley, who had fought the last battle for the

king in 1646, refused to break their word by taking any part in the

second war. Those who did so, and by implication those who abetted them

in doing so, were likely to be treated with the utmost rigour if

captured, for the army was in a less placable mood in 1648 than in 1645,

and had already determined to "call Charles Stuart, that man of blood,

to an account for the blood he had shed." On the 21st of May Kent rose

in revolt in the king's name. A few days later a most serious blow to

the Independents was struck by the defection of the navy, from command

of which they had removed Vice-Admiral Batten, as being a Presbyterian.

Though a former lord high admiral, the earl of Warwick, also a

Presbyterian, was brought back to the service, it was not long before

the navy made a purely Royalist declaration and placed itself under the

command of the prince of Wales. But Fairfax had a clearer view and a

clearer purpose than the distracted Parliament. He moved quickly into

Kent, and on the evening of June 1 stormed Maidstone by open force,

after which the local levies dispersed to their homes, and the more

determined Royalists, after a futile attempt to induce the City of

London to declare for them, fled into Essex. In Cornwall,

Northamptonshire, North Wales and Lincolnshire the revolt collapsed as

easily. Only in South Wales, Essex and the north of England was there

serious fighting. In the first of these districts Cromwell rapidly

reduced all the fortresses except Pembroke, where Laugharne, Poyer and

Powel held out with the desperate courage of deserters. In the north,

Pontefract was surprised by the Royalists, and shortly afterwards

Scarborough Castle declared for the king. Fairfax, after his success at

Maidstone and the pacification of Kent, turned northward to reduce

Essex, where, under their ardent, experienced and popular leader Sir

Charles Lucas, the Royalists were in arms in great numbers. He soon

drove the enemy into Colchester, but the first attack on the town was

repulsed and he had to settle down to a long and wearisome siege _en

regle_. A Surrey rising, remembered only for the death of the young and

gallant Lord Francis Villiers in a skirmish at Kingston (July 7),

collapsed almost as soon as it had gathered force, and its leaders, the

duke of Buckingham and the earl of Holland, escaped, after another

attempt to induce London to declare for them, to St Albans and St Neots,

where Holland was taken prisoner. Buckingham escaped over-seas.

47. _Lambert in the North._--By the 10th of July therefore the military

situation was well defined. Cromwell held Pembroke, Fairfax Colchester,

Lambert Pontefract under siege; elsewhere all serious local risings had

collapsed, and the Scottish army had crossed the Border. It is on the

adventures of the latter that the interest of the war centres. It was by

no means the veteran army of Leven, which had long been disbanded. For

the most part it consisted of raw levies, and as the kirk had refused to

sanction the enterprise of the Scottish parliament, David Leslie and

thousands of experienced officers and men declined to serve. The duke of

Hamilton proved to be a poor substitute for Leslie; his army, too, was

so ill provided that as soon as England was invaded it began to plunder

the countryside for the bare means of sustenance. Major-General Lambert,

a brilliant young general of twenty-nine, was more than equal to the

situation. He had already left the sieges of Pontefract and Scarborough

to Colonel Rossiter, and hurried into Cumberland to deal with the

English Royalists under Sir Marmaduke Langdale. With his cavalry he got

into touch with the enemy about Carlisle and slowly fell back, fighting

small rearguard actions to annoy the enemy and gain time, to Bowes and

Barnard Castle. Langdale did not follow him into the mountains, but

occupied himself in gathering recruits and supplies of material and food

for the Scots. Lambert, reinforced from the midlands, reappeared early

in June and drove him back to Carlisle with his work half finished.

About the same time the local horse of Durham and Northumberland were

put into the field by Sir A. Hesilrige, governor of Newcastle, and under

the command of Colonel Robert Lilburne won a considerable success (June

30) at the river Coquet. This reverse, coupled with the existence of

Langdale's force on the Cumberland side, practically compelled Hamilton

to choose the west coast route for his advance, and his army began

slowly to move down the long _couloir_ between the mountains and the

sea. The campaign which followed is one of the most brilliant in English

history.

