CHAPTER XIV

KING AND QUEEN

"Then came there a King; knighthood him led;

Might of the Commons made him to reign."

"Piers Plowman," B., Prol. 112

We have traced the main course of the poet's life, followed him at work

and at play, and considered his immediate environment. Let us now try to

roam more at large through the England of his day, and note the more

salient features of that society, high and low, from which he drew his

characters.

In this age, Chaucer could scarcely have had a better introduction to

Court life than that which fell to his lot. The King whom he served, when

we have made all possible deductions, was still the most imposing

sovereign of the time. Adam Murimuth, a contemporary chronicler not often

given to rhetoric, has drawn Edward III.'s portrait with no more

exaggeration than we must take for granted in a contemporary, and with

such brilliancy that his more picturesque successor, Walsingham, has

transferred the paragraph almost bodily into his own pages. "This King

Edward," writes Adam, "was of infinite goodness, and glorious among all

the great ones of the world, being entitled The Glorious par excellence,

for that by virtue of grace from heaven he outshone in excellence all his

predecessors, renowned and noble as they were. He was so great-hearted

that he never blenched or changed the fashion of his countenance at any

ill-hap or trouble soever that came upon him; a renowned and fortunate

warrior, who triumphed gloriously in battles by sea and land; clement and

benign, familiar and gentle even to all men, both strangers and his own

subjects or dependents; devoted to God, for he held God's Church and His

ministers in the greatest reverence. In temporal matters he was not too

unyielding, prudent and discreet in counsel, affable and gentle in

courtesy of speech, composed and measured in gesture and manners, pitiful

to the afflicted, and profuse in largesse. In times of wealth he was not

immoderate; his love of building was great and discriminating; he bore

losses with moderation; devoted to hawking, he spent much pains on that

art. His body was comely, and his face like the face of a god, wherefrom

so marvellous grace shone forth that whosoever openly considered his

countenance, or dreamed thereof by night, conceived a sure and certain

hope of pleasant solace and good-fortune that day. He ruled his realm

strictly even to his old age; he was liberal in giving and lavish in

spending; for he was excellent in all honour of manners, so that to live

under him was to reign; since his fame was so spread abroad among

barbarous nations that, extolling his honour, they averred that no land

under the sun had ever produced a King so noble, so generous, or so

fortunate; and that, after his death, none such would perchance ever be

raised up for future times. Yet he controlled not, even in old age, the

dissolute lusts of the flesh; and, as is believed, this intemperance

shortened his life." Hereupon follows a painfully involved sentence in

which the chronicler draws a moral from Edward's brilliant youth, the full

midday of his manhood, and the degradation of his declining years.[169]

If the praise of Edward's clemency seems overdrawn to those who remember

the story of the citizens of Calais, we must bear in mind that the

chronicler compares him here with other sovereigns of the time--with his

rival Philippe de Valois, who was scarcely dissuaded from executing Sir

Walter de Mauny in cold blood, despite his safe conduct from the Dauphin;

with Gaston de Foix, who with a penknife in his hand struck at his only

son and killed him; with Richard II., who smote the Earl of Arundel in the

face during the Queen's funeral, and "polluted Westminster Abbey with his

blood"; with Charles the Bad of Navarre, and Pedro the Cruel of Spain.

What even the cleric Murimuth saw, and what Chaucer and his friend

Hoccleve saw still more intimately, was the Haroun al-Raschid who went

about "in simple array alone" to hear what his people said of him; the

"mighty victor, mighty lord" of Sluys, Crecy and Calais; the King who in

war would freely hazard his own person, "raging like a wild boar, and

crying 'Ha Saint Edward! Ha Saint George!'"[170] and who in peace would

lead the revels at Windsor, clad in white and silver, and embroidered with

his motto--

Hay, hay, the white swan!

By Goddes soul I am thy man!

