At length the doors opened, four aides-de-camp stood inside, and as soon

as the Prince had handed down the Duchess d’Angoulême, and the King of

France handed the Duchess of York, Monsieur with Princess Sophia of

Gloucester, &c., all other persons were stopped at the door who did not

present their tickets.

Luckily for me, during the hour of waiting, I found myself close to Lord

Chichester; and upon communication we found ourselves ticketed, and

without any lady attached to either, so we agreed to make common cause.

Lady Chichester not being in a state of bustle, had by the Prince’s

gracious permission, seen all the preparations in the morning.

Upon descending into the conservatory, Perceval, Lord Chichester, and

myself, after some difficulty of finding places, separated, and it ended

in my going with Lord Chichester to the vacant end of the Prince’s long

table, which could not be less than 200 feet long. My children would

have been amused with the river of water and the little gudgeons

swimming about in the whole length of this table; and all the _grown_

children were equally delighted.

Tierney said to me in the course of the evening that he had previously

seen and admired the whole spectacle, except that Sadler’s Wells

business of the rivulet and the swimming fishes.

Nevertheless it was oriental and fanciful, towards the Prince’s end

particularly; for in that part the table widened, and the water also,

and fell by a succession of cascades into a circular lake surrounded

with architectural decorations, and small vases, burning perfumes, which

stood under the arches of the colonnade round the lake.

Behind the Prince’s end of the table there was a magnificent sideboard

of gilt plate three stories high.

A band in the garden, not seen by the company, played the whole time.

After the supper was well ended, and before the company rose to go

upstairs, there was a grand crowd from the supper room beyond the brass

railing, of fine ladies and gentlemen, who came to lean against and look

over the railing at our superior lot, and to endeavour at descrying the

gudgeons in our river. “There, I see them;” “Look, look;” “Don’t you?”

&c., by all the Misses and company, old and young, not to mention Lady

Mansfield, Lady Buckingham’s niece, old Mr. Hastings, and many other

souls old and young, whose eager and ridiculous curiosity was very

entertaining.

At length the royals all rose and went upstairs; Lord Chichester had

undertaken to pilot me all round the rest of the supper apartments; Lady

Chatham and a young lady of her family were tacked on to us, and so we

proceeded.

A few minutes so completely filled the conservatory in which the

Prince’s table was placed, that before we got fairly round, the crowd

and pressing was beyond anything I ever saw or felt; until, not without

an intolerable cram and jam, we made our way with one tide which bore

down another tide, and thus we saw the other six rooms all in

continuation of the same line as the conservatory. The furthest room was

seven or eight steps higher than the rest, and commanded a long but

indistinct view of tables and tables not less than 500 feet in distance.

Besides these rooms there was supper under tents in the gardens.

Certainly, the supply, waiting, and arrangements seemed to be admirable.

No delays in arrivals, no difficulties, no accidents.

WEAVING MACHINES (1812).

=Source.=--Byron’s _Works_, 1898. Letters and Journals. Vol. ii., p. 424.

_Debate on the Framework Bill, in the House of Lords, February 27,

1812._

The order of the day for the second reading of this Bill being read,

Lord Byron rose, and (for the first time) addressed their Lordships as

follows:--

My Lords,--The subject now submitted to your Lordships for the

first time, though new to the House, is by no means new to the

country. I believe it had occupied the serious thoughts of all

descriptions of persons, long before its introduction to the notice

of that legislature, whose interference alone could be of real

service. As a person in some degree connected with the suffering

county, though a stranger not only to this House in general, but to

almost every individual whose attention I presume to solicit, I

must claim some portion of your Lordships’ indulgence, whilst I

offer a few observations on a question in which I confess myself

deeply interested.

To enter into any detail of the riots would be superfluous: the

House is already aware that every outrage short of actual bloodshed

has been perpetrated, and that the proprietors of the frames

obnoxious to the rioters, and all persons supposed to be connected

with them, have been liable to insult and violence. During the

short time I recently passed in Nottinghamshire, not twelve hours

elapsed without some fresh act of violence; and on the day I left

the county I was informed that forty frames had been broken the

preceding evening, as usual, without resistance and without

detection.

