CHARACTERISTICS OF ELECTIONEERING, 1833 TO 1857.
John Doyle, as a Tory satirist, was eagerly anticipating indications
of change in the popular sentiments. His warnings on the Reform Bill
had fallen unheeded, and the Whig party was still strong in power.
HB ventured on the hint that the Tories were only temporarily in
disfavour, and that they had but to adapt themselves to the times
and resume office. The “Waits” (January, 1833) gives an ingenious
and novel view of political matters. John Bull, in dressing-gown and
double night-cap, is leaning out of his first-floor window in critical
contemplation of the minstrels’ efforts to please his ear. The Duke
of Wellington, with the smallest of fiddles, has the leadership of
“the waits.” Lord Ellenborough (trombone), Sir Robert Peel (flute),
and Lord Aberdeen (’cello) are the midnight harmonists. The awakened
householder, Mr. Bull, is requesting a more piquant programme: “I’m
tired of your eternal ‘God save the King’ and ‘Rule Britannia,’--give
us something French--‘The Marseillaise’ or ‘The Parisienne.’”
Wellington, touching his hat, replies, “Please your Honour, we don’t
play them ’ere tunes.”
“Sindbad the _Sailor_ and the Old Man of the Sea!” (_vide_ fifth
voyage, June 8, 1833) was published after the dissolution. William
IV. is, of course, the marvellous traveller, and the incubus he has
submitted to get settled on his shoulders is the reforming premier,
Lord Grey.
That parliamentary reform, though commenced, was by the extreme
party considered but an imperfect measure, is pictorially illustrated
in various designs by HB; for instance, the elusive “Time” is shown
running away with the great Whig Reform Bill, and Lord Althorp is
seen tearing after the vanishing roll, crying, “Stop thief!” He
has the _Times_ in his pocket, presumably the organ by which John
Bull’s course was piloted, and is vainly trying to come up with the
departing thief and his measure, one tiny corner Lord Althorp has torn
off, “Schedule A,” and that promises to be all he can save from the
abduction.
[Illustration: SINDBAD THE SAILOR AND THE OLD MAN OF THE SEA. JUNE 8,
1833. BY J. DOYLE (HB).]
Another version, also by Doyle, embodies in graphic form the views of
the root-and-branch reformers; a grand trio of Sir Francis Burdett,
then a prominent Radical; Joseph Hume, who was all for economic reform,
in which important branch he has left no true successor; and Daniel
O’Connell, a most important factor in his time, whose covert designs
were nothing less than “Repeal.” These gentlemen, who were among the
most conspicuous politicians of their day, are linked arm-in-arm as
the “Three Great Pillars of Government; or, A Walk from White Conduit
House to St. Stephen’s” (July 23, 1834); published under the same
auspices of Thomas McLean, at the Haymarket Gallery, as the other
examples of Doyle’s satirical ability reproduced in this summary. Sir
Francis Burdett is with much spirit advocating “Equal Representation
and Annual Parliaments--and _that_ (a snap of the fingers) for the
Borough-mongers.” Hume is applauding this resolute front: “Bravo! and
Cheap Government;” to which Daniel O’Connell is adding, “And Universal
Suffrage, and Vote by BALLOT, eh?” with, as a supplement, in a
very small whisper, “A Repeal of the Union.”
When another general election occurred, the situation of honest John
Bull was figured as that of a stout gentleman wishing to be carried
on his road, but distracted as to the conveyance he must choose. The
Tory ’bus stands contrasted with the new reform steam vehicle, which is
crowded with experimentalists. “The Opposition ‘Busses” is the title
of this version, also due to HB. The Duke of Wellington is trying to
secure John Bull for his old coach, which does not seem much patronized.
“Don’t trust ’em, Sir, and their new-fangled machinery. Can’t
get on at all without being kept in constant hot water, and
sure to blow up in the end; with us you’ll be much more safe
and comfortable,--careful driver, steady train’d horses, and
rate of going much faster than formerly.”
[Illustration: Sir Francis Burdett.
Joseph Hume.
Daniel O’Connell.
THREE GREAT PILLARS OF GOVERNMENT; OR, A WALK FROM WHITE CONDUIT HOUSE
TO ST. STEPHEN’S.
JULY 23, 1834. BY J. DOYLE (HB).
[_Page 376._]
Sir Robert Peel is the coachman. Steam-coaches were fashionable
novelties in 1834; the uncomfortable-looking, nondescript new
conveyance, with its steam up, is crowded with statesmen. O’Connell,
Lord Melbourne, Lord John Russell, and Lord Palmerston are
distinguishable. Hume is touting for his new invention:--
“You are not such a silly Chiel as to go with them old screws?
Eh, you’ll never get to your journey’s end. Ours is the new
grand-junction Steam Omnibus, constructed upon scientific and
feelosophical principles--warranted to go at race-horse speed,
and no stopping.”
[Illustration: DESIGN FOR THE KING’S ARMS, TO BE PLACED OVER THE NEW
SPEAKER’S CHAIR. FEB. 17, 1835. BY J. DOYLE (HB).]
With the renovated and redressed Constitution, the wits hinted that
novel accessories would be in request, and that the insignia of
regality would also have to be revised. Such a suggestion is offered
in Doyle’s “Original Design for the King’s Arms, to be placed over the
_New_ Speaker’s Chair,” where old Cobbett, late “Peter Porcupine,”
the persistent agitator, who obtained a seat in Parliament after the
passing of the Reform Bill, is playfully substituted as the British
Lion; and the high-bred Sir Francis Burdett, who, as is seen in these
electioneering illustrations, had so long figured before the public
as a Radical reformer, and was now beginning to turn to the Tory
interest, is usurping the position in the royal escutcheon generally
appropriated to the fabled unicorn.
The advent of the ballot was not ardently desired by the Tories, and
it was hinted that the consequences of its introduction would entail
such inconveniences as are figured in the two illustrations here
given, rather implying that violence and coercion would henceforth be
unavailing, and that, as bribery would be in vain also, administrative
corruptors would prefer to make a more legitimate use of their money.
A ballad of the “broadside” order appeared upon “The Windsor Election”
of 1835. As a genuine rough-and-ready production, called forth by
the circumstances of the contest, and embodying the names of the
candidates, it is worth preserving as typical of thousands of similar
ballads, which have in all probability perished from the bills of
mortality.
“What a wonderful thing’s an Election!
It sets all the people alive;
And makes them all busy and nimble,
Like so many bees in a hive.
’Tis then the nobs learn to be civil,
And get all their lessons by rote;
With ‘How do you do? Honest friend,
I’m come to solicit your vote.’
“There’s enough of that humbug just now,
To be seen in a neighbouring town,
Where the voters don’t scruple to say
The whole will be dear for a _Crown_.