If Edward and his sons were renowned for their uniform success in battle,

it was not because they had feared to look defeat in the face. Every one

knows how much was risked and all but lost at Crecy and Poitiers; the

great sea-fight of "Les Espagnols sur Mer" is less known. Froissart excels

himself in this story.[171] We see Edward sailing out gaily, in spite of

the superior numbers of the Spaniards, and bidding his minstrels pipe the

brand-new air which Sir John Chandos had brought back from Germany, while

Chandos himself sang the words. Then, when the enemy came sailing down

upon him with their great embattled ships, the King bade his steersman

tilt straight at the first Spanish vessel, in spite of the disparity of

weight. The English boat cracked under the shock; her seams opened; and,

by the time that Edward had captured the next ship, his own was beginning

to sink. The Black Prince had even a narrower escape; it became evident

that his ship would go down before he could board the enemy; only the

timely arrival of the Earl of Derby saved him; the deck sank almost under

his feet as he climbed the sides of the Spaniard; "and all the enemy were

put overboard without taking any to mercy." The Queen prayed all day at

some abbey--probably Battle--in anguish of heart for the news which came

from time to time through watchers on the far-off Downs. Although Edward

and his sons took horse at once upon their landing, not until two o'clock

in the morning did they find her, apparently in her own castle at

Pevensey: "so the lords and ladies passed that night in great revel,

speaking of war and of love."

Arms and love were equally commemorated in a foundation which was one of

the glories of Edward's reign--the Round Tower of Windsor. Dying chivalry,

like other moribund institutions, broke out now and then into fantastic

revivals of the past. Edward resolved to hold a Round Table at his palace,

and to build a great tower for the purpose. Warrants were sent out to

impress the unhappy labourers throughout six counties; for a short time as

many as 722 men were employed on the work, and the whole Round Tower was

built in ten months of the year 1344.[172] Froissart connects this,

probably too closely, with the Order of the Garter, which seems not to

have been actually founded until 1349, when every household in the country

was saddened by the Great Pestilence. We have here one of the typical

contrasts of those times; both sides of the shield are seen in those

memories of love and war which cling round the Round Tower of Windsor.

Lavish profusion side by side with dirt and squalor; the minstrels clad in

rich cloths taken from the Spaniards; bright eyes and careless merriment

at the Royal board, while the hawks scream down from their perches, and

noble hounds fight for bones among the rushes; silken trains, stiff with

gold, trailing over the nameless defilements of the floor; a King and his

sons, more stately and warlike than any other Royal family; but their

crowns are in pawn with foreign merchants, and they themselves have been

obliged to leave four earls behind as hostages to their Flemish

creditors.[173] Royalty has always its _memento mori_, no doubt, but not

always under the same forms.

[Illustration: THE PEACOCK FEAST

(From the sepulchral brass of Robert Braunche, twice Mayor of Lynn, who

died in 1364. Braunche had the honour of entertaining Edward III., here

distinguished by his crown on the extreme left of the guests. Observe the

attitude of the attendant squire on the extreme right.)]

If Chaucer the poet was fortunate in his Royal master, still more

fortunate was Philippa Chaucer in her namesake, "the good Queen." The

wooing of Edward and Philippa of Hainault is painted lovingly by

Froissart, who was the lady's compatriot and a clerk in her service. In

1326 Queen Isabella of England, who had broken more or less definitely

with her husband, was staying with her eldest boy at her brother's Court

in Paris. But the King of France had no wish to encourage open rebellion;

and Isabella avoided extradition only by fleeing to her cousin, the Count

of Hainault, at Valenciennes. "In those days had Count William four

daughters, Margaret, Philippa, Joan, and Isabel; among whom young Edward

devoted himself most, and inclined with eyes of love to Philippa rather

than to the rest; and the maiden knew him better and kept closer company

with him than any of her sisters. So have I since heard from the mouth of

the good Lady herself, who was Queen of England, and in whose court and

service I dwelt." It was agreed, in reward for the count's hospitality,

that Edward should marry one of the girls; and when Isabella went home to

conquer England in her son's name, the main body of her army consisted of

Hainaulters, and most of the prepaid dowry of the future bride was

consumed by the expenses of the expedition. Then, in 1327, when the

wretched Edward II. had bitterly expiated his follies and crimes in the

dungeon of Berkeley, and the "she-wolf of France" already ruled England in

her son's name, she went through the form of asking whether he would marry

one of the young countesses. "And when they asked him, he began to laugh,

and said, 'Yes, I am better pleased to marry there than elsewhere; and

rather to Philippa, for she and I accorded excellently well together; and

she wept, I know well, when I took leave of her at my departure.'" All

that was needed now was a papal dispensation; for the parties were second

cousins. This was, of course, a mere matter of form--or, rather, of money.