Such was then the state of that county, and such I have reason to

believe it to be at this moment. But whilst these outrages must be

admitted to exist to an alarming extent, it cannot be denied that

they have arisen from circumstances of the most unparalleled

distress: the perseverance of these miserable men in their

proceedings tends to prove that nothing but absolute want could

have driven a large, and once honest and industrious, body of the

people, into the commission of excesses, so hazardous to

themselves, their families, and the community. At the time to which

I allude, the town and county were burdened with large detachments

of the military; the police were in motion, the magistrates

assembled; yet all the movements, civil and military, had led

to--nothing. Not a single instance had occurred of the apprehension

of any real delinquent actually taken in the fact, against whom

there existed legal evidence sufficient for conviction. But the

police, however useless, were by no means idle: several notorious

delinquents had been detected,--men, liable to conviction, on the

clearest evidence, of the capital crime of poverty; men, who had

been nefariously guilty of lawfully begetting several children,

whom, thanks to the times! they are unable to maintain.

Considerable injury has been done to the proprietors of the

improved frames. These machines were to them an advantage, inasmuch

as they superseded the necessity of employing a number of workmen,

who were left in consequence to starve. By the adoption of one

species of frame in particular, one man performed the work of many,

and the superfluous labourers were thrown out of employment. Yet it

is to be observed, that the work thus executed was inferior in

quality; not marketable at home, and merely hurried over with a

view of exportation. It was called, in the cant of the trade, by

the name of “Spider-work.” The rejected workmen, in the blindness

of their ignorance, instead of rejoicing at these improvements in

arts so beneficial to mankind, conceived themselves to be

sacrificed to improvements in mechanism. In the foolishness of

their hearts they imagined that the maintenance and well-doing of

the industrious poor were objects of greater consequence than the

enrichment of a few individuals by any improvement, in the

implements of trade, which threw the workmen out of employment, and

rendered the labourer unworthy of his hire. And it must be

confessed that although the adoption of the enlarged machinery in

that state of our commerce which the country once boasted might

have been beneficial to the master without being detrimental to the

servant; yet, in the present situation of our manufactures, rotting

in warehouses, without a prospect of exportation, with the demand

for work and workmen equally diminished, frames of this description

tend materially to aggravate the distress and discontent of the

disappointed sufferers. But the real cause of these distresses and

consequent disturbances lies deeper. When we are told that these

men are leagued together not only for the destruction of their own

comfort, but of their very means of subsistence, can we forget that

it is the bitter policy, the destructive warfare of the last

eighteen years, which has destroyed their comfort, your comfort,

all men’s comfort? that policy, which, originating with “great

statesmen now no more,” has survived the dead to become a curse on

the living, unto the third and fourth generation! These men never

destroyed their looms till they were become useless, worse than

useless; till they were become actual impediments to their

exertions in obtaining their daily bread. Can you, then, wonder

that in times like these, when bankruptcy, convicted fraud, and

imputed felony are found in a station not far beneath that of your

Lordships, the lowest, though once most useful portion of the

people, should forget their duty in their distresses, and become

only less guilty than one of their representatives? But while the

exalted offender can find means to baffle the law, new capital

punishments must be devised, new snares of death must be spread for

the wretched mechanic, who is famished into guilt. These men were

willing to dig, but the spade was in other hands: they were not

ashamed to beg, but there was none to relieve them: their own means

of subsistence were cut off, all other employments preoccupied; and

their excesses, however to be deplored and condemned, can hardly be

subject of surprise.

BADAJOZ (1812).

=Source.=--_Selections from the Wellington Despatches._ Gurwood. P. 581.

_To the Earl of Liverpool._

BADAJOZ,

_7th April, 1812_.

My dispatch of the 3rd instant will have apprised your Lordship of the

state of the operations against Badajoz to that date; which were brought

to a close on the night of the 6th, by the capture of the place by

storm.