48. _Campaign of Preston._--On the 8th of July the Scots, with Langdale

as advanced guard, were about Carlisle, and reinforcements from Ulster

were expected daily. Lambert's horse were at Penrith, Hexham and

Newcastle, too weak to fight and having only skilful leading and

rapidity of movement to enable them to gain time. Far away to the south

Cromwell was still tied down before Pembroke, Fairfax before Colchester.

Elsewhere the rebellion, which had been put down by rapidity of action

rather than sheer weight of numbers, smouldered, and Prince Charles and

the fleet cruised along the Essex coast. Cromwell and Lambert, however,

understood each other perfectly, while the Scottish commanders

quarrelled with Langdale and each other. Appleby Castle surrendered to

the Scots on the 31st of July, whereat Lambert, who was still hanging on

to the flank of the Scottish advance, fell back from Barnard Castle to

Richmond so as to close Wensleydale against any attempt of the invaders

to march on Pontefract. All the restless energy of Langdale's horse was

unable to dislodge him from the passes or to find out what was behind

that impenetrable cavalry screen. The crisis was now at hand. Cromwell

had received the surrender of Pembroke on the 11th, and had marched off,

with his men unpaid, ragged and shoeless, at full speed through the

midlands. Rains and storms delayed his march, but he knew that Hamilton

in the broken ground of Westmorland was still worse off. Shoes from

Northampton and stockings from Coventry met him at Nottingham, and,

gathering up the local levies as he went, he made for Doncaster, where

he arrived on the 8th of August, having gained six days in advance of

the time he had allowed himself for the march. He then called up

artillery from Hull, exchanged his local levies for the regulars who

were besieging Pontefract, and set off to meet Lambert. On the 12th he

was at Wetherby, Lambert with horse and foot at Otley, Langdale at

Skipton and Gargrave, Hamilton at Lancaster, and Sir George Monro with

the Scots from Ulster and the Carlisle Royalists (organized as a

separate command owing to friction between Monro and the generals of the

main army) at Hornby. On the 13th, while Cromwell was marching to join

Lambert at Otley, the Scottish leaders were still disputing as to

whether they should make for Pontefract or continue through Lancashire

so as to join Lord Byron and the Cheshire Royalists.

49. _Preston Fight._--On the 14th Cromwell and Lambert were at Skipton,

on the 15th at Gisburn, and on the 16th they marched down the valley of

the Ribble towards Preston with full knowledge of the enemy's

dispositions and full determination to attack him. They had with them

horse and foot not only of the army, but also of the militia of

Yorkshire, Durham, Northumberland and Lancashire, and withal were heavily

outnumbered, having only 8600 men against perhaps 20,000 of Hamilton's

command. But the latter were scattered for convenience of supply along

the road from Lancaster, through Preston, towards Wigan, Langdale's corps

having thus become the left flank guard instead of the advanced guard.