Towards the end of the year Philippa was married by proxy at Valenciennes;

and on December 23 she arrived in London, where there were "great

rejoicings and noble show of lords, earls, barons, knights, highborn

ladies and noble damsels, with rich display of dress and jewels, with

jousts too and tourneys for the ladies' love, with dancing and carolling,

and with great and rich feasts day by day; and these rejoicings endured

for the space of 3 weeks." Edward was at York, resting after his first

Scottish campaign; so "the young queen and her meinie journeyed northwards

until they came to York, where she was received with great solemnity. And

all the lords of England who were in the city came forth in fair array to

meet her, and with them the young king, mounted on an excellently-paced

hackney, magnificently clad and arrayed; and he took her by the hand, and

then embraced and kissed her; and so riding side by side, with great

plenty of minstrels and honours, they entered the city and came to the

Queen's lodgings.... So there the young King Edward wedded Philippa of

Hainault in the cathedral church of St. William [_sic_].... And the king

was seventeen years of age, and the young queen was on the point of

fourteen years.... Thus came the said queen Philippa to England at so

happy a time that the whole kingdom might well rejoice thereat, and did

indeed rejoice; for since the days of queen Guinevere, who was wife to

King Arthur and queen of England (which men called Great Britain in those

days), so good a queen never came to that land, nor any who had so much

honour, or such fair offspring; for in her time, by King Edward her

spouse, she had seven sons and five daughters. And, so long as she lived,

the realm of England enjoyed grace, prosperity, honour, and all good

fortune; nor was there ever enduring famine or dearth in the land while

she reigned there.... Tall and straight she was; wise, gladsome, humble,

devout, free-handed, and courteous; and in her time she was richly adorned

with all noble virtues, and well beloved of God and men."[174]

[Illustration: PHILIPPA OF HAINAULT, FROM HER TOMB IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY

(THE FIRST OF THE ROYAL TOMBS WHICH IS AN ACTUAL PORTRAIT)]

So far Froissart, recording events which happened some ten years before

his birth, from the mouths of the actors themselves; writing lovingly, in

his extreme old age, of his first and noblest patroness, and proudly as a

Dane might write thirty years hence of the princess who had come from his

own home to win all hearts in England.[175] From other chroniclers, and

from dry official documents, we may throw interesting sidelights on these

more living memorials. One such document, however, is as living as a page

from Froissart himself, in spite of--or shall we say, because of?--its

essentially business character and the legal caution of phrase in which

the writer has wrapped up his direct personal impressions. The official

register of the ill-fated Bishop Stapledon, of Exeter, so soon to expiate

at the hands of a London mob his loyal ministerial service to Edward

II., is in the main like other episcopal registers--a record of

ordinations, institutions, dispensations, lawsuits, and more or less

unsuccessful attempts to reduce his clergy to canonical discipline.[176]

But it contains, under the date of 1319 (p. 169), an entry which has, so

far as I know, been strangely overlooked hitherto by historians. The Latin

title runs, "Inspection and Description of the Daughter of the Count of

Hainault, Philippa by name." To this a later hand, probably that of the

succeeding bishop, has added: "She was Queen of England, Wife to Edward

III." The document itself, which is in Norman-French, runs as follows:

"The lady whom we saw has not uncomely hair, betwixt blue-black and brown.

Her head is clean-shaped; her forehead high and broad, and standing

somewhat forward. Her face narrows between the eyes, and the lower part of

her face still more narrow and slender than the forehead. Her eyes are

blackish-brown and deep. Her nose is fairly smooth and even, save that it

is somewhat broad at the tip and also flattened, yet it is no snub-nose.