They’re professing to canvass for truth,
Which all honest folks must deny,
For ’tis plain as the nose on your face,
They’ll gammon you all with--_a-lie_.[72]
“Then, to think of that corporate body,
All their mind on the thing is agog;
They’ll be gammon’d as surely by him
As they formerly were with their hog.
Just fancy that day at the hustings,
You see that comical crop,
The old soldier playing first fiddle
To the tune of the Bachelor’s Hop.
“When they’ve scrap’d and fiddled away,
And find little company come,
The Fiddler will soon bag his kit,
And then the day’s work will be done.
The people may think this is wise (Vyse),
But the thing will be well understood,
For a man to fiddle all day
Should be made of cast iron or wood (Col. Wood).
“Now to see the phizogs of this crew,
As they travel away cheek-by-jowl,
Led on by old Dot-and-go-one,
A-scratching the head _of his poll_.
At the warmints he’s storming and raving,
And wishing ’em all at the Devil,
Whilst Sir John,[73] and the rest of his staff,
Are cursing the Bachelor’s Revel.
“Success to Sir John de Beauvoir,
He’s a man that is loyal and true,
He’ll strangle that monster--corruption,
And live to bury him, too.
Whilst the ghost of old Elley, in pity,
To the Corporate body will come,
In a vision, with two bags of money,
On the back of old Dot-and-go one.”
[Illustration: INCONVENIENCES THAT MIGHT HAVE ARISEN FROM THE BALLOT.
BY G. SEYMOUR.
[_Page 378._
DUKE OF WELLINGTON.--“Yes, my Lord, fifty thousand
pounds expended, four-fifths of the votes promised, and yet the
Election lost!”
LORD ELDON.--“Oh, horrible!!”]
[Illustration: INCONVENIENCES THAT MIGHT HAVE ARISEN FROM THE BALLOT.
BY G. SEYMOUR.
[_Page 378._
“GIPSY-BOY” BLUDGEON-MEN.--“Arn’t we Gipsy-Boys to be
your Bullies this Election, my Lord--if you want anything done,
we arn’t at all partickler what it is?”
FIRST LORD.--“No; I’ve got no use for you now!”]
It appears that the Whig interest had it all their own way; Sir John
Elley was put forward by the Windsor corporation as an independent
candidate, as appears from the following extracts from “A Parody of the
Mistletoe Bough:”--
“A banner now hangs in a corporate town
Professing to keep all corruption down,
And many retainers are blithe and gay,
Being keeping an Election holiday:
But the Corporate body, they take offence,
And bring a man here under pretence
That an Independent Gent is he,
And they swear that he is no Nominee.”
* * * * *
Sir John Elley leaves his committee forlorn, and is sought for far and
near without success:--
“Some time after, Sir John did recede,
A Bachelor passed him o’er Runnymede;
A Skeleton tall passed before his sight,
He thought the form was the good old knight;
And a death-like voice did grate on his ear--
‘We never have any corruption here;
This is sacred ground, so go back and relate,
_Magna Charta_ has strangled your dear Candidate.’”
Two years later, another appeal to the country was impending. At the
beginning of 1837, HB produced a figurative prospect of the situation,
as “A New Instance of the Mute--ability of Human Affairs.” The British
Constitution, that fabled “admiration of surrounding nations,” and
“monument of the collective wisdom of generations,” is at last
moribund: the fatal hour has arrived, and the chamber of mourning is
presented to view. Mounted upon sable trestles, and covered with a rich
pall, is the coffin which contains the defunct, according to the plate,
“Died 1837, of the prevailing Influenza, the British Constitution of
1688, aged 149 years;” the mutes, with trappings of woe, stationed on
either side of the coffin, are Lord John Russell and Spring Rice.
In March, 1837, HB gave the public a version of that appeal to the
constituencies, then becoming more imminent: “Going to the Fair with
It. A cant phrase for doing anything in an extravagant way--known, it
is presumed, to most persons.” The three performers are in the thick
of the fair, within the circle of booths; one tent has the sign of the
“King’s Head,” with the Union Jack flying, another mounts the sign
of “The Mitre.” Dan O’Connell is seated on the ground as a conjuror,
with a paraphernalia of swords, rings, and balls--“Irish titles and
appropriation clause” among the former. He is performing the “great
sword-swallowing trick,” with a blade marked “Repeal.” Spring Rice,
dressed as a tumbler, is balancing a block on a stick which rests
on his chin. The chief attraction, the only performance which is
absorbing the wonder of the entire spectators, is that of the acrobat,
Lord John Russell, who is sustaining himself in the air raised on
a single support, marked, “Irish Corporation Bill.” John Bull, who
occupies the central position, cannot disguise his interest in the
feat: “Well done, little ’un; you’ve got up a surprising height--take
care how you let yourself down.” The Duke of Wellington is counselling
John Bull: “These tricks are decidedly dangerous, and should not be
encouraged.” Sir Robert Peel and Lord Stanley are in conference, as
retired professors of conjuring. “This is the great trick now--the
stilts are quite discarded.” A bishop is observing, “That man balances
very inequitably.”
On the other side are grouped various critics of the performance.
Lord Ebrington considers the trick “wonderful, even more astonishing
than the Stilts.” Sir William Molesworth declares, “They deserve
encouragement, but they don’t go half as far as they ought.” Hume also
thinks, “it is very well as far as it goes!” Lord Brougham, wearing his
distinguishing plaid trousers, is in conference with Mr. Roebuck as to
starting an opposition show: “What do you think if we were to set up a
little concern of our own: you would make a very nice little Tumbler,
and I--you know, am an old hand that way!” Sir Francis Burdett, who had
given some surprising performances in his time, is leaving the fair,
declaring, “I can’t stand it any longer;” while his associate, Sir J.
C. Hobhouse, advises him to wait a while, “Don’t go yet; the best of
the sport is to come!”
The struggles, twists, and contortions of ministers to keep in place,
and the involutions of “Ins and Outs,” were ably parodied, a few months
before the dissolution, as the “Fancy Ball--Jim Crow Dance and Chorus”
(April 17, 1837); in which the most prominent movers of both parties
are travestied in fancy costumes, out-at-elbows, and with blackened
faces--the likenesses admirably preserved; and executing a reel worthy
of “Chimney Sweeps’ Day;” the whole arranged to the then-popular air
of “Jump Jim Crow,” introduced at that time by an actor named Rice--the
forerunner of the “Christy Minstrels” of a later generation. The
central figures are--O’Connell, who is making a contemptuous gesture,
and his partner, Lord Melbourne; Wellington and Peel are _vis-à-vis_;
Stanley and Graham are jigging gaily together, so are Lords Abinger and
Lyndhurst; Sir Francis Burdett and General de Lacy Evans are figuring
back-to-back in approved Irish-jig style; and Spring Rice is getting on
well to a lively measure along with Lord John Russell.