Langdale called in his advanced parties, perhaps with a view to resuming

the duties of advanced guard, on the night of the 13th, and collected

them near Longridge. It is not clear whether he reported Cromwell's

advance, but, if he did, Hamilton ignored the report, for on the 17th

Monro was half a day's march to the north, Langdale east of Preston, and

the main army strung out on the Wigan road, Major-General Baillie with a

body of foot, the rear of the column, being still in Preston. Hamilton,

yielding to the importunity of his lieutenant-general, the earl of

Callendar, sent Baillie across the Ribble to follow the main body just as

Langdale, with 3000 foot and 500 horse only, met the first shock of

Cromwell's attack on Preston Moor. Hamilton, like Charles at Edgehill,

passively shared in, without directing, the battle, and, though

Langdale's men fought magnificently, they were after four hours' struggle

driven to the Ribble. Baillie attempted to cover the Ribble and Darwen

bridges on the Wigan road, but Cromwell had forced his way across both

before nightfall. Pursuit was at once undertaken, and not relaxed until

Hamilton had been driven through Wigan and Winwick to Uttoxeter and

Ashbourne. There, pressed furiously in rear by Cromwell's horse and held

up in front by the militia of the midlands, the remnant of the Scottish

army laid down its arms on the 25th of August. Various attempts were made

to raise the Royalist standard in Wales and elsewhere, but Preston was

the death-blow. On the 28th of August, starving and hopeless of relief,

the Colchester Royalists surrendered to Lord Fairfax. The victors in the

Second Civil War were not merciful to those who had brought war into the

land again. On the evening of the surrender of Colchester, Sir Charles

Lucas and Sir George Lisle were shot. Laugharne, Poyer and Powel were

sentenced to death, but Poyer alone was executed on the 25th of April

1649, being the victim selected by lot. Of five prominent Royalist peers

who had fallen into the hands of the Parliament, three, the duke of

Hamilton, the earl of Holland, and Lord Capel, one of the Colchester

prisoners and a man of high character, were beheaded at Westminster on

the 9th of March. Above all, after long hesitations, even after renewal

of negotiations, the army and the Independents "purged" the House of

their ill-wishers, and created a court for the trial and sentence of the

king. The more resolute of the judges nerved the rest to sign the

death-warrant, and Charles was beheaded at Whitehall on the 30th of

January.

50. _Cromwell in Ireland._--The campaign of Preston was undertaken under

the direction of the Scottish parliament, not the kirk, and it needed

the execution of the king to bring about a union of all Scottish parties

against the English Independents. Even so, Charles II. in exile had to

submit to long negotiations and hard conditions before he was allowed to

put himself at the head of the Scottish armies. The marquis of Huntly

was executed for taking up arms for the king on the 22nd of March 1649.

Montrose, under Charles's directions, made a last attempt to rally the

Scottish Royalists early in 1650. But Charles merely used Montrose as a

threat to obtain better conditions for himself from the Covenanters, and

when the noblest of all the Royalists was defeated (Carbisdale, April

27), delivered up to his pursuers (May 4), and executed (May 21, 1650),

he was not ashamed to give way to the demands of the Covenanters, and to

place himself at the head of Montrose's executioners. His father,

whatever his faults, had at least chosen to die for an ideal, the Church

of England. Charles II. now proposed to regain the throne by allowing

Scotland to impose Presbyterianism on England, and dismissed all the

faithful Cavaliers who had followed him to exile. Meanwhile, Ireland, in

which a fresh war, with openly anti-English and anti-Protestant objects,

had broken out in 1648, was thoroughly reduced to order by Cromwell, who

beat down all resistance by his skill, and even more by his ruthless

severity, in a brief campaign of nine months (battle of Rathmines near

Dublin, won by Colonel Michael Jones, August 2, 1649; storming of

Drogheda, September 11, and of Wexford, October 11, by Cromwell; capture

of Kilkenny, March 28, 1650, and of Clonmel, May 10). Cromwell returned

to England at the end of May 1650, and on June 26 Fairfax, who had been

anxious and uneasy since the execution of the king, resigned the

command-in-chief of the army to his lieutenant-general. The pretext,

rather than the reason, of Fairfax's resignation was his unwillingness

to lead an English army to reduce Scotland.

51. _The Invasion of Scotland._--This important step had been resolved

upon as soon as it was clear that Charles II. would come to terms with

the Covenanters. From this point the Second Civil War becomes a war of

England against Scotland. Here at least the Independents carried the

whole of England with them. No Englishman cared to accept a settlement

at the hands of a victorious foreign army, and on the 28th of June, five

days after Charles II. had sworn to the Covenant, the new lord-general

was on his way to the Border to take command of the English army. About

the same time a new militia act was passed that was destined to give

full and decisive effect to the national spirit of England in the great

final campaign of the war. Meanwhile the motto _frappez fort, frappez

vite_ was carried out at once by the regular forces. On the 19th of July

1650 Cromwell made the final arrangements at Berwick-on-Tweed.

Major-General Harrison, a gallant soldier and an extreme Independent,

was to command the regular and auxiliary forces left in England, and to

secure the Commonwealth against Royalists and Presbyterians. Cromwell

took with him Fleetwood as lieutenant-general and Lambert as

major-general, and his forces numbered about 10,000 foot and 5000 horse.

