CHAPTER X

THE AUSTRIAN ATTACK OF JUNE 15

_May and June 1918_

_Reference map No. 4_

One of the greatest problems when we lived in the mountains was the

question of transport and supply. The Divisional ration-dump was made in

the foothills, so it was obviously impossible for us to have all our

transport with us in the mountains and send it to the ration-dump daily,

as waggons would have been some ten hours on the roads. It was equally

impossible to have all the transport living near the ration-dump and

making daily pilgrimages up to the mountains. It was therefore decided

to leave the 2nd echelon transport in the foothills at Fara, and to have

the 1st echelon with us at Granezza. The former then brought the

Battalion’s rations each day as far as Tezze Sciessere, which lay

half-way up the mountain by road, while the 1st echelon met it there and

brought the supplies on to us.

Even this proved to be intensely hard on the horses, and it was

afterwards arranged to do much of the work by a more generous use of

Army motor lorries. There had been much discussion as to whether we

should take up the cookers, and it was eventually decided to do so. One

of these—namely, A Company’s—was the victim of the only accident which

befell us on our first journey up, as together with horses and driver it

fell over the cliff from the roadside. By a miracle neither the driver

nor the two horses were much hurt, in spite of their rolling with the

vehicle for 50 feet down the mountain-side and taking a 10-feet drop at

the end! As much cannot be said for the cooker, which was smashed beyond

hope of repair.

Our first tour in a mountain sector, although interesting, was not

eventful, and only lasted a month. This, however, was quite long enough

in view of the climatic conditions at this time of year, for the weather

had been vile, and one more often wore wet clothes than dry ones.

A complete change was experienced on arrival in the plains (May 19), for

here the heat was intense. The villages of Grumo and Cereda, which had

been allotted to us for billets, lay some thirty miles from Fara, our

marches to these places being carried out at night to avoid the heat of

the day. Khaki drill was now issued to replace the usual serge clothing,

and this, with pith helmets for headgear, made a hot life possible.

Training was carried out between six and ten o’clock in the morning, and

again in the cool of the evening. During the other hours of daylight we

lay and gasped.

We had been led to expect that the Division (less the 144th Brigade, who

were still in the mountains) would be kept in billets in the plains for

three weeks or a month, but this did not materialise, owing to receipt

of rather sudden orders to relieve the 7th Division in the line. Two

long marches, carried out in the early mornings, took us to Camisino, at

the foot of the mountains, and on June 1 the Battalion negotiated the

3,000-feet climb, which occupied close on five hours. The rough and very

steep mule-track, up which our path lay, seemed interminable, and in

spite of making the start at 4.30 a.m., the heat during the last hour of

the ascent proved very trying.

We were now in the left Divisional sector of the British front, whereas

before we had been in the right. It was strange how very similar the two

sectors were in the matter of roads, general formation of the country,

and forestry. Our front line lay towards the foot of the northern slopes

of M. Lemerle, and was sited well inside the wood, thus providing very

bad observation for the enemy. His own front trenches, on the other

hand, were right in the open, towards the other side of the plateau and

distant from us some 1,400 yards. It was indeed for us a gunner’s

paradise. He had only to install himself in a carefully concealed

observation post in one of the trees, and choose targets from the varied

assortment which the trenches, villages and farms, provided for him.

The portion of line allotted to the Battalion lay on the extreme right

of the Divisional line, and ran from a point about 700 yards due south

of the village of Roncalto, where we joined with the 23rd Division, to

the Ghelpac Fork (Map No. 4).

By night, outposts were pushed out well in front of this line, in many

cases half-way across the broad “No Man’s Land.” These posts occupied

all points of tactical importance, such as high ground on the plateau,

and guarded the main approaches to our line.

In our case the Battalion outpost line ran from Pesaventi along the

valley of the dried-up Ghelpac, with a standing patrol covering a hill

known as 1002. Fighting patrols were sent out nightly in front of this

outpost line, and reconnoitred the ground almost up to the enemy

trenches. The enemy’s style in “No Man’s Land” was thus considerably

cramped. He did, however, screw up his courage sufficiently to occupy at

night two houses called Vaister, which were situated about 1,300 yards

in front of our line and 500 yards in front of that of the enemy.