“Behold the Politician!
Out of place he’ll never go,
But to keep it, don’t he turn about
And jump Jim Crow?
“Turn about, and wheel about,
And do just so,
The only Cabinet Quadrille
Is jump Jim Crow!”
Sir Francis Burdett--the “seven-stringed Jack” and admirer of the
French revolution of Gillray’s cartoons, the fiery Radical of
Cruikshank’s early flashing squibs--after a career of remarkable
prominence as a zealous innovator and friend of reform, quixotically
riding full tilt against abuses of all kinds, was exhibiting himself,
in the session about to close his old career, as a convert to fine
full-bodied Tory principles. HB has pictorially given the contests
the famous baronet had waged with the mighty Dan O’Connell, whose
“repealing” proclivities seem finally to have opened Burdett’s eyes
as to the desirability of preserving the integrity of the kingdom.
His highly characteristic speech at the Westminster hustings is the
best exposition of his changed opinions. In his picture of “A Fine
Old English Gentleman, One of the Olden Time” (May 10, 1837), Doyle
has commemorated the baronet’s final accession to the country party,
by drawing Sir Francis in his familiar guise--blue coat, tightly
buttoned, with swallow tails, white vest and ample white cravat, white
cords, and top-boots,--seated, a prisoner in his own apartments,
suffering from an attack of gout. A picture of the Tower, hung on the
wall, indicates a previous episode of imprisonment, when Burdett became
an inmate of that edifice (April 6, 1810); he was the last political
prisoner confined there. It was felt that the baronet’s connection with
Westminster was about to be severed; however, he offered himself for
re-election, that his old constituents might pronounce upon his action.
The candidature of Mr. Leader formed the subject of several of Doyle’s
suggestive sketches. In “Following the Leader” (May 12, 1837), HB
has given a fanciful version of the candidate’s supporters impressed
as boardsmen. O’Connell heads the file, with a placard “Leader for
Westminster.” Lord Melbourne is advertising “Leader and Reform of the
House of Lords.” Lord John Russell, as a “sandwich” man, announces
“Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot;” Lord
Palmerston’s board declares, “I am a Tory, and was always a Tory.” Sir
William Molesworth, Hume, and others bring up the rear, with “Leader
for Westminster” placards. The Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel
are surveying the demonstration from a distance, “These, I suppose, are
some of the Pismires!”
“May Day in 1837” is another ingenious version of the political
situation. The figure enclosed in the green, which is surmounted by
the crown, is the king, William IV.; he is getting nervous at his
situation: “I have got into a warm berth, it must be owned; indeed,
it grows rather Hellish.” Melbourne makes a handsome “my lord,” and
Russell’s figure just suits “my lady.” Lord Morpeth is a serviceable
clown. The whole dance is performed to the drum accompaniment of Dan
O’Connell. Spring Rice, as chancellor of the exchequer, is going
round to John Bull for the supplies, much to the national prototype’s
surprise: “You little spooney! How came you to be entrusted with the
ladle, eh?” Sir Francis Burdett, still in his sweep’s disguise, is
stalking off from the concern: “These ’ere fellers grow so werry wulgar
that a gentlemen can’t keep company with them no longer.”
It was on this occasion that Sir Francis Burdett,--finally forsaking
those Radical principles upon which he had been returned in the first
instance for Westminster in 1807--for which important city he had sat
until 1837,--appealed to the constituency which had elected him for
thirty years, and, with that chivalrous spirit which distinguished
his nature, challenged the votes of his supporters as to how far his
changed politics might enlist their approval, and invited his friends
to pronounce their verdict on his conduct. Upon the baronet’s appeal to
his constituents, in the character of “a fine old English gentleman,
all on the Tory side,” when, in May, 1837, he resigned his membership
for Westminster as a Radical, and offered himself as a Tory candidate,
he was opposed by John Temple Leader, a prominent Radical politician.
Party feeling was considerably intensified, and ungenerous efforts
were made by his late Radical colleagues to inflict the mortification
of a defeat upon the reformed baronet. The famous agitator, Daniel
O’Connell, whose collision with Burdett was among the chief causes of
his changed opinions, exerted himself to the utmost to bring about the
discomfiture of his opponent, who, in return, dealt scathing contempt
upon the arch-agitator. Many political satires and squibs were produced
on this occasion, and, in a literary and artistic point of view,
one feature of great interest associated with this incident was the
appearance of an electioneering caricature by the author of “Vanity
Fair.” The Marquis of Wharton, Swift, Burns, Sir Hanbury Williams,
Canning, Moore, and many eminent poets, writers, and statesmen have
originated electioneering ballads, and Thackeray has associated his
name with a pictorial squib; in 1837, he was, as part-proprietor and
contributor, associated with the unfortunate venture (as regards the
inroad its subsequent failure made on his fortune), the _Constitutional
and Public Ledger_--a daily journal, of ultra-liberal views; and as
its programme included extension of popular franchise, vote by ballot,
equal civil rights, religious liberty, and short parliaments, it may
be imagined that the political creed which he at that time professed
inclined Thackeray to look with disfavour upon the converted Burdett as
an apostate from his faith: he has expressed this view in a political
satire addressed to the electors of Westminster. The picture, a quarto
leaf, was presented with the _Guide_ (May 13, 1837). It represents Sir
Francis Burdett and his opponent, Leader, on the hustings, as “The
Rivals; or, Old Tory Glory and Young Liberal Glory.” Sir Francis is
represented as decrepit, and a martyr to the gout--another attribute of
a “fine old English gentleman”--from which the baronet suffered much in
later life; his foot is swathed in flannel, and crutches support him to
stand; his coat is worn inside out, and a glory round his head alludes
to an expression of “pismire voters” he had applied to the following of
his antagonists. Beneath the picture is a further explanation of the
satirist’s meaning:--
“Historical truth has compelled the artist to portray the
physical infirmities which keep Sir Francis from all duties
except that of dining at the Pavilion; but our readers will
recollect that that infirmity is the gout--one which mankind
seem, by common consent, to have determined never to regard
with compassion.... A picture of the Tower is seen in the
background; and Sir Francis, with a ‘glory’ of ‘pismires’ round
his head, is depicted as hobbling away in his turned coat from
the recollections, as from the principles, of his youth.”
In spite of his sudden conversion, the electors of Westminster held
their respected member in too much veneration to inflict upon him the
ignominy of rejection; the wielder of the “Herculean club,” depicted
as the foremost leader among the “plebs” by George Cruikshank, who
has described the object of his shafts as “the eloquent and noble Sir
Francis Burdett,” was placed at the head of the poll by a majority of
five hundred votes over his antagonist, Leader, who had come forward
as the Radical champion to oppose his return. Sir Francis Burdett is
so prominent a personage in the annals of electioneering, as well as
in those of parliamentary history, that a specimen of his eloquence
may not be out of place; especially as the speech which he made to his
constituents after the declaration of the poll by the high bailiff
of Westminster is an admirable example of the orations which may be
considered appropriate to these memorable occasions on the part of
the successful candidate. Sir Francis rested his firm attitude on his
antipathy to see the British empire _dismembered_: history repeats
itself, and it was on the question of “Repeal of the Union” that he
broke with his party.