The fire continued during the 4th and 5th against the face of the

bastion of La Trinidad, and the flank of the bastion of Sta Maria;

and on the 4th, in the morning, we opened another battery of 6 guns in

the second parallel against the shoulder of the ravelin of San Roque,

and the wall in its gorge.

Practicable breaches were effected in the bastions above mentioned on

the evening of the 5th; but as I had observed that the enemy had

entrenched the bastion of La Trinidad, and the most formidable

preparations were making for the defence, as well of the breach in that

bastion as of that in the bastion of Sta Maria, I determined to delay

the attack for another day, and to turn all the guns in the batteries in

the second parallel on the curtain of La Trinidad; in hopes that by

effecting a third breach, the troops would be enabled to turn the

enemy’s works for the defence of the other two; the attack of which

would besides be connected by the troops destined to attack the breach

in the curtain. This breach was effected in the evening of the 6th, and

the fire of the face of the bastion of Sta Maria and of the flank of

the bastion of La Trinidad being overcome, I determined to attack the

place that night.

I had kept in reserve in the neighbourhood of this camp, the 5th

division under Lieut.-General Leith, which had left Castille only in the

middle of March, and had but lately arrived in this part of the country;

and I brought them up on that evening. The plan for the attack was that

Lieut.-General Picton should attack the castle of Badajoz by escalade

with the 3rd division; and a detachment from the guard in the trenches

furnished that evening by the 4th division, under Major Wilson of the

48th regt., should attack the ravelin of San Roque upon his left, while

the 4th division under Major-General the Hon. C. Colville, and the Light

division under Lieut.-Colonel Barnard, should attack the breaches in the

bastions of La Trinidad and Sta Maria, and in the curtain by which

they are connected. The 5th division were to occupy the ground which the

4th and Light divisions had occupied during the siege; and

Lieut.-General Leith was to make a false attack upon the outwork called

the Pardaleras; and another on the works of the fort towards the

Guadiana, with the left brigade of the division under Major-General

Walker, which he was to turn into a real attack, if circumstances should

prove favourable; and Brig.-General Power, who invested the place with

his Portuguese brigade on the right of the Guadiana, was directed to

make false attacks on the _tête-de-pont_, the Fort San Christoval, and

the new redoubt called Mon Cœur.

The attack was accordingly made at 10 at night; Lieut.-General Picton

preceding by a few minutes the attack by the remainder of the troops.

Major-General Kempt led this attack, which went out from the right of

the first parallel. He was unfortunately wounded in crossing the river

Rivillas below the inundation; but notwithstanding this circumstance,

and the obstinate resistance of the enemy, the castle was carried by

escalade, and the 3rd division established in it at about half-past 11.

While this was going on, Major Wilson of the 48th carried the ravelin of

San Roque by the gorge, with a detachment of 200 men of the guard in the

trenches; and with the assistance of Major Squire, of the engineers,

established himself within that work.

The 4th and Light divisions moved to the attack from the camp along the

left of the river Rivillas, and of the inundation. They were not

perceived by the enemy, till they reached the covered-way; and the

advanced guards of the 2 divisions descended without difficulty into the

ditch, protected by the fire of the parties stationed on the glacis for

that purpose; and they advanced to the assault of the breaches led by

their gallant officers, with the utmost intrepidity. But such was the

nature of the obstacles prepared by the enemy at the top and behind the

breaches, and so determined their resistance, that our troops could not

establish themselves within the place. Many brave officers and soldiers

were killed or wounded by explosions at the top of the breaches; others

who succeeded to them were obliged to give way, having found it

impossible to penetrate the obstacles which the enemy had prepared to

impede their progress. These attempts were repeated till after 12 at

night; when, finding that success was not to be attained, and that

Lieut.-General Picton was established in the castle, I ordered that the

4th and Light divisions might retire to the ground on which they had

been first assembled for the attack.

In the mean time, Lieut.-General Leith had pushed forward Major-General

Walker’s brigade on the left, supported by the 38th regt. under

Lieut.-Colonel Nugent, and the 15th Portuguese regt. under Colonel Do

Rego, and he had made a false attack upon the Pardaleras with the 8th

caçadores under Major Hill. Major-General Walker forced the barrier on

the road of Olivença, and entered the covered way on the left of the

bastion of San Vicente, close to the Guadiana. He there descended into

the ditch, and escaladed the face of the bastion of San Vicente.