As we expected soon to undertake an offensive it was thought that his

occupation of Vaister might prove an inconvenience to us, so it was

consequently decided to turn him out of it. The scheme for this was to

attack Vaister during the night (June 8/9) with two platoons, who were

to be relieved by two fresh sections shortly before dawn. It was

inadvisable to have a larger garrison there by day, as there was very

little cover and they would become an easy target for the Austrian

gunners, should they be spotted. Two platoons of B Company, under

2/Lieutenant R. W. Grace and 2/Lieutenant W. G. Butler, were detailed

for this duty.

The artillery fired salvoes at the houses at half-hour intervals,

starting at dusk, and at 1.15 a.m. the 18-pounders put down a one-minute

barrage 150 yards north of the houses, in order to make the garrison

keep their heads down. This barrage, which was the signal for the

assault, was timed to lift 300 yards north of the houses after one

minute, and to remain there for five minutes. The two platoons, who made

a converging attack from south-east and south-west, got through the wire

without much difficulty and reached the houses. They were empty. Rifle

fire, however, came from some distance beyond, and it seemed pretty

evident that our artillery fire had driven out the enemy, who had

decided to take up a position on the spur behind.

At 1.45 a.m. the enemy suddenly assaulted the houses, but were driven

off by our rifle and Lewis-gun fire, which caused them considerable

loss. A flare, fired by our men, showed up the enemy as they retired,

carrying their casualties, and a section was sent out to pursue them,

but they only succeeded in catching one man, who stated that they had

had twenty casualties.

Between 2.30 a.m. and 3 a.m. the enemy made two further attempts to

assault from the direction of Canove, but each attempt was stopped by

our fire.

At 3.30 a.m. two sections of D Company, under 2/Lieutenant F. J. Wilcox,

relieved the two platoons of B Company, and established three posts

covering the houses. They had not been there more than a very few

minutes before the Austrians again attacked. Once more they were

stopped, and our left section was pushed forward in the hope of catching

the enemy retiring.

Later the enemy delivered a further assault from each side of the

houses, and in this case succeeded in overrunning our right post. The

position, however, was soon restored to us, and at 5.40 a.m. the section

was ordered by Battalion Headquarters to withdraw to our lines.

During this tour in the trenches, the prevailing disease, a sort of very

acute type of influenza, attacked the Battalion. Every company had some

fifteen or twenty men affected and laid out by it, but as the effects,

in the majority of cases, were felt for two or three days only, a

comparatively small number of men were sent to hospital. There was good

reason for conserving our man power as far as possible since orders were

out for an offensive by the British Army in conjunction with the French

on our right. These operations were to be undertaken with a view to

driving the enemy off the actual plateau, and forcing him back on to the

Winter Stellung, which was a trench system which he had constructed in

front of M. Catz and M. Interrotto, some one and a half miles behind his

present front line. Our positions in the event of the attack being

successful would not be as favourable to us as they were at the present

time, but it was hoped that the losses inflicted on the enemy would be

great, and that we should be so much nearer to the key of all the

Austrian positions—namely, M. Catz, M. Interrotto, and the mountains

overlooking the Val d’Assa (Map No. 4).

Thus, from June 9 to the 14th our minds and plans were concentrated on

this prospective attack. Major P. A. Hall was now in command of the

Battalion, owing to Lieutenant-Colonel Reynolds having assumed temporary

command of the Brigade.

On the 9th we were relieved in the front line, moving back to Brigade

support positions in the Lemerle Switch and Polderhoek Trench. On the

evening of the 14th, at a conference at Brigade Headquarters, commanding

officers were warned of a suspected attack by the enemy in the Brenta

valley and on the Piave, which was thought likely to take place the

following morning. It was not expected that the actual attack would

affect the British, though it was probable that the enemy’s bombardment

might extend as far west, in order to mislead us as to the real point of

attack. Plans and preparations for our own attack were to continue, zero

day for which had been fixed for June 16.

Such were our information and ideas for the future on the night of the

14th. All were doomed to be frustrated by the enemy, and that within a

very few hours.

At 3 a.m. the following morning the Austrians opened an intense

bombardment, with guns of every calibre, on all our lines of defence. A

large amount of gas shell was employed. The whole wood resounded with

high-explosive shells bursting among the rocks. Ammunition dumps took

fire, and became as dangerous as the enemy’s shells. Trees crashed to

the ground on all sides, and within a few minutes death was everywhere.