“SPEECH OF SIR FRANCIS BURDETT ON HIS FINAL RETURN FOR WESTMINSTER,
1837.
“GENTLEMEN, ELECTORS OF THE CITY AND LIBERTIES OF
WESTMINSTER--
“It now becomes my pleasing task to return you my most
sincere and grateful thanks for the high honour which you
have again conferred upon me. In the first place, I have to
thank you for the arrangements that you have made, and for the
consideration you have manifested in regard to the present
state of my health, and for the relief your attention has
afforded me from those duties which would have been painful
and difficult on this great and important occasion, and which
has rendered my part in the struggle comparatively easy and
full of satisfaction. (Cheers.) Permit me to congratulate you
upon the noble, the patriotic, the independent efforts you have
made, and through you, gentlemen, to congratulate the people at
large upon the glorious triumph of the English constitution,
which has been achieved against the vain and futile efforts
of Radicalism and democracy. Gentlemen, I congratulate you
upon the firm determination you have shown to maintain all the
great and inestimable institutions of this country against the
efforts of her enemies. (Loud cheers, with faint hisses.) The
task which I have now to perform is both short and pleasant,
and I shall not now detain you, after the triumph you have
achieved and the victory you have won, merely to indulge my
own feelings of exultation and of gratification; but this I
will say, that the electors of Westminster have by the result
of their noble and patriotic exertions set an example to the
people of England, to be looked up to and followed; and in
every part of this great nation I make no doubt but that this
brilliant example will have the happy effect of sending good
men, who love their country and venerate her constitution, to
unite for their defence, and at the same time to defeat the
machinations and conspiracies of the bad. (Loud applause.) I
will not dwell on these subjects, but this much I will observe,
that you are much indebted even to your enemies for the signal
triumph you have so nobly and so gloriously achieved. (Great
cheering.) The malignity and malice of some persons have done
much to aid the cause of the constitution; but I should say
that if there is one individual to whom you are more indebted
than any other, that person certainly was Mr. Daniel O’Connell.
(Loud cheers and groans.) The attacks of that individual have
tended to serve the cause which they were designed to injure.
Gentlemen, the big beggarman of Ireland (renewed cheers)
has mistaken the good sense and patriotism of the people of
England. He has intruded himself with his uncalled-for advice
upon the electors of Westminster, and with (as it now turns
out) his disregarded threats. He has intruded that advice and
those suggestions in an Irish letter, couched in a strain more
Irish than Irish itself (loud laughter), and containing in
every point that mixture of blarney and bully, the former of
which has only excited the disgust, and the latter the contempt
of the electors of Westminster. (Loud cheers, groans, and
laughter.) I know not what influence that letter may be said
to have had upon His Majesty’s ministers; but this I know,
that the people of England, and especially the electors of
Westminster, were made of sterner stuff. Whatever His Majesty’s
ministers may think proper to do, what course they may choose
to pursue, we have shown our determination to maintain and
support the English constitution and to resist to the uttermost
the dismemberment of the British empire, notwithstanding that
Mr. Daniel O’Connell is our declared and determined foe.
(Loud cheers, with shouts of disapprobation from the ‘Leader’
party.) In addition, I will merely say that you view as I do
the attempt to control your opinions lately made by the great
popish priest-ridden paid patriot of Ireland. (Great applause
and sensation.) And I will add this, that I wish such persons
would declare and destroy themselves as he has done; no danger
could then be apprehended, as I think it would be on all
occasions safer to have such persons my foes than my friends.
(Cheers, and yellings from the ‘Leader’ party.) Gentlemen, with
these observations I shall take my leave. The sun shines upon
our principles and our affections at this moment; but there is
a still brighter sunshine in every honest English heart at the
triumph achieved by you and the example you have set to the
rest of England. (Cheers.) Wishing you all good and happiness,
and full of the devotion I owe you electors of Westminster and
to the friends to the cause of England and the constitution,
I now take my leave. (Renewed cheering, which continued for
several minutes, during which time the hon. baronet bowed to
the meeting and retired from the hustings, accompanied as he
came, by a large body of his friends and supporters.)”
The situation of Mr. Leader was illustrated by a parody of Sir E.
Landseer’s picture of “The Dog and the Shadow;” the bone is Bridgwater
(which seat he relinquished to contest Westminster)--the latter is
inscribed on the shadow.
The sequel of the Westminster contest was given by HB as a “Race
for the Westminster Stakes between an Old Thoro’bred and a Young
Cock-tail--weight for age--the old ’un winning in a canter” (May 22,
1837). Lord Russell, Wellington, and others are assembled as spectators
in a booth to the right. Lord Castlereagh, the jockey, is bringing in
easily the high-mettled racer with Burdett’s face. Roebuck is vainly
whipping and spurring “Leader,” the second horse. Hume and O’Connell
are highly excited at the defeat of their favourite.
The question of a Repeal of the Union was one of a momentous order, and
accordingly a considerable interest seems to have attended Burdett’s
change of sides. Doyle has given a capital version of the story in
“Taking up a Fare. ‘All the World’s a Stage’” (May 24, 1837). The
coach represented is “Peel’s Stager;” Sir James Graham is ostler; Sir
Robert Peel, as “whip,” is raising up his reins and addressing the box
passenger, William IV., “We begin to load up capital well,” alluding
to Burdett, the fresh customer. “You don’t say so,” remarks the king.
Peel continues his reminiscences of the new inside passenger. “He as
is now getting in--was formerly a great ally of the ‘Comet.’[74] He
has since travelled occasionally with the ‘Mazeppa’[75] people; but,
for some time back, I have missed him off the road entirely.” The Duke
of Wellington, who is making everything secure, and Lord Lyndhurst
are in the “boot.” Sir Francis Burdett, still lamed with the gout, is
about to enter the coach; the door is held for him by Lord Stanley: “I
should know your face: didn’t you once drive the ‘Darby Dilly?’ What
are you doing now?” Lord Stanley (whom HB, in a former cartoon, had
drawn upsetting the “Darby Dilly” in question) is touching his hat to
Sir Francis, and replying, “At present, Sir, I’m with these people; but
since ‘the Dilly’ was done up I haven’t had no regular engagement. I
sometimes drives the ‘Conservative’ up a stage and sometimes take it
down.” Lord Castlereagh appears as Burdett’s tiger.
