(pp. 258-266)
[1] The route ran from Mission San Jose to Sunol, Dublin, Walnut Creek,
and to the northeast edge of the plain between Martinez and Port
Chicago. Viader's leagues are short. By modern road--which follows very
close to the old horse trail--the distance is close to 38 mi. Viader
allows a total of 18 leagues for the two days, or an average of 2.1 mi.
per league.
[2] At or near Antioch, as is indicated by the 7 leagues covered before
lunch. The large oak forest (inhabited by the Tulpunes--or rather
Julpunes) extends from just east of Antioch to the vicinity of
Brentwood. The halt for the night was near Oakley.
[3] From Oakley to Bethany, the site of Pescadero and the home of the
Bolbones, is 21 mi., which agrees with Viader's estimate of 10 leagues.
The lakes mentioned have long since vanished.
[4] According to the distances given, Tomchom was north of Tracy, and
Cuyens was on the left bank of the river about 3 mi. above the highway
bridge. Aupemis was passed before Tomchom was reached and hence cannot
be identical with Pitemis as Schenck (1926, p. 141) assumes.
With respect to the journey from Pescadero (Bethany) to San Luis Gonzaga
it should be noted that, if one applies Viader's value of 2.1 mi. per
league, the distances reconcile very exactly.
[5] About 2 mi. north-northeast of Vernalis.
[6] On the right bank of the river east of Vernalis.
[7] About 2 mi. southeast of Grayson. The skirmish described represents
one of the earliest recorded armed conflicts between the Spaniards and
the valley natives. It is clear that from this time forward expeditions
of the white man into the interior could no longer preserve the
semblance of altruism or religious motivation.
[8] Probably east of Patterson.
[9] Orestimba Cr., east of Crows Landing.
[10] Probably 3 or 4 mi. north or northeast of Gustine, in the open
treeless plain. From this point it is close to 21 mi. (10 leagues) to
San Luis Gonzaga.
[11] Here, as in the previous account, Viader uses a league of
approximately 2.1 mi. From Mission San Jose to the river near Bethany
is just about 32 mi., a distance Viader calls 15 leagues.
[12] Two villages of the Bolbones were concerned, one on the west bank
of Old River, the other on the opposite bank, on Union I. The frankly
military and aggressive character of this expedition is readily
apparent.
[13] These elevations were of two types: (1) small, scattered mounds
formed of residual calcareous sand (the so-called "sand mounds") on
the summits of which the Indians established their villages; (2) true
habitation mounds, perhaps originally situated on a slight elevation,
but built up by midden deposit to a height of several feet.
[14] The itinerary of the 22nd and 23rd seems fairly clear. The party
kept closer to the river than the expedition of August and thus
apparently saw Jusmites and Tugites (or Fugites), which were not
mentioned by name in the account of the previous trip. According to
the present diary, Mayem was 9 leagues from Pescadero, as compared
with the estimated 8 1/2 leagues in August.
Two leagues beyond Mayem in August the village under the chief Bozenats
was encountered. The present record gives the name of the village, or
tribe, Taualames. The identity is clear.
[15] From the crossing of the San Joaquin the distances and directions
cannot be reconciled with the apparent locations. Thus the village
of the Taualames would appear to lie on the east bank between the
Stanislaus and the Tuolumne (Dolores), and Schenck so places it. Yet
Viader says the Tuolumne R. was 2 or 3 leagues north of the village and
the Merced about 6 leagues southeast. Elsewhere (on the 25th) he says
that Taualames is 2 leagues below the mouth of Orestimba Cr. If so, it
would be 8 or more leagues south of Mayem.
The most probable route would follow up the west bank of the San Joaquin
to the vicinity of the Tuolumne, then across and up the east bank to the
Merced. Having crossed the Merced and back to the west bank of the San
Joaquin, the group retraced their steps downstream, past Orestimba Cr.
to the starting point opposite Taualames.
[16] Turning west the expedition crossed three leagues of plain
and came upon Arroyo Corpus Christi, at present Del Puerto Cr. This
identification is additional evidence that Taualames was about 3 leagues
south of the Tuolumne R., as Viader implies. On the 26th and 27th the
trail led up Del Puerto Cr. to its headwaters, past San Antonio V., and
through the hills northeast of Mt. Hamilton to Mission San Jose. The
total distance is given as 23 leagues, or about 48 mi. according to
Viader's reckoning. This is reasonably close to the actual airline
distance.