His opponent David Leslie (his comrade of Marston Moor) had a much

larger force, but its degree of training was inferior, it was more than

tainted by the political dissensions of the people at large, and it was,

in great part at any rate, raised by forced enlistment. On the 22nd of

July Cromwell crossed the Tweed. He marched on Edinburgh by the sea

coast, through Dunbar, Haddington and Musselburgh, living almost

entirely on supplies landed by the fleet which accompanied him--for the

country itself was incapable of supporting even a small army--and on the

29th he found Leslie's army drawn up and entrenched in a position

extending from Leith to Edinburgh.

52. _Operations around Edinburgh._--The same day a sharp but indecisive

fight took place on the lower slopes of Arthur's Seat, after which

Cromwell, having felt the strength of Leslie's line, drew back to

Musselburgh. Leslie's horse followed him up sharply, and another action

was fought, after which the Scots assaulted Musselburgh without success.

Militarily Leslie had the best of it in these affairs, but it was

precisely this moment that the kirk party chose to institute a searching

three days' examination of the political and religious sentiments of his

army. The result was that the army was "purged" of 80 officers and 3000

soldiers as it lay within musket shot of the enemy. Cromwell was more

concerned, however, with the supply question than with the distracted

army of the Scots. On the 6th of August he had to fall back as far as

Dunbar to enable the fleet to land supplies in safety, the port of

Musselburgh being unsafe in the violent and stormy weather which

prevailed. He soon returned to Musselburgh and prepared to force Leslie

to battle. In preparation for an extended manoeuvre three days' rations

were served out. Tents were also issued, perhaps for the first time in

the civil wars, for it was a regular professional army, which had to be

cared for, made comfortable and economized, that was now carrying on the

work of the volunteers of the first war. Even after Cromwell started on

his manoeuvre, the Scottish army was still in the midst of its political

troubles, and, certain though he was that nothing but victory in the

field would give an assured peace, he was obliged to intervene in the

confused negotiations of the various Scottish parties. At last, however,

Charles II. made a show of agreeing to the demands of his strange

supporters, and Leslie was free to move. Cromwell had now entered the

hill country, with a view to occupying Queensferry and thus blocking up

Edinburgh. Leslie had the shorter road and barred the way at

Corstorphine Hill (August 21). Cromwell, though now far from his base,

manoeuvred again to his right, Leslie meeting him once more at Gogar

(August 27). The Scottish lines at that point were strong enough to

dismay even Cromwell, and the manoeuvre on Queensferry was at last given

up. It had cost the English army severe losses in sick, and much

suffering in the autumn nights on the bleak hillsides.

53. _Dunbar._--On the 28th Cromwell fell back on Musselburgh, and on the

31st, after embarking his non-effective men, to Dunbar. Leslie followed

him up, and wished to fight a battle at Dunbar on Sunday, the 1st of

September. But again the kirk intervened, this time to forbid Leslie to

break the Sabbath, and the unfortunate Scottish commander could only

establish himself on Doon Hill (see DUNBAR) and send a force to

Cockburnspath to bar the Berwick road. He had now 23,000 men to

Cromwell's 11,000, and proposed, _faute de mieux_, to starve Cromwell

into surrender. But the English army was composed of "ragged soldiers

with bright muskets," and had a great captain of undisputed authority at

their head. Leslie's, on the other hand, had lost such discipline as it

had ever possessed, and was now, under outside influences, thoroughly

disintegrated. Cromwell wrote home, indeed, that he was "upon an

engagement very difficult," but, desperate as his position seemed, he

felt the pulse of his opponent and steadily refused to take his army

away by sea. He had not to wait long. It was now the turn of Leslie's

men on the hillside to endure patiently privation and exposure, and

after one night's bivouac, Leslie, too readily inferring that the enemy

was about to escape by sea, came down to fight. The battle of Dunbar

(q.v.) opened in the early morning of the 3rd of September. It was the

most brilliant of all Oliver's victories. Before the sun was high in the

heavens the Scottish army had ceased to exist.