Burdett, the ex-Radical champion, still in his congenial character
of “Don Quixote,” is next shown attacking the “Lion of Democracy.”
The picture of this adventure is entitled “The Last and Highest Point
at which the Unheard-of Courage of Don Quixote ever did, or could
arrive, with the Happy Conclusion.” “An Old Song to a New Tune” (June
17, 1837), shows the Whig wherry reduced to make great exertions to
keep ahead; of the six rowers, the faces of Palmerston, Duncannon,
and Melbourne are alone shown; Lord John Russell is steering. The
passengers are John Bull, with an uneasy expression, seated beside the
king, who is evidently upset by the motion, and looks very unwell. The
parody runs--
“Row, brothers, row,
The stream runs fast,
The Raddies[76] are near,
And our daylight’s past.”
Leader’s fate over the Westminster contest (June 17, 1837) is summed
up as “A Dead Horse--a Sorry Subject,--what was once a Leader in the
Bridgwater Coach; supposed to have been driven to Death by his Cruel
Masters.” Hume is driving off the defeated in a knacker’s cart.
“We, the People of England” (July 1837), exhibits Messrs. Hume,
Roebuck, and Wakley as the “Three Tailors of Tooley Street,” all three
sitting cross-legged; the former, slate in hand, is working out one of
his grand historic “tottles.”
The candidature of General Evans for Westminster is summed up as
“Reorganizing the Legion” (24 July, 1837). The boardmen all appear
in ragged regimentals, as the remnant of the Spanish Legion, and a
very woebegone set they seem; the fugleman, wearing a cocked hat, has
a pictorial placard of a leader taking to flight, with the legend,
“I run;” the posters appear chiefly designed to canvass “Murray for
Westminster;” and General Evans is himself trying to make the file
straight with his malacca cane, while crying, “Eyes right.”
Sir Francis Burdett had, in his altered politics, fought, conquered,
and made his final bow at the hustings of Westminster, he being at the
time in indifferent health; his return for Wiltshire was the next point
of interest. How far this change of constituency suited the baronet’s
own constitution is displayed by HB, who had previously exhibited the
subject of his sportive humour under his gouty infirmity. “Grinding
Young” (July 25, 1837) is the title of a new application of an old
fancy; Burdett, broken by age and debility, with his foot swathed in
flannel, showing the gouty foe triumphant, is hobbling with a crutch up
the ladder which leads from “Westminster” to the wonderful mill; and,
presto! an agriculturist turns the handle, and forth from the hopper
emerges the baronet in his familiar guise, spick, span, and spruce,
with the elastic smartness and activity of youth, he is stepping out
into “North Wilts.”
An ingenious election skit appeared on Lord Durham’s appeal to the
local constituency: it is entitled, “The Newest Universal Medicine”
(July 27, 1837). Lord Durham appears as a compounder of quack nostrums;
he wears an apron, and is standing at a counter, stirring with a pestle
a mortar containing his novel mixture. Beneath it is his “Letter to
the Electors of Durham,” and around are the varied ingredients of his
“Universal Panacea”--such as “Conservative Opiate,” “Radical Alcohol,”
with “Whig Alkali;” while all sorts of colours are ready to hand,
indigo, and orange, light blue, mustard (Durham), and verdigris. While
mixing his pills, Lord Durham is exclaiming “Now to extinguish that
Quack Morison!” A large box stands ready for the medicament, addressed
to “Daniel O’Connell, Esq., M.P., General Association and Trades-Union,
Dublin;” a smaller box is directed to the Bishop of Exeter. On a chair
stands a small collection of the quack compounds and remedies in boxes
of various hues, and addressed to the _Times_, _Standard_, _Globe_, and
_Morning Chronicle_, indicative of Lord Durham’s versatile talents and
scribbling propensities.
A touching allegory for a rejected candidate was furnished by HB over
these same elections. “As You like It” (July 31, 1837). The wounded and
solitary deer which has come down to the brook, presents the lachrymose
countenance of Roebuck; the shaft which has caused his tears is marked
“Bath.” Lord John Russell, as the “Melancholy Jacques,” is, from the
other side of the water, soliloquizing over the Roebuck’s fate.
Dr. Bowring is favoured with a place in Doyle’s portrait-gallery, as
“The Rejected of Kilmarnock” (August 21, 1837).
Another defeat at the general election forms food for HB’s playful
irony. This time it is Joseph Hume rejected by Middlesex: “Figurative
Representation of the Late Catastrophe” (August 31, 1837). The
Middlesex balloon is sailing majestically out of reach; the gentleman
thrown out is descending at a fine pace; Joseph Hume’s parachute is
blown inside out, and he is ejaculating in his fall, “Now, unless some
friendly dunghill receives me, I am lost for ever.” Below him are the
green plains of Erin, and the spot on which the discomfited aeronaut is
descending is shown to be Kilkenny.
Daniel O’Connell pretty generally seems the master of the situation in
the impressions we get of the big Liberator in Doyle’s admirable and
genially humorous cartoons. In another aspect of the 1837 election,
published at the same date, the great Dan is installed as passenger and
traffic manager at the metropolitan head-quarters of the new railway.
“Great Western General Booking Office” (August 31st) shows those
gentlemen who have been so unfortunate as to miss their seats besieging
O’Connell for fresh places, “Gentlemen,” he cries, with good-natured
desire to assist all, “we are all full; but, if you will only wait for
the next train, we shall, I have no doubt, be able to accommodate you
all with seats.” The best-known of the rejected ones are clamouring
round the counter: “I am afraid we are thrown out for the present,”
says one; while Dr. Bowring “the rejected of Kilmarnock,” is of
opinion, “It seems there is a screw loose somewhere in their principal
engine.” Roebuck stands first of the unfortunates; his slight luggage
is “at the end of his stick;” Hume, carpet-bag in hand, has secured a
ticket, and is departing--evidently with grave misgivings--to Kilkenny.
Emerson Tennent and Sir James Graham are standing at the door of the
office.
The ultimate reception of Hume by Kilkenny is set forth by the same
hand: “Shooting Rubbish” (August 31, 1837). Dan O’Connell, habited as
an Irish peasant, has brought Hume on a hay-trolley to a thatched cabin
marked “Kilkenny;” he is gently lowered on to a heap by the wayside,
where, according to a notice-board, “Rubbish may be shot.” “I think,”
says Dan, “that is letting you down nice and easy.” Hume is grateful
for the opportune assistance: “Thank ye, friend; should you ever have
occasion to come to the North, I’ll endeavour to do as much for you.”