[17] Although the first three days of the journey concern San Francisco
Bay rather than the Central Valley, it seems preferable to present a
translation of the whole diary. To attempt to segregate those entries
pertaining solely to the delta area would save but little space and
would destroy the continuity of the narrative.
[18] The body of water south of Pts. San Pablo and San Pedro and
generally north and northeast of Angel I.
[19] The distance, that is, will be about twice that across the Golden
Gate.
[20] Pt. Pinole.
[21] "Tierra firme de San Jose." This expression referred by convention
to the entire East Bay area, including the Coast Ranges from Carquinez
Strait and Suisun Bay south to Santa Clara and Stanislaus counties.
[22] It is clear from this statement that Abella considered 8 hours'
rowing time as equivalent to 8 leagues. A league on land was usually
measured in practice by an hour on foot or horseback, and this system
was based upon the usual steady progress of a horse or man throughout a
day. Oarsmen in still water, and with moderate effort, could approximate
the same rate. But here the boats traveled with or against tidal and
stream currents, subject to drift in the winds, or traversed the
sloughs, where movement might or might not be restricted. From these
considerations it follows that the transposition directly of hours of
travel into leagues of distance has no meaning whatever. Indeed, when
the narrative states leagues, the expression should be interpreted as
hours.
In the present instance the distance from the Embarcadero in San
Francisco to Angel I., to Pt. San Pablo, to the entrance of Carquinez
Strait, assuming straight-line navigation, is about 24 mi. This means
3 mi., or slightly less per league, according to Abella's calculation,
somewhat in excess of the usual value for the league, of 2.6 mi. But
Abella states that he waited for the incoming tide, which of course
would have increased his speed with reference to the shore. Hence his
leagues here are long.
[23] Mare I., on the north side of the channel.
[24] This sentence reads: "la contra costa es la tierra de San Jose del
Estrecho Yamado de los Carquinez es tierra muy Pelada." To render it
"the opposite shore is the mainland of San Jose" makes no sense since
the party stopped on the south side and the north side is bare of trees.
[25] From this point the journey takes Abella and his party into the
actual delta. Thereafter progress is almost impossible to follow, except
in broad outline. The party wandered almost at random through the tules,
finally touching at spots which can be identified. This is evident from
the account of Abella, who substantially admits that he was lost for
days at a time. Another difficulty lies in the changes which have taken
place during the past century. River channels have been leveed, new
canals or channels have been excavated, great areas have been drained
entirely, with complete change of vegetation. Therefore an attempt to
trace Abella's course in detail through the delta as it exists today
is doomed to failure in advance. As a matter of fact the route outlined
by Bancroft 80 years ago (1884-1890, II: 321-323) is likely to be
reasonably close to the truth.
Even though the precise pathway cannot be reconstructed the diary is of
interest both in giving a vivid impression of the great tule swamps in
their pristine condition and in presenting information regarding the
natives of those regions.
[26] As suggested in n. 22 above, Abella's distances in leagues are
completely unreliable and should be entirely disregarded.
[27] Fourteen leagues, or a minimum of 35 mi. from near Martinez to near
Antioch, a truly preposterous figure.
[28] The passage is obscure. It is probable that the island, and the
branching of the rivers, refers to the western end of Sherman I. where
the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers merge. The Ompines were a tribe
living on the north shore of Suisun Bay but it is quite likely that they
had a fishing station on Sherman I. or some other island close to the
south shore.
[29] "Boca." The word denotes the mouth or entrance of a stream or
river. Here, quite evidently it is used with reference to the many
openings among the islands and swamps where sloughs intersect each other
or meet the rivers. From a small boat on the water only the break in the
tules can be seen. Rarely is there any indication of how far, or where,
the lateral channel runs. These mouths, or openings, usually resemble
each other in appearance so closely that a stranger like Abella can
never be sure of differentiating between them or of recognizing one
the second time he passes it, unless there is some very distinctive
landmark.
[30] "Rio del Norte," the Sacramento. The party appears now to have been
somewhere in the Big Break region off the northwest shore of Jersey I.
The channel to the left cannot be identified on modern maps.
[31] From the context it is clear that at this point the party entered
False River, as they could not fail to do if they went upstream past
Antioch, took the channel on their right, and held close to the south
shore.