Her nostrils are also broad, her mouth fairly wide. Her lips somewhat

full, and especially the lower lip. Her teeth which have fallen and grown

again are white enough, but the rest are not so white. The lower teeth

project a little beyond the upper; yet this is but little seen. Her ears

and chin are comely enough. Her neck, shoulders, and all her body and

lower limbs are reasonably well shapen; all her limbs are well set and

unmaimed; and nought is amiss so far as a man may see. Moreover, she is

brown of skin all over, and much like her father; and in all things she is

pleasant enough, as it seems to us. And the damsel will be of the age of

nine years on St. John's day next to come, as her mother saith. She is

neither too tall nor too short for such an age; she is of fair carriage,

and well taught in all that becometh her rank, and highly esteemed and

well beloved of her father and mother and of all her meinie, in so far as

we could inquire and learn the truth." Cannot we here see, through the

bishop's dry and measured phrases, a figure scarcely less living and

attractive than Froissart shows us?

But the register corrects the historian just where we should expect to

find him at fault. "The noble and worthy lady my mistress" would scarcely

have told Froissart how much State policy there had been in the marriage,

true love-match as it had been in spite of all. The old bishop, before

whose face she had trembled, and laughed again behind his back with her

sisters; his invidious comparisons between her first and second teeth; his

business-like collection of backstairs gossip, which some more

confidential maid-of-honour must surely have whispered to her mistress--of

all this the noble lady naturally breathed no syllable to her devoted

clerk. But, apart from the official record in the secret archives of

Exeter diocese, a vague memory of it all was kept alive in men's minds by

that most efficacious of historical preservatives--a broad jest. The

rhyming chronicler Hardyng, whose life overlapped Froissart's and

Chaucer's by several years, records a good deal of Court gossip,

especially about Edward III.'s family. He writes[177]--

"He sent forth then to Hainault for a wife

A bishop and other lordes temporal,

Where, in chamber privy and secret

At discovered, dishevelled also in all,

As seeming was to estate virginal.

Among themselves our lords, for his prudence

Of the bishop asked counsel and sentence.

"Which daughter of the five should be the queen.

Who counselled thus, with sad avisement

'We will have her with good hippes, I mean,

For she will bear good sons, to mine intent.'

To which they all accorded by assent,

And chose Philippa that was full feminine,

As the bishop most wise did determine.

"But then among themselves they laughed fast ay;

The lords then said [that] the bishop couth

Full mickle skill of a woman alway, [was a good judge

That so could choose a lady that was uncouth; [unknown

And, for the merry words that came of his mouth,

They trowed he had right great experience

Of woman's rule and their convenience."

Later on again, after enumerating the titles and virtues of the sons that

were born of this union, Hardyng continues--

"So high and large they were of all stature,

The least of them was of [his] person able

To have foughten with any creature

Single battaile in actes merciable;

The bishop's wit me thinketh commendable,

So well could choose the princess that them bore,

For by practice he knew it, or by lore."

We need find no difficulty in reconciling Froissart with these other

documents; Edward's was a love-match, but, like all Royal love-matches,

subject to possible considerations of State. The first negotiations for a

papal dispensation carefully avoid exact specification; the request is

simply for leave to marry "one of the daughters" of Hainault; only two

months before the actual marriage does the final document bear Philippa's

name.

The Queen's public life--the scene before Calais, and her (somewhat

doubtful) presence at the battle of Nevile's Cross--belongs rather to the

general history of England; of her private life, as of Chaucer's, a great

deal only flashes out here and there, meteor-wise, from account-books and

similar business documents. We find, for instance, what gifts were given

to the messengers who announced the births of her successive children to

the King; and Beltz, in his "Memorials of the Garter," has unearthed the

name of the lady who nursed the Black Prince.[178] We find Edward building

for his young consort the castle since called Queenborough, the

master-mason on this occasion being John Gibbon, ancestor to the great

historian. At another moment we see the Earl of Oxford, as Chamberlain,

claiming for his perquisites after the coronation Philippa's bed, shoes,

and three silver basins; but Edward redeemed the bed for L1000.[179] This

redemption is explained by divers entries in the Royal accounts; in 1335-6

the King owed John of Cologne L3000 for a bed made "against the

confinement of the Lady Philippa ... of green velvet, embroidered in gold,

with red sirens, bearing a shield with the arms of England and Hainault."