Parliament was not summoned until November 15, 1837; in the interval,
Doyle produced two or three ingenious cartoons summarizing the
situation. One of the best of these represents the field of contest
like the preceding versions; it is entitled, “Retzsch’s Extraordinary
Design of Satan playing at Chess with Man for his Soul, copied by HB
in his freest manner” (September 29, 1837). The Great Dan takes the
place of the evil one, the skull and cross-bones are mounted as his
ensign, and he is evidently master of the board. “Man” is personated
by Lord Melbourne, who is evidently in perplexity as to his next move.
Britannia is personifying man’s good angel, and she is pitifully
regarding the loser.
“A Game at Chess (again): the Queen in Danger” is another version of
the situation in the recess. This appeared October 20, 1837, with the
quotation, “A change came o’er the spirit of my dream.” The youthful
sovereign is matched against Lord Palmerston. The Queen’s political
tutor and adviser, Lord Melbourne, is standing behind the chair of
his royal mistress. Lord Palmerston has put the Queen in jeopardy;
Her Majesty is evidently anxious, but fails to master the right move.
Melbourne sees the situation, and looks on with some excitement, but is
enjoined by Palmerston to refrain from prompting his royal pupil’s play.
This situation is further exemplified in two later cartoons: “Susannah
and the Elders” (October 27, 1837), in which the Queen is riding
between Lords Melbourne and Palmerston; the spot appears to be
Brighton, near the Pavilion, then a royal residence. The other version
is borrowed from the popular farce, “High Life below Stairs (inverted),
as lately performed at Windsor by Her Majesty’s servants” (October 31,
1837). The Queen is seen, seated on a sofa, but partly screened from
view by a curtain. Lord Melbourne, who makes a handsome “my lord duke,”
is monopolizing the youthful beauty; he observes to Lord Palmerston,
who is also in livery, with a cockade--“Stand off; you are a Commoner.
Nothing under nobility approaches Kitty.” Lord Palmerston is not
overawed by these exclusive pretensions; as a representative of the
Commons, he seizes his advantage,--“And what becomes of your dignity,
if we refuse the supplies?”
A pungent epitome of the incidents of electioneering is thus set forth
by an anonymous poetaster:--
“ELECTION DAY-A SKETCH FROM NATURE.
“THE HUSTINGS.
“Now, hail ye, groans, huzzas, and cheers,
So grateful to electors’ ears,
Where all is riot and confusion,
Fraud, friendship, scandal, and delusion;
Now houses stormed, and windows broken,
Serve as a pastime and a token
That patriots spare not, in their zeal,
Such measures for their country’s weal.
Now greeting, hooting, and abuse,
To each man’s party prove of use;
And mud, and stones, and waving hats,
And broken heads, and putrid cats,
Are offerings made to aid the cause
Of order, government, and laws.
Now lampoons, idle tales, and jokes,
And placards overreach and hoax;
While blustering, bullying, and brow-beating,
A little pommeling, and maltreating,
And elbowing, jostling, and cajoling,
And all the jockeyship of polling,
And deep manœuvre and duplicity,
Prove all elections fair and free;
While _Scandalum Magnatum’s_ puzzled,
And lawless libel raves unmuzzled.”
“THE CHAIRING.
“And now the members, by freeholders,
Are mounted on the rabble’s shoulders,
To typify, that willing backs
Are made for any sort of Tax,
And kindly sent, prepared by fate,
To bear the burthens of the State.
But that elections to the mob
Might prove a right good merry job,
Down from the waving laurel bower
Descends the glittering silver shower,
And, thus, with open-handed fee,
Meant as a check to bribery,
Each new-made Senator is willing,
By many a sixpence and a shilling,
To compromise for thumps and bruises,
For broken heads and bloody noses;
For damage done by sticks and stones,
For pockets picked, and broken bones.”
One of the best pictures of a country election is due to the muse of
John Sterling; a few stanzas will not be found out of place:--
“THE ELECTION.
“A POEM IN SEVEN BOOKS.
“Cox represented Aleborough, patriot pure,
On whose tried firmness Europe leant secure,
But, woe to manufactures, land, and stocks!
Europe and Aleborough could not rescue Cox.
At London’s Mansion House, the Poultry’s pride,
Cox in his country’s service din’d and died.
* * * * *
A new election! Glory to the town!
For all there’s profit, and for some renown.
‘The Lion’ opes his hungry jaws, and springs;
And ‘The Black Bear’ seems dancing as he swings.
Before an hour the Patriot Blues are met;
Though Cox is gone, the Cause shall triumph yet,
The sacred cause of right; till it prevails,
The Universe hangs trembling in the scales.
‘The Lion’ for the Blues! our flag’s unfurled,
And Mogg, instead of Cox, shall awe the world.
The big placard, with thunder in its look,
Glares like a page from Destiny’s own book;
The drums and trumpets hired augment their zeal
By strong potations till inspired they reel;
The chaises three, and omnibus immense,
Display ‘the Lion’s’ whole munificence;
And Mogg’s committee-men, a Spartan few,
To save the sinking State would die True Blue.
* * * * *
There Small, who plied dear Mistress Mogg with pills,
Prescribed her husband for a nations’ ills.
But chief of all amid that Senate wise,
Attorney Whisk had heard his country’s cries.“
Meanwhile the “Red” candidate, Frank Vane, has providentially “dropped
down from the skies,” primarily for the benefit of the rival attorney
Spark:--
“The Reds’ grave Nestor he, a man sedate
As ever filed a bill, or ruled a State.”
A bargain for organizing opposition is arranged between these twain:--
“Ten minutes’ converse fixed the compact’s grounds,
And Frank engaged to pay twelve hundred pounds.”
* * * * *
Next comes the personal canvassing by Squire Mogg, and the purchase of
votes by direct flattery and indirect bribery:--
“From house to house Mogg’s well-fed body springs,
Helped by his patriot spirit’s ostrich wings,
With Whisk, and Small, and Snooks, a faithful few
Worth more than all a sultan’s retinue.
They point the path, the missing phrase supply,
Oft prompt a name, and hint with hand or eye,
Back each bold pledge, the fervid speech admire,
And still add fuel to their leader’s fire.”
Now as to the bribery. After purchasing a superabundance of everything
he was likely to use (such as a hundredweight of soap), the candidate
plunges into eccentricities recognized on these occasions:--
“By ready speech and vow, by flattery soft,
Sometimes by gifts, by promised favours oft,
He prospered well, and many a purchase made,
That helped at once the Cause and quickened Trade.
A stuffed jackdaw upon an upper shelf
Now caught his fancy, now a cup of delf;
He paid three pounds for each. A cat that tore
His fingers cost him ten, a rabbit more.”
* * * * *
All these oddities, besides fifteen old almanacks, white mice, and
other worthless articles, were secured to enlist suffrages, and
purchased at similarly extravagant rates; a familiar subterfuge for
stultifying the Bribery Act:--
“A bishop’s worn-out wig, an infant’s caul,--
Were paid for down, and sent to Harrier Hall.”