Lieutenant-General Leith supported this attack by the 38th regt. and

15th Portuguese regt.; and our troops being thus established in the

castle, which commands all the works of the town, and in the town; and

the 4th and Light divisions being formed again for the attack of the

breaches, all resistance ceased; and at daylight in the morning, the

Governor, General Philippon, who had retired to Fort San Christoval,

surrendered, together with General Vieland, and all the Staff, and the

whole garrison. I have not got accurate returns of the strength of the

garrison, or of the number of prisoners. But General Philippon has

informed me that it consisted of 5,000 men at the commencement of the

siege, of which 1,200 were killed or wounded during the operations;

besides those lost in the assault of the place. There were 5 French

battalions, besides 2 of the regiment of Hesse Darmstadt, and the

artillery, engineers, &c.; and I understand there are 4,000 prisoners.

It is impossible that any expressions of mine can convey to your

Lordship the sense which I entertain of the gallantry of the officers

and troops upon this occasion. The list of killed and wounded will show

that the General officers, the Staff attached to them, the commanding

and other officers of the regiments, put themselves at the heads of the

attacks which they severally directed, and set the example of gallantry

which was so well followed by their men.

Marshal Sir W. Beresford assisted me in conducting the details of this

siege; and I am much indebted to him for the cordial assistance which I

received from him, as well during the progress, as in the last operation

which brought it to a termination. The duties in the trenches were

conducted successively by Major-General the Hon. C. Colville,

Major-General Bowes, and Major-General Kempt, under the superintendence

of Lieut.-General Picton. I have had occasion to mention all these

officers during the course of the operations; and they all distinguished

themselves, and were all wounded in the assault. I am particularly

obliged to Lieut.-General Picton for the manner in which he arranged the

attack of the castle; for that in which he supported the attack, and

established his troops in that important post.

Lieut.-General Leith’s arrangements for the false attack upon the

Pardaleras, and that under Major-General Walker, were likewise most

judicious; and he availed himself of the circumstances of the moment, to

push forward and support the attack under Major-General Walker, in a

manner highly creditable to him. The gallantry and conduct of

Major-General Walker, who was also wounded, and that of the officers and

troops under his command, were conspicuous.

The arrangements made by Major-General the Hon. C. Colville for the

attack by the 4th division were very judicious; and he led them to the

attack in the most gallant manner. In consequence of the absence, on

account of sickness, of Major-General Vandeleur, and of Colonel

Beckwith, Lieut.-Colonel Barnard commanded the Light division in the

assault, and distinguished himself not less by the manner in which he

made the arrangements for that operation, than by his personal gallantry

in its execution.

I have also to mention Brig.-General Harvey of the Portuguese service,

commanding a brigade in the 4th division, and Brig.-General Champelmond,

commanding the Portuguese brigade in the 3rd division, as highly

distinguished. Brig.-General Harvey was wounded in the storm.

MURDER OF PERCEVAL (1812).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 379.

[_May_] _11th_.--The House of Commons being in Committee hearing

evidence on the Orders in Council, at a few minutes after five, I was

called down from my room into the House by a message that

Mr. Perceval was shot in the lobby.

As soon as I had taken the chair, the assassin, a bankrupt Liverpool

merchant, John Bellingham, was forcibly brought to the bar. I detained

him till a Magistrate was brought, who came almost instantly; and then

the assassin was conducted to the prison room belonging to the

Serjeant-at-Arms, where he was examined before Mr. White, a Westminster

Justice; and Mr. Alderman Combe and Mr. Taylor, two Members who were

also Justices, and thereupon committed to Newgate for murder.

Mr. Perceval’s body (for he fell lifeless after he had staggered a few

paces into the lobby) was brought into my house, and remained in the

first picture room till the family removed it (for privacy) at one

o’clock in the morning to Downing Street.