54. _Royalism in Scotland._--After Dunbar it was easy for the victorious

army to overrun southern Scotland, more especially as the dissensions of

the enemy were embittered by the defeat of which they had been the prime

cause. The kirk indeed put Dunbar to the account of its own remissness

in not purging their army more thoroughly, but, as Cromwell wrote on the

4th of September, the kirk had "done its do." "I believe their king will

set up on his own score," he continued, and indeed, now that the army of

the kirk was destroyed and they themselves were secure behind the Forth

and based on the friendly Highlands, Charles and the Cavaliers were in a

position not only to defy Cromwell, but also to force the Scottish

national spirit of resistance to the invader into a purely Royalist

channel. Cromwell had only received a few drafts and reinforcements from

England, and for the present he could but block up Edinburgh Castle

(which surrendered on Christmas eve), and try to bring up adequate

forces and material for the siege of Stirling--an attempt which was

frustrated by the badness of the roads and the violence of the weather.

The rest of the early winter of 1650 was thus occupied in semi-military,

semi-political operations between detachments of the English army and

certain armed forces of the kirk party which still maintained a

precarious existence in the western Lowlands, and in police work against

the moss-troopers of the Border counties. Early in February 1651, still

in the midst of terrible weather, Cromwell made another resolute but

futile attempt to reach Stirling. This time he himself fell sick, and

his losses had to be made good by drafts of recruits from England, many

of whom came most unwillingly to serve in the cold wet bivouacs that the

newspapers had graphically reported.[7]

55. _The English Militia._--About this time there occurred in England

two events which had a most important bearing on the campaign. The first

was the detection of a widespread Royalist-Presbyterian conspiracy--how

widespread no one knew, for those of its promoters who were captured and

executed certainly formed but a small fraction of the whole number.

Harrison was ordered to Lancashire in April to watch the north Welsh,

Isle of Man and Border Royalists, and military precautions were taken in

various parts of England. The second was the revival of the militia.

Since 1644 there had been no general employment of local forces, the

quarrel having fallen into the hands of the regular armies by force of

circumstances. The New Model, though a national army, resembled

Wellington's Peninsular army more than the soldiers of the French

Revolution and the American Civil War. It was now engaged in prosecuting

a war of aggression against the hereditary foe over the Border--strictly

the task of a professional army with a national basis. The militia was

indeed raw and untrained. Some of the Essex men "fell flat on their

faces on the sound of a cannon." In the north of England Harrison

complained to Cromwell of the "badness" of his men, and the lord general

sympathized, having "had much such stuff" sent him to make good the

losses in trained men. Even he for a moment lost touch with the spirit

of the people. His recruits were unwilling drafts for foreign service,

but in England the new levies were trusted to defend their homes, and

the militia was soon triumphantly to justify its existence on the day of

Worcester.

56. _Inverkeithing._--While David Leslie organized and drilled the

king's new army beyond the Forth, Cromwell was, slowly and with frequent

relapses, recovering from his illness. The English army marched to

Glasgow in April, then returned to Edinburgh. The motives of the march

and that of the return are alike obscure, but it may be conjectured

that, the forces in England under Harrison having now assembled in

Lancashire, the Edinburgh-Newcastle-York road had to be covered by the

main army. Be this as it may, Cromwell's health again broke down and his

life was despaired of. Only late in June were operations actively

resumed between Stirling and Linlithgow. At first Cromwell sought

without success to bring Leslie to battle, but he stormed Callendar

House near Falkirk on July 13, and on the 16th of July he began the

execution of a brilliant and successful manoeuvre. A force from

Queensferry, covered by the English fleet, was thrown across the Firth

of Forth to Northferry. Lambert followed with reinforcements, and

defeated a detachment of Leslie's army at Inverkeithing on the 20th.