The Bucks Battalion immediately took up its battle stations in the

Lemerle Switch and Polderhoek Trench, astride the Boscon road. The

orders for the battalion holding these positions, in the event of the

enemy breaking through the front line, were to hold on to the last man.

This battalion was not to be used to reinforce forward positions. For

the next four or five hours shells rained down upon and around this

line, the shooting of the enemy being exceedingly good. Although a break

through of the front line was effected, the 1/4th Battalion Oxford &

Bucks Light Infantry, who were in the front trenches, fought every yard

of ground whilst giving way, and finally succeeded in definitely holding

up the attack in the neighbourhood of Pelly Cross.

Thus the enemy never actually reached the line that the Bucks Battalion

were holding, except on the extreme right, where he attempted to work

round the Oxfords’ flank; and the effects of the Austrian attack will be

better understood if the attack is described from the Brigade point of

view.

The 48th Division had two Brigades in the line: the 143rd in depth on a

one-battalion front on the left, and the 145th on a two-battalion front

on the right, the whole divisional frontage of four kilometres extending

from Roncalto to Schulazzon. The 23rd British Division were on the

right, and the 12th Italian Division on the left. Our 144th Brigade was

in Divisional reserve, with three battalions in camps at Carriola and M.

Brusabo, and one on the plains at the foot of the mountains.

The Divisional front trench line was of a very irregular trace,

consisting of a series of acute salients and reentrants, making it

impossible for most posts to see what was occurring on either side of

them or to give each other mutual assistance. The dry bed of the Ghelpac

ran in front of the left Brigade’s line, the western part of it lying in

a deep gorge. It was between this gorge and Cesuna Wood that the maximum

weight of the Austrian onslaught fell, and this was the extreme western

limit of the whole enemy attack.

At 3 a.m. the enemy’s heavy bombardment opened. At 7 a.m. his infantry

attack was launched, following a concentrated bombardment of the front

line. Owing to the trees and irregular features of the ground, it was in

most cases impossible for our men to observe the advance, or bring

effective fire to bear on the attacking columns, until they were

actually on our wire. There was also a thick ground mist, which

prevented observation from our look-out posts.

The first real break in the Divisional line occurred about the high

ground near Perghele, where the enemy were seen advancing in large

numbers about 7.50 a.m. From here they swept down the valley behind the

5th Gloucestershire Regiment, which held the centre of the Divisional

line, and, taking this battalion in reverse, cut off all communication

forward of the Battalion Headquarters. The support company took up a

position astride the valley, but the enemy soon enveloped their left,

and the company was gradually forced to retire on to the Cesuna-Canove

road. This line they held for some time, until a heavy attack was

delivered on their right, which forced them back astride the railway and

severed their connection with the 1/4th Battalion Oxford & Bucks Light

Infantry.

In the meantime, the Oxfords on the right had been putting up a very

fine resistance. The enemy had, very early on, succeeded in driving a

wedge between them and the Northumberland Fusiliers, who were holding

the left of the 23rd Divisional line. The latter had been driven on to

their switch line. The right flank of the Oxfords thus became exposed,

and the enemy immediately began to work round it. This, however, was

prevented by the extreme right of the Bucks Battalion in the Lemerle

Switch.

By means of Bangalore torpedoes and flammenwerfers, the Austrians did

succeed in forcing an entry about the centre of the Oxfords’ line, and

by 9 a.m. were in complete possession of the front line.

Throughout the morning, the Oxfords held up the attack in the most

determined manner, never giving ground more than 200 yards behind the

original line. By afternoon, however, the situation on their left became

so serious that they were obliged to fall back on Pelly Cross Roads,

where they linked up with the 1/4th Battalion Royal Berkshire Regiment,

two of whose companies had been ordered forward in support of the

Gloucesters.

Later in the day the enemy attack was further reinforced, and a swaying

fight went on until night fell.

The enemy made little further ground, and at 6 p.m. the 145th Brigade

front ran from the top of Hill 1021 to Pelly Cross Roads, and thence

along Pine Avenue to the Cesuna Switch, where junction was made with the

143rd Brigade.