_12th._--I wrote to invite Ponsonby, Whitbread, Lord Castlereagh, Ryder,

Canning, Master of the Rolls, Wilberforce, &c. &c., to meet here at

three o’clock, and consult upon the proper course of recommending

Perceval’s family to the protection of the Crown. There came also

Elliott, Adair, Wellesley Pole, &c. &c.: and Lord Castlereagh stated the

Regent’s intention to send a message on the subject; in answer to which

Ponsonby, Whitbread, Canning, and Bankes fully and at length declared

their unqualified assent. Finding Tierney not present, I wrote to him

before I went into the House to excuse the omission, on the score of

believing that through Ponsonby or Whitbread I should have seen him; and

that the scenes and thoughts which for the preceding eighteen hours had

surrounded me and occupied me must be my apology for this and, I feared,

many other omissions.

I found afterwards that he had taken the omission heinously ill; but on

Wednesday when he came into the House he appeared to be quite appeased

by my letter.

In the House of Commons, by common consent, no other business was done.

Lord Castlereagh presented the Message, and moved the Address. In most

faces there was an agony of tears; and neither Lord Castlereagh,

Ponsonby, Whitbread, nor Canning could give a dry utterance to their

sentiments.

The House resolved by common acclamation to present the Address “as a

House,” and not by Privy Councillors.

All other business was put off for distant or nominal days.

_13th._--House of Commons. Unanimous votes in Committee upon the

Regent’s Message, to grant 50,000_l._ among the children, and 2,000_l._

a year to Mrs. Perceval for her life. A debate and division by which a

further resolution was carried for 2,000_l._ a year to Mr. Perceval’s

eldest son; but great ill-will towards this third proposition, which was

moved by Mr. Sumner, and at first resisted by Ministers.

SHERIDAN’S LAST UTTERANCES IN THE HOUSE (1812).

=Source.=--Moore’s _Life of Sheridan_, 1825. P. 677.

My objection to the present Ministry is, that they are avowedly arrayed

and embodied against a principle,--that of concession to the Catholics

of Ireland,--which I think, and must always think, essential to the

safety of this empire. I will never give my vote to any administration

that opposes the question of Catholic Emancipation. I will not consent

to receive a furlough upon that particular question, even though a

Ministry were carrying every other that I wished. In fine, I think the

situation of Ireland a paramount consideration. If they were to be the

last words I should ever utter in this House, I should say, “Be just to

Ireland, as you value your own honour;--be just to Ireland, as you value

your own peace.”

His very last words in Parliament, on his own motion relative to the

Overtures of Peace from France, were as follows:

“Yet, after the general subjugation and ruin of Europe, should

there ever exist an independent historian to record the awful

events that produced this universal calamity, let that historian

have to say,--‘Great Britain fell, and with her fell all the best

securities for the charities of human life, for the power and

honour, the fame, the glory, and the liberties, not only of

herself, but of the whole civilized world.’”

SIR STAPLETON COTTON’S MILITARY SERVICES (1813).

=Source.=--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 440.

[_March_] _9th_.--Sir Stapleton Cotton,[13] having on the 5th announced

to me his arrival in London, I delivered to him the thanks of the House,

in the following speech:

Lieutenant-General Sir Stapleton Cotton, in this interval between the

active seasons of war, your proper sphere of duty is within these walls;

and we hail with pride and pleasure your return among us, bringing with

you fresh marks of royal[14] favour, the just reward of fresh services

and triumphs.

Descended from a long line of ancestors, whose names are recorded in the

earliest ages of our history, and characterized with those qualities of

prudence, generosity, and valour, which have laid the foundations of

English greatness, your race has exhibited many a model of that splendid

worth which dignifies the gentlemen of England; always prompt to

discharge the laborious duties of civil life, and never slow to take up

arms at the call of their country. Such, in an eminent degree, was that

venerated person from whom you have immediately derived your own

hereditary honours, endeared by his active virtues to the public men of

his own time, not unknown to some who still sit among us, and ever

remembered by myself with the sincerest sentiments of respect and

affection.

England and Napoleon (1801-1815) · 第 6 / 9 段