Leslie drew back at once, but managed to find a fresh strong position in

front of Stirling, whence he defied Cromwell again. At this juncture

Cromwell prepared to pass his whole army across the firth. His

contemplated manoeuvre of course gave up to the enemy all the roads into

England, and before undertaking it the lord general held a consultation

with Harrison, as the result of which that officer took over the direct

defence of the whole Border. But his mind was made up even before this,

for on the day he met Harrison at Linlithgow three-quarters of his whole

army had already crossed into Fife. Burntisland, surrendered to Lambert

on the 29th, gave Cromwell a good harbour upon which to base his

subsequent movements. On the 30th of July the English marched upon

Perth, and the investment of this place, the key to Leslie's supply

area, forced the crisis at once. Whether Leslie would have preferred to

manoeuvre Cromwell from his vantage-ground or not is immaterial; the

young king and the now predominant Royalist element at headquarters

seized the long-awaited opportunity at once, and on the 31st, leaving

Cromwell to his own devices, the Royal army marched southward to raise

the Royal standard in England.

57. _The Third Scottish Invasion of England._--Then began the last and

most thrilling campaign of the Great Rebellion. Charles II. expected

complete success. In Scotland, _vis-a-vis_ the extreme Covenanters, he

was a king on conditions, and he was glad enough to find himself in

England with some thirty solidly organized regiments under Royalist

officers and with no regular army in front of him. He hoped, too, to

rally not merely the old faithful Royalists, but also the overwhelming

numerical strength of the English Presbyterians to his standard. His

army was kept well in hand, no excesses were allowed, and in a week the

Royalists covered 150 m.--in marked contrast to the duke of Hamilton's

ill-fated expedition of 1648. On the 8th of August the troops were given

a well-earned rest between Penrith and Kendal.

But the Royalists were mistaken in supposing that the enemy was taken

aback by their new move. Everything had been foreseen both by Cromwell

and by the Council of State in Westminster. The latter had called out

the greater part of the militia on the 7th. Lieutenant-General Fleetwood

began to draw together the midland contingents at Banbury, the London

trained bands turned out for field service no fewer than 14,000 strong.

Every suspected Royalist was closely watched, and the magazines of arms

in the country-houses of the gentry were for the most part removed into

the strong places. On his part Cromwell had quietly made his

preparations. Perth passed into his hands on the 2nd of August, and he

brought back his army to Leith by the 5th. Thence he despatched Lambert

with a cavalry corps to harass the invaders. Harrison was already at

Newcastle picking the best of the county mounted troops to add to his

own regulars. On the 9th Charles was at Kendal, Lambert hovering in his

rear, and Harrison marching swiftly to bar his way at the Mersey.

Fairfax emerged for a moment from his retirement to organize the

Yorkshire levies, and the best of these as well as of the Lancashire,

Cheshire and Staffordshire militias were directed upon Warrington, which

point Harrison reached on the 15th, a few hours in front of Charles's

advanced guard. Lambert too, slipping round the left flank of the enemy,

joined Harrison, and the English fell back (16th), slowly and without

letting themselves be drawn into a fight, along the London road.

58. _Campaign of Worcester._--Cromwell meanwhile, leaving Monk with the

least efficient regiments to carry on the war in Scotland, had reached

the Tyne in seven days, and thence, marching 20 m. a day in extreme

heat--with the country people carrying their arms and equipment--the

regulars entered Ferrybridge on the 19th, at which date Lambert,

Harrison and the north-western militia were about Congleton.[8] It

seemed probable that a great battle would take place between Lichfield

and Coventry about the 25th or 26th of August, and that Cromwell,

Harrison, Lambert and Fleetwood would all take part in it. But the scene

and the date of the _denouement_ were changed by the enemy's movements.