About 7 p.m. two battalions of the 144th Brigade commenced a

counter-attack, from the Cesuna Switch in a north-easterly direction,

with a view to clearing the “pocket” that the enemy had been held in.

This made little headway, owing to the immense number of enemy machine

guns, which were most difficult to dislodge from among the rocks and

trees. Moreover, these battalions found it hard to keep direction,

fighting through the middle of the wood, with no roads or paths to guide

them. The attack, however, had the effect of reducing the pocket, and

certainly impressed the enemy with the fact that he was firmly

contained, as he made no further attempt to advance after this.

During the night arrangements were made for a general counter-attack to

take place the next morning at 4.30. This attack was completely

successful, meeting with what then appeared to be surprisingly little

resistance. By 5.45 a.m. our original front line was entirely reoccupied

and many prisoners were taken. A message was found on the body of a dead

Austrian officer, timed 2.50 a.m., ordering a complete withdrawal to

their own original line. Thus the slight resistance met with in our

counter-attack was accounted for, as the movement had by then been

largely effected.

The enemy casualties in the attack had been very severe indeed, as was

proved by the immense number of their dead, which lay strewn over the

whole of the recaptured area. Of prisoners also we had a great number,

and these included representatives of every unit of no fewer than two

divisions, and of several units of two other divisions. A striking

feature of the attack was the quantity and surprisingly good quality of

the stores and equipment brought forward. Practically every man had

evidently been issued with a new set of equipment previous to the

attack. An enormous number of machine guns had been brought forward,

many of which were left behind on retirement. Nearly all these were of

the heavy type, and consequently most unsuited to a rapid advance over

mountainous country on the scale which they had evidently anticipated,

judging from the operation orders captured. These orders showed the

enemy to have had the most far-reaching objectives, which, to those of

us who knew the country, were almost impossible of attainment, even if

resistance had been of the weakest, and Austrian infantry the finest

soldiers in the world—which they most assuredly were not. Weight of

numbers carried them so far as they got, and it may be considered partly

due to their lack of push and enterprise that they failed to exploit a

successful initial break through into and behind the line of the centre

battalion.

Although the Bucks Battalion did not have a leading part to play in this

battle, as the line it was holding was never attacked, it nevertheless

did a great deal of important work.

C Company, on the right, stopped the enemy attempt to envelop the 1/4th

Oxfords’ right. Several large officers’ patrols were sent out to keep in

touch with the two forward battalions, and on a few occasions they found

themselves in a position to hold up parties of the enemy who had worked

their way through. Much was done to maintain communication between the

forward line and Brigade Headquarters, all the telephone lines having

been broken shortly after the bombardment commenced.

Naturally, the Battalion did not suffer casualties to the same extent as

other units in the Brigade:

_Officers._—Wounded. 2/Lieut. H. R. Pigott.

2/Lieut. W. G. Butler.

2/Lieut. P. T. Herbert.

2/Lieut. F. J. Wilcox.

2/Lieut. E. T. C. Coxon.

Capt. H. Noke, C.F.

_Other ranks._—Killed—8.

Wounded—42.

The days following the attack were fully occupied in mending our wire,

burying the dead, and generally clearing the battle-field. The enemy

himself, for the next three or four days, appeared to be in a state of

confusion and suffering from lack of _moral_. Their men were to be seen

walking about in daylight behind their trenches, having left lengths of

their line unoccupied, while other parts were crowded. Two or three

mountain guns, left out in “No Man’s Land” after the enemy’s withdrawal,

were brought in by us in broad daylight. This state of affairs was

exploited further by the 143rd and 144th Brigades, which were now

holding the line, by sending out large patrols with the object of

persuading the enemy to come back to our lines with them. This, however,

was only partially successful, and their resistance soon stiffened

again. It was evident, nevertheless, that the failure of the attack had

left its mark on the Austrian troops opposite, and that their _moral_

was thoroughly shaken by it.

On June 20, Major-General Sir Robert Fanshawe, K.C.B., gave up command

of the Division. This was a very heavy blow, and was received with the

greatest dismay throughout the Division. He had commanded it for three

years, and during this time had won the unbounded confidence and

affection of all ranks.

He was succeeded by Major-General Sir H. B. Walker, K.C.B., D.S.O.

The First Buckinghamshire Battalion 1914-1919 · 第 10 / 14 章