Like the military values of space research, the practical value of space
exploration in terms of world prestige has also been acknowledged almost
from the beginning of the satellite era.
The White House, in its initial statement on the national space program,
declared:
It is useful to distinguish among (the) factors which give
importance, urgency, and inevitability to the advancement of space
technology (one of which) is the factor of national prestige. To be
strong and bold in space technology will enhance the prestige of
the United States among the peoples of the world and create added
confidence in our scientific, technological, industrial, and
military strength.[18]
Only recently, however, has the full impact and meaning of this phase of
our national space program come to be widely recognized. It has been
stated, perhaps in its most forceful and succinct form, by an American
official in a unique position to know. The Director of the U.S.
Information Agency, part of whose job is to keep track of the esteem in
which America is held abroad, has told Congress:
Our space program may be considered as a measure of our vitality
and our ability to compete with a formidable rival and as a
criterion of our ability to maintain technological eminence worthy
of emulation by other peoples.[19]
This element of space exploration takes on particular significance in
light of the current international struggle to influence the minds of
men, in light of the rising tide of nationalism throughout the world,
and in light of the intensification of the cold war as demonstrated by
the now-famous U-2 incident and the hardening attitude of oriental
communism.
In the words of an influential newspaper:
Wholly apart from the intellectual compulsions that now drive man
to move higher and higher into the high heavens, it seems clear
that our country can be niggardly in this field only at the risk of
being completely and forever outclassed by Russia--a gamble that
could have the most fearful political, economic, and military
consequences.[20]
Incidentally, there is another prestige factor to be considered. This is
what might be called the chain-reaction factor: the likelihood that
technological preeminence in the space field will attract top talent
from other parts of the world to the banner of the country which
develops it, and thus constantly nourish and replenish the efforts of
that country. It is a consideration which has not received general
attention, although it has been discussed before some of the world's
leading space scientists.[21]
Here again, as with the military situation, the Soviets are making every
effort to exploit their dexterity in space. They are pursuing the
prestige gambit directly and indirectly. In the first category, for
example, they give top priority to space exhibits in important public
forums--as their duplicate sputniks strategically placed at the world's
fair and the United Nations attest. Premier Khrushchev's delight in
making gifts to foreigners of miniature Soviet pennants similar to that
carried in Lunik II--which hit the Moon--is another instance.[22]
The indirect drive for prestige via space technology is far more
important. It has been described by a congressional committee as
follows:
It is difficult to escape the conclusion that the Soviet Union in
the last several years has demonstrated a great skill in
coordinating its progress in missilery, its success in space
missions, and its foreign policy and world image. Shots seem to
have been timed to maximize the effects of visits of Soviet leaders
and to punctuate Soviet statements and positions in international
negotiations. This is not to equate their space activities with
hollow propaganda. Empty claims do not have a positive effect for
long. Nor is there any firm evidence that it has been possible for
political policymakers to call their shots at times inconsistent
with good scientific and technical needs. The conclusion is rather
that the many elements of scientific, technical, military,
political, and psychological policy are all weighed, and tests
which make a full contribution to such a combined strategy are
carried out and supported with appropriate publicity.[23]
There is also evidence that scientific endeavor by the Russians for
prestige purposes is having repercussions on internal policy. Great
emphasis is currently being placed on the demonstrable usefulness of
scientific effort--to the extent that Soviet colleges, research
institutions, examining boards, and academies of science have been
directed to be more exacting in conferring scientific degrees and
titles. Newness and usefulness are requisite, but, at the same time,
degrees may now be awarded for other than dissertations; inventions and
textbooks of major importance may also earn a degree for their
authors.[24]
Within the prestige context, it is true that the United States must
labor under certain handicaps because of the nature of its democratic
system.
No effort is made in the American space program to hide the failures
which result from its highly complex character. Our burnups, misfires,
explosions, fizzles, and lost or wayward vehicles are well publicized.
Those of the Soviet Union rarely are. Even though most nations are well
aware that the Russians must be having their troubles, too, the
appearance of uniform success fostered by the U.S.S.R. inevitably
contributes to an image of scientific superiority. In addition, the
Soviets have developed a habit of striving for spectacular "firsts,"
most of which undoubtedly are undertaken almost as much for prestige
reasons as for scientific ones.
[Illustration: FIGURE 4.--Symbolic of the American effort in
space is this Thor-Able rocket, shown here launching the Tiros weather
satellite into a near-perfect orbit. This same vehicle, which launched
the record-breaking 23 million-mile communication probe--Pioneer V--has
contributed enormously to U.S. prestige abroad.]
Still, the United States has not done badly from the prestige angle. So
far as the world's scientific fraternity is concerned, it may even be
well in the lead.
In the first 30 or so months following the opening of the space age, as
signaled by the launching of Sputnik I in October 1957, the United
States put 21 satellites into orbit out of 42 attempts. Two out of five
deep-space probes were successful. The degree of success for all major
launchings ran better than 50 percent. The American effort has been
based on a broad scope of inquiry and includes long-range
communications, weather reporting, navigation and surveillance vehicles,
as well as information-gathering satellites.
During the same period the Soviets launched four Earth satellites, one
deep-space probe, one lunar-impact probe and one satellite into a much
elongated Earth orbit which circled and photographed the Moon. Most of
their vehicles have been substantially heavier than those launched by
the United States, although complete information on their scientific
purposes and the result obtained has never been disclosed.
The world political value of such programs cannot be discounted. To the
extent that the welfare of the United States depends upon its stature in
the eyes of the rest of the world (which is believed considerable) and
to the extent that the scientific capability of the United States
influences such stature (which is also believed considerable) our space
venture has very marked practical utility. It may even mean the
difference between freedom and dictatorship, between survival and
oblivion.