The infant on this occasion was the short-lived William of Hatfield, whose

child-tomb may be seen in York Cathedral. Her carpets for a later

confinement cost L900, but her bed only L1250. And so on to the latest

entries of all--the carving of her tomb at Westminster; the wrought-iron

hearse which the canons of St. Paul's obligingly took from the tomb of

Bishop Northbrooke and sold for that of the Queen at the price of

L600;[180] lastly, the rich "mortuary" accruing to the Chapter of York

Minster, who got for their perquisite the bed on which Philippa had

breathed her last, and had its rich hangings cut up into "thirteen copes,

six tunics and one chasuble."[181]

But here let us turn back to Froissart, who, under the year 1369, turns

suddenly aside from his chronicle of battles and sieges, to pay a

heartfelt tribute to his first benefactress. "Now let us speak of the

death of the gentlest queen, the most liberal and courteous of all who

reigned in her time, my Lady Philippa of Hainault, queen of England and

Ireland: God pardon her and all others! In these days ... there came to

pass in England a thing common enough, but exceedingly pitiful this time

for the king and her children and the whole land; for the good lady the

Queen of England, who had done so much good in her lifetime and succoured

so many knights, ladies, and damsels, and given and distributed so freely

among all people, and who had ever loved so naturally those of her own

native land of Hainault, lay grievously sick in the castle of Windsor; and

her sickness lay so hard upon her that it waxed more and more grievous,

and her last end drew near. When therefore this good lady and queen knew

that she must die, she sent for the king her husband; and, when he was

come into her presence, she drew her right hand from under the coverlet

and put it into the right hand of the king, who was sore grieved in his

heart; and thus spake the good lady: 'My Lord, heaven be thanked that we

have spent our days in peace and joy and prosperity; wherefore I pray that

you will grant me three boons at this my departure.' The King, weeping and

sobbing, answered and said, 'Ask, Lady, for they are granted.' 'My Lord, I

pray for all sorts of good folk with whom in time past I have dealt for

their merchandize, both on this and on that side of the sea, that ye will

easily trust their word for that wherein I am bound to them, and pay full

quittance for me. Next, that ye will keep and accomplish all ordinances

which I have made, and all legacies which I have bequeathed, both to

churches on either side of the sea where I have paid my devotions, and to

the squires and damsels who have served me. Thirdly, my Lord, I pray that

ye will choose no other sepulture than to lie by my side in the Abbey of

Westminster, when God's will shall be done on you.' The King answered

weeping, 'Lady, I grant it you.' Then made the Queen the sign of the true

cross on him, and commended the King to God, and likewise the lord Thomas

her youngest son, who was by her side; and then within a brief space she

yielded up her ghost, which (as I firmly believe) the holy angels of

paradise seized and carried with great joy to the glory of heaven; for

never in her life did she nor thought she any thing whereby she might lose

it."

As the good Queen's beloved bed-hangings were dispersed in fragments among

the Canons of York, so her dying benedictions would seem to have been

scattered no less widely to the winds. One of the servants so tenderly

commended to the King's care was Chaucer's wife; but another was Alice

Perrers, whom Edward had already noted with favour, and who now took more

or less openly the dead Queen's place. Men aged rapidly in those days;

and, as Edward trod the descending slope of life, his manly will weakened

and left little but the animal behind. Philippa was scarcely cold in her

grave when Alice Perrers, decked in her mistress's jewels, was

masquerading at royal tournaments as the Lady of the Sun. Presently she

was sitting openly at the judge's side in the law courts; the King's shame

was the common talk of his subjects; and even the formal protests of

Parliament failed to separate her from the doting old King, from whom on

his death-bed she kept the clergy away until his speech was gone. Then,

having stolen the very rings from his fingers, she left him to a priest

who could only infer repentance from his groans and tears. Thomas of

Woodstock, the Queen's Benjamin, fared not much better. He became the

selfish and overbearing leader of the opposition to Richard II., and was

at last secretly murdered by order of the royal nephew whom he had bullied

more or less successfully for twenty years.

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