“The Rights of Women; or, a View of the Hustings with Female Suffrage,
1853.” George Cruikshank, whose hand was turned to the illustration
of nearly every event which occurred in his long career, had produced
election satires like his contemporaries at the beginning of the
century. Later on, we find him turning his somewhat waning vigour
to utilize the agitation for “Female Enfranchisement,” which, as a
branch of “Women’s Rights,” appears to have come before the public
in 1852-3. A fanciful and farcical prospect of the hustings when lady
voters should rule the day presents the rival aspirants pictured as
“The Ladies’ Candidate” and “The Gentlemen’s Candidate.” The latter
is quite left to desolation. “Screw-driver, the Great Political
Economist,” beyond his boardmen, stands alone. Although a placard is
mounted advising the electoral community not to vote for “Ignorant
puppies,” the “Champion of the Fair” seems to have a lively time of it;
Cupid, or his representative, upholds the appeal, “Vote for Darling
and Parliamentary Balls Once a Week;” the committee and supporters
of Sir Charles are ladies, apparelled in the height of the fashions
for 1852. Behind the tigerish candidate for parliamentary honours
is a group of melancholy troubadours, travestied much as Cruikshank
and Thackeray used to depict those worthy guitar-strummers at the
now-obsolete “Beulah Spa.” Great unanimity prevails in the mob; not
only are the newly enfranchised fair ones giving their own votes, they
go farther, and coerce the sterner sex, for all the well-regulated
males are brought forward, under the influence of beauty, to record
their votes for the chosen of the ladies. On the extreme left is
seen one forlorn individual who has evidently lingering doubts of
Sir Charles’s programme, or an inclination to support the political
economist, “Ugly Old Stingy;” but his wife is forcibly arguing him
into an obedient frame of mind. The voters all carry bouquets and wear
extensive favours. “Husband and Wife” voters are arrived first at the
poll; and, following a mounted champion “in armour clad” with a heart
for his device, comes the last section of “Sweetheart Voters,” the
“male things” docilely following the mistresses of their affections.
“The Friends of Sir Charles Darling are Requested to Meet this Evening
at the Assembly Rooms--the Hon. Mrs. Manley in the Chair. Tea and
Coffee at 7 o’clock.” Even Cruikshank’s imagination had not risen to
the elevation of lady candidates for senatorial as well as electoral
honours, or he would doubtless have favoured the public with some
original (pictorial) views on this question.
The general election which took place in July, 1857, found two famous
men in the annals of literature contesting for senatorial honours, when
W. M. Thackeray and his friend James Hannay were hopefully canvassing,
on opposite political platforms, two constituencies, the former
for Oxford, the latter for Dumfries, which his father, the Scotch
banker, had unsuccessfully fought in the Conservative interest at the
successive general elections of 1832 and 1835.
James Hannay again discovered, in 1857, that the electors of Dumfries
remained consistent to Whig principles. The novelist and essayist was
beaten at the hustings; but he has left something more characteristic
than the average of parliamentary orations in the delightful essay
upon “Electioneering,” contributed to the _Quarterly Review_, with the
writing of which the defeated candidate immediately consoled himself
for his recent disappointment.
The canvassing rejoiced Hannay’s enthusiastic temperament. The
varieties of the genus voter are so infinite that his eye for character
was constantly studying original types; he discovered that the work
is hard, and that the qualities a good canvasser must combine are as
various as the dispositions he has to encounter.
“He must have unwearied activity, imperturbable good temper,
popular manners, and a wonderful memory. Every person who has
made a trial of electioneering can testify to the exhaustion
and fatigue of the first canvass, the swarm of new faces
seen and flitting through the mind in strange confusion, the
impossibility of distinguishing between the voter who had a
leaning to you, but doubted your fidelity to the Maynooth
Grant, and his next-door neighbour who was coming round to you
against his former prejudice, because of your freedom from
religious bigotry. The mental eye wearies of the kaleidoscope
that has been turning before it for hours. The hand aches with
incessant shaking. The head aches with incessant observation.
You fling yourself wearied at nightfall into an easy chair
in your committee-room, and plunge eagerly into sherry and
soda-water. You could lie down and sleep like a general after
a battle. But your committee is about to meet, as a staring
blue bill on the hotel wall informs the public; and a score of
people have news for you. Tomkins, the hatter, is wavering--a
man who can influence four or five; the enemy have set going a
story that you beat your wife, and you must have a placard out
showing that you are a bachelor. A gang are drinking champagne
at the Blue Boar (one of the enemy’s houses), fellows whose
potations are usually of the poorest kind; your opinion is
wanted on a new squib; the manager of the theatre is below,
waiting to see if you will patronize his theatre with an early
‘bespeak night,’ and whether you will have ‘Black-Eyed Susan,’
or ‘Douglas;’ a deputation of proprietors of donkeys wants to
hear your views on the taxation of French asses’ milk. Who,
under such circumstances, can retain in his memory all the
details of the canvass of the day?”
However galling the temporary disappointment experienced by Hannay and
Thackeray respectively, their readers had no reason to regret that, as
the great novelist wrote, philosophically accepting his defeat, “they
were sent back to take their places with their pens and ink at their
desks, and leave their successful opponents to a business which they
understood better.” The test of tact and temper was certainly applied
to the two novelists when competing for seats in the Commons.
Thackeray aspired to take the place in Parliament for the city of
Oxford which his friend Neate, at the time Professor of Political
Economy in that university, had lost for an alleged contravention of
the Corrupt Practices Act, thus described by Thackeray at the hustings:
“He was found guilty of twopennyworth of bribery which he never
committed.” This was Thackeray’s ostensible motive for his candidature:
“A Parliament which has swallowed so many camels, strained at that
little gnat, and my friend, your representative, the very best man you
could find to represent you, was turned back, and you were left without
a man. I cannot hope, I never thought, to equal him; I only came
forward at a moment when I felt it necessary that some one professing
his principles, and possessing your confidence, should be ready to step
into the gap which he had made.”
The author of the electioneering squib directed for “Young Liberal
Glory” as against “Old Tory Glory” in 1837, was, twenty years later,
found consistently advocating the Liberal principles which had inspired
his early writings in the _Constitutional_. Thackeray appeared as an
advocate of the ballot, was “for having people amused after they had
done their worship on a Sunday;” while, “as for triennial Parliaments,
if the constituents desire them, I am for them.”
The following passages from his address enlightened the electors of
Oxford upon Thackeray’s political convictions:--
“I would use my best endeavours not merely to enlarge the
constituencies, but to popularize the Government of this
country. With no feeling but that of goodwill towards those
leading aristocratic families who are administering the chief
offices of the State, I believe it could be benefited by the
skill and talent of persons less aristocratic, and that the
country thinks so likewise.... The usefulness of a member of
Parliament is best tested at home; and should you think fit to
elect me as your representative, I promise to use my utmost
endeavour to increase and advance the social happiness, the
knowledge, and the power of the people.”