[32] The party may have been at the foot of Mandeville I., where Old
River and the main San Joaquin unite, or at the foot of Bacon I. If the
latter theory is correct, then the channel running to the left (Abella
was pointing south) might have been Connection Slough, which joins
Middle River a few miles to the southeast.
[33] The expedition is now proceeding up Old River past Palm, Orwood,
and Byron tracts, on which are still the remains of aboriginal
habitation sites.
[34] The long trip south, the appearance of Indians and villages on the
shore, the short swing of the river to the east, and the proximity of
dry land at the stopping place, all indicate arrival in the vicinity
of present Highway 4, near the western tip of Union I., 3 or 4 mi.
northwest of Bethany. The Bolbones, probably a Yokuts tribelet, had
been converted at San Jose during the preceding decade.
[35] Referring to Carmel R.
[36] Abella makes little reference to the fact that he was accompanied
by Fr. Buenaventura Sitjar and that the expedition was actually under
the military command of Sergeant Jose Sanchez.
[37] "Mais de umedad": corn planted and dependent upon rain for
moisture, as opposed to corn dependent upon irrigation.
[38] The village of Pescadero is known to have been situated on the
southwestern side of Union I., somewhere near White House Landing, a
mile or two northeast of Bethany. The site itself is lost, the river
bounded by levees, the land under cultivation. Some of the old oaks,
however, still stand along the river, behind the levees.
[39] This body of water is mentioned by several explorers of this
period. It no longer exists, nor does it appear on any modern map. It
probably was a shallow backwater in the vicinity of Tracy.
[40] The most probable location for the stopping place is approximately
north of Tracy where there are oaks which easily could have been
surrounded by swamp. The fork in the river at just about this point
would be that in which Salmon Slough runs northeast to join Middle River
and the main San Joaquin and in which Tom Paine Slough runs southeast to
meet the main river near Lathrop. Abella's group would have gone down
Salmon Slough.
[41] The passage is obscure but evidently refers to the junction of
Middle River with the main stream of Old River as it passes through
what is now Salmon Slough. The ultimate reunion of the two streams can
be considered to take place at the foot of Bacon I., as suggested in
n. 32. This interpretation of locality is strongly supported by Abella's
statement that he next proceeded upstream and at 3 leagues came into the
Rio Grande, or the main branch of the San Joaquin R. about 2 mi. west of
Lathrop.
[42] The junction of Tom Paine Slough with the San Joaquin near the
railroad and highway crossing east of Tracy.
[43] The name never was accepted. The river has always been known as the
San Joaquin.
[44] Abella evidently refers to Old River as the opening ("boca") on the
left and to Middle River as that on the right.
[45] Schenck (1926) places Coybos on the right bank of the San Joaquin
not more than a mile or two below the junction of Middle River. It is
probable, from Abella's account, that the village was farther down,
nearer the mouth of French Camp Slough. Abella, furthermore, gives no
indication on which side of the river the village was situated.
[46] It is probable that the rancherias here described, and indeed the
whole day's journey, was in the area just west of the present city of
Stockton.
[47] The first split in the river going downstream is west of Stockton,
with the formation of Rough and Ready I. It is probable that the party
was in this area.
[48] The party apparently had reached the junction of the main
stream--now the Stockton ship channel--and Old River, north of
Mandeville I. The distance is about 15 mi. from Rough and Ready I.,
near Stockton, where the previous halt was made. The entrance to Old
River is passed on the left going downstream.
[49] The location of these villages cannot be ascertained with
certainty. According to the text the party traveled about 1 1/2
leagues on the 24th and 6 leagues on the 25th, making 7 1/2, or
perhaps 18, mi., if we can believe Abella's distances.
There is very great question as to the route taken after the party
reached the junction of the main river and Old River. Bancroft
(1884-1890, II: 323, fn.) says the route passed through the sloughs just
north of Sherman I. so as to enter the Sacramento R. This would imply
the use of Threemile Slough, 3 mi. long, as its name implies. One
alternative is Sevenmile Slough, which passes from the San Joaquin R.,
with Andrus and Brannan islands on the right and Twitchell I. on the
left, to the Sacramento. Still another possibility is that Abella
entered the Mokelumne R., just below the junction of the main river and
Old River. If so, progress would have been necessary through the sloughs
of Tyler and Andrus islands. None of these possibilities conforms in all
respects to the account in the text.