Shortly after leaving Warrington the young king had resolved to abandon

the direct march on London and to make for the Severn valley, where his

father had found the most constant and the most numerous adherents in

the first war, and which had been the centre of gravity of the English

Royalist movement of 1648. Sir Edward Massey, formerly the Parliamentary

governor of Gloucester, was now with Charles, and it was hoped that he

would induce his fellow-Presbyterians to take arms. The military quality

of the Welsh border Royalists was well proved, that of the

Gloucestershire Presbyterians not less so, and, based on Gloucester and

Worcester as his father had been based on Oxford, Charles II. hoped, not

unnaturally, to deal with an Independent minority more effectually than

Charles I. had done with a Parliamentary majority of the people of

England. But even the pure Royalism which now ruled in the invading army

could not alter the fact that it was a Scottish army, and it was not an

Independent faction but all England that took arms against it. Charles

arrived at Worcester on the 22nd of August, and spent five days in

resting the troops, preparing for further operations, and gathering and

arming the few recruits who came in. It is unnecessary to argue that the

delay was fatal; it was a necessity of the case foreseen and accepted

when the march to Worcester had been decided upon, and had the other

course, that of marching on London via Lichfield, been taken the battle

would have been fought three days earlier with the same result. As

affairs turned out Cromwell merely shifted the area of his concentration

two marches to the south-west, to Evesham. Early on the 28th Lambert

surprised the passage of the Severn at Upton, 6 m. below Worcester, and

in the action which followed Massey was severely wounded. Fleetwood

followed Lambert. The enemy was now only 16,000 strong and disheartened

by the apathy with which they had been received in districts formerly

all their own. Cromwell, for the first and last time in his military

career, had a two-to-one numerical superiority.

59. _The "Crowning Mercy."_--He took his measures deliberately. Lilburne

from Lancashire and Major Mercer with the Worcestershire horse were to

secure Bewdley Bridge on the enemy's line of retreat. Lambert and

Fleetwood were to force their way across the Teme (a little river on

which Rupert had won his first victory in 1642) and attack St John's,

the western suburb of Worcester. Cromwell himself and the main army were

to attack the town itself. On the 3rd of September, the anniversary of

Dunbar, the programme was carried out exactly. Fleetwood forced the

passage of the Teme, and the bridging train (which had been carefully

organized for the purpose) bridged both the Teme and the Severn. Then

Cromwell on the left bank and Fleetwood on the right swept in a

semicircle 4 m. long up to Worcester. Every hedgerow was contested by

the stubborn Royalists, but Fleetwood's men would not be denied, and

Cromwell's extreme right on the eastern side of the town repelled, after

three hours' hard fighting, the last desperate attempt of the Royalists

to break out. It was indeed, as a German critic[9] has pointed out, the

prototype of Sedan. Everywhere the defences were stormed as darkness

came on, regulars and militia fighting with equal gallantry, and the few

thousands of the Royalists who escaped during the night were easily

captured by Lilburne and Mercer, or by the militia which watched every

road in Yorkshire and Lancashire. Even the country people brought in

scores of prisoners, for officers and men alike, stunned by the

suddenness of the disaster, offered no resistance. Charles escaped after

many adventures, but he was one of the few men in his army who regained

a place of safety. The Parliamentary militia were sent home within a

week. Cromwell, who had ridiculed "such stuff" six months ago, knew them

better now. "Your new raised forces," he wrote to the House, "did

perform singular good service, for which they deserve a very high

estimation and acknowledgment." Worcester resembled Sedan in much more

than outward form. Both were fought by "nations in arms," by citizen

soldiers who had their hearts in the struggle, and could be trusted not

only to fight their hardest but to march their best. Only with such

troops would a general dare to place a deep river between the two halves

of his army or to send away detachments beforehand to reap the fruits of

victory, in certain anticipation of winning the victory with the

remainder. The sense of duty, which the raw militia possessed in so high

a degree, ensured the arrival and the action of every column at the

appointed time and place. The result was, in brief, one of those rare

victories in which a pursuit is superfluous--a "crowning mercy," as

Cromwell called it. There is little of note in the closing operations.

Monk had completed his task by May 1652; and Scotland, which had twice

attempted to impose its will on England, found itself reduced to the

position of an English province under martial law. The details of its

subjection are uninteresting after the tremendous climax of Worcester.

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