One point in his speech at the hustings, a characteristic allusion to
the paramount influence of the Marlborough dukes, for many generations
masters of the Oxford elections, was in the true Titmarshian vein,
and worthy of the occasion:--“I hear that not long since--in the
memory of many now alive--this independent city was patronized by a
great university, and that a great duke, who lived not very far from
here, at the time of the election used to put on his boots, and ride
down and order the freemen of Oxford to elect a member for him.” By a
curious coincidence, not altogether reassuring, Thackeray’s reputation
at Oxford had somehow failed to reach the majority with whom he was
thrown into contact, as one of his committee-men has assured the
writer. They mainly asserted that “he could not speak,” to which the
candidate retorted “he knew that, but he could write.” Unaccountable as
it appears, the fame of his writings had not, in those days, penetrated
to any extent this short distance, as the novelist learned by direct
and disenchanting experience. He said, in his valedictory remarks,
“Perhaps I thought my name was better known than it is.” This illusion,
natural in itself, ought to have been dispelled by a former revelation
of unsuspected ignorance, which, though unflattering to the author,
had, as related by the sufferer, its ludicrous side. Thackeray had
betaken himself to Oxford on a previous occasion, with the intention
of addressing his lectures on “The English Humorists” to the rising
youth at Alma Mater, and, as it was necessary to obtain the licence of
the university authorities, he waited upon the chancellor’s resident
deputy, who received him blandly.
“Pray, what can I do to serve you, sir?” inquired the
functionary. “My name is Thackeray.” “So I see by this card.”
“I seek permission to lecture within the precincts.” “Ah! you
are a lecturer. What subjects do you undertake--religious or
political?” “Neither; I am a literary man.” “Have you written
anything?” “Yes; I am the author of ‘Vanity Fair.’” “I presume
a Dissenter. Has that anything to do with John Bunyan’s book?”
“Not exactly. I have also written ‘Pendennis.’” “Never heard of
those works; but no doubt they are proper books.” “I have also
contributed to _Punch_.” “_Punch!_ I have heard of that. Is it
not a ribald publication?”
On his reception in Oxford in the character of a canvasser, Thackeray
addressed the electors with sturdy independence, beyond electioneering
persuasive beguilements:--“You know whether I have acted honestly
towards you; and you on the other side will say whether I ever
solicited a vote when I knew that vote was promised to my opponent; or
whether I have not always said, ‘Sir, keep your word. Here is my hand
on it. Let us part good friends.’” Although beaten by the Right Hon.
Edward Cardwell, Thackeray retained his good humour, energetically
enjoining the extension of courtesy to his successful opponent and to
the opposition party. A cry of “Bribery” being raised against them,
he continued: “Don’t cry out bribery. If you know of it, prove it;
but, as I am innocent of bribery myself, I do not choose to fancy that
other men are not equally loyal and honest.” He attributed his defeat
to the advanced views he avowed--and which, as he asserted, “he would
not blink to be made a duke or a marquis to-morrow”--on the question
of “allowing a man to have harmless pleasures when he had done his
worship on Sundays. I expected to have a hiss, but they have taken a
more dangerous shape--the shape of slander. Those gentlemen who will
take the trouble to read my books--and I should be glad to have as
many of you for subscribers as will come forward--will be able to say
whether there is anything in them that should not be read by any one’s
children, or my own, or by any Christian man.”
The most characteristic anecdote which has survived of this interesting
incident in Thackeray’s experience as an “electioneerer,” exhibits
him in a thoroughly John Bull attitude. While looking out of the
hotel window, amused at the humours of the scene, in which he was
only the second performer, a passing crowd, from hooting, proceeded
to rough-handling, and the supporters of Mr. Cardwell, being in the
minority against their assailants, would have been badly maltreated,
but for Thackeray’s starting up in the greatest possible excitement,
and, rushing downstairs, notwithstanding the efforts to detain him
of more hardened electioneers, who evidently were of opinion that a
trifling correction of the opposite party might be beneficial _pour
encourager les autres_; he was not to be deterred, but, expressing
in strong language his opinion of such unmanly behaviour, he hurled
himself into the thick of the fray; and, awful spectacle for his party!
his tall form--Thackeray, be it remembered, stood upwards of 6ft.
2in.--was next seen towering above the crowd, dealing about him right
and left with frantic energy in defence of his opponent’s partisans and
in defiance of his own friends.
SUMMARY OF BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.--BRIBERY ACTS.
In 1854, an important Act was passed consolidating and amending
previous Acts relating to this offence, from 7 Will. 3 (1695) to 5 and
6 Vict. c. 184.
Messrs. Sykes and Rumbold fined and imprisoned for
bribery 14 March, 1776
Messrs. Davidson, Parsons, and Hopping, imprisoned for
bribery at Ilchester 28 April, 1804
Mr. Swan, M.P. for Penryn, fined and imprisoned, and
Sir Manasseh Lopez sentenced to a fine of £10,000 and
two years’ imprisonment for bribery at Grampound Oct. 1819
The members for Dublin and Liverpool unseated 1831
The friends of Mr. Knight, candidate for Cambridge,
convicted of bribery 20 Feb. 1835
Elections for Ludlow and Cambridge made void 1840
Sudbury disfranchised, 1848; St. Alban’s also 1852
Elections at Derby and other places declared void for
bribery 1853
Corrupt Practices Act passed 1854
In the case of Cooper versus Slade it was ruled that
the payment of travelling expenses was bribery 17 April, 1858
Gross bribery practised at Gloucester, Wakefield, and
Berwick 1859
Mr. William H. Leatham convicted of bribery at
Wakefield 19 July, 1860
Government commissions of inquiry respecting bribery,
sat at Great Yarmouth, Totnes, Lancaster, and Reigate,
and disgraceful disclosures were made Aug.-Nov. 1866
The boroughs were disfranchised by the Reform Bill,
passed 5 Aug. 1867
The Parliamentary Elections Act enacted that election
petitions should be tried by a court appointed for the
purpose, passed 31 July, 1868
First trials under this Act: Mr. Roger Eykyn (at
Windsor) was declared duly elected, 15 Jan., and Sir H.
Stracey (at Norwich) was unseated 18 Jan. 1869
Dr. Kinglake, Mr. Fenelly, and others, were sentenced
to be fined for bribery in parliamentary elections 10 May, 1870
Beverley, Bridgwater, Sligo, and Cashel disfranchised
for bribery and corruption 1870
Much corruption during the elections of April. Members
for Oxford, Chester, Boston, and other places unseated 1880
Stringent bill against bribery brought in by Sir Henry
James, attorney-general 7 Jan. 1881
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