[50] They were still going north along a waterway not more than 100 ft.
wide.
[51] At this point the party evidently entered the main stream of the
Sacramento.
[52] This passage shows clearly that the party was traveling the
Sacramento relatively far above Suisun Bay and that therefore the
entrance to the river could not have been by way of Threemile Slough
above the head of Sherman I. Accounts by many later voyagers, as well
as the existing condition of the terrain, indicate unequivocally that
the oak trees begin, on ascending the river, no more than a mile or
two below Rio Vista. The heavy oak stand with dense undergrowth and
grapevines appears near the foot of Grand I. and continues thence up the
river. Hence it is most probable that Abella entered the Sacramento R.
at or near Tyler I., no farther downstream than Isleton. The population
described in the text is much heavier than has been generally ascribed
to these islands by modern students (cf. Schenck, 1926).
[53] Foot of Grand I., where Steamboat Slough joins the main river.
[54] He refers to the main stream of the Sacramento and Steamboat Slough
plus the slough or channel which we cannot identify and through which
he reached his present position below the foot of Grand I. The party was
now not far from the site of Rio Vista.
[55] The description fits the north bank of the river below Rio Vista:
the bare rolling hills are the Montezuma Hills, the high hill of the
Bolbones is Mt. Diablo, the plain is the flat area stretching north from
Sherman I. all the way to Fairfield. The distance traveled was far less
than 12 leagues but it is true that at about the halfway point the oaks
and other river bank shrubbery fade out and the land becomes pure grassy
pasture land.
[56] Probably referring to the exploratory expedition of Ayala and
Canizares in 1776. Canizares reached the vicinity of lower Sherman I.,
when he repeatedly ran aground and was forced to turn back.
[57] The exact course of the expedition on the 27th and 28th is
difficult to trace but in outline it is fairly clear. Priestley (1946,
p. 108) says: "From the Ompines the navigators went through Nurse Slough
and Montezuma Creek to a point one league east of Suisun." This is
unlikely because one must navigate several miles of Montezuma Slough
before arriving at Nurse Slough. The head of the latter is fully 8 mi.
from Suisun. Furthermore, Abella says the "Yano de los Suisunes" (the
plain of the Suisunes), not the town of Suisun.
Leaving the main bay and river near Collinsville, the party evidently
went north through Montezuma Slough, with the low Montezuma Hills to the
east and the Potrero Hills to the north. Then they followed the meanders
of Montezuma Slough and probably some of its branches, camping on high
ground perhaps in the Potrero Hills. The following day they must have
entered Suisun Slough and gone north to dry ground (only 1 league). Here
they found the oak groves and the low hills of the inner Coast Range.
Subsequently, they went generally south into Suisun Bay and thence to
Carquinez Strait. Mt. Diablo ("Serro de los Bolbones") was slightly east
of south, not southwest, as Abella thought.
[58] "Los Plumajes de sus Peleas": the costumes, made of feathers, or
otherwise, which they were accustomed to wear in battle.
[59] Not long previously Moraga had led a military expedition north of
Suisun Bay and had chastised, with several casualties, the recalcitrant
natives living in southern Solano Co.
[60] "Las Lomas de los Carquines": meaning apparently the hills along
the north shore of the Strait.
[61] The sentence ends without completion and, as it stands, does not
make sense. It is probable that the person who made the copy in the
Bancroft Library failed to finish the entry for October 29. The omitted
portion cannot be reconstructed from the fragment available.
[62] Arguello's letter does not specify the location of the Indian
village attacked. Father Narciso Duran, however, in the report of
his journey in 1817, placed it as among or near the Unsumnes (i.e.,
Cosumnes), along the northeastern edge of the delta. (See Schenck,
1926, pp. 128-129.)
[63] Section omitted by Bancroft's transcriber.
[64] This is the first real battle in Central California of which we
have record. The advantage to the Indians in numbers and terrain
was offset by the Spanish superiority in weapons and discipline.
Furthermore, 100 Indian auxiliaries were an adequate compensation for
the hostile natives' excess in numbers.
The soldiers won a tactical victory, for they drove the Indians from
the field. But the Indians could point to strategic gains: (1) they
demonstrated that under the right circumstances they could stand up in a
fair fight against a strong force of whites; and (2) they prevented the
attainment of the objective of the campaign, i.e., the recapture of the
fugitives.