“Sir,”--so Sheridan continued--“I confess I wish to know wha

BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS

_General Editors_: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A.

ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON

BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS

Scope of the Series and Arrangement of Volumes.

1. Roman Britain to 449.

2. 449-1066.

3. 1066-1154.

4. 1154-1216.

5. 1216-1307.

6. 1307-1399.

7. 1399-1485.

8. 1485-1547. _Immediately._

9. 1547-1603. _Now Ready._

10. 1603-1660. “

11. 1660-1714. “

12. 1714-1760. “

13. 1760-1801. “

14. 1801-1815. _Immediately._

15. 1815-1837.

16. 1837-1856.

17. 1856-1876.

18. 1876-1887.

19. 1887-1901.

20. 1901-1912.

_The volumes are issued in uniform style._

_Price 1s. net each._

ENGLAND AND

NAPOLEON

(1801-1815)

COMPILED BY

S. E. WINBOLT, M.A.

[Illustration: colophon]

LONDON

G. BELL & SONS, LTD.

1912

INTRODUCTION

This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any

ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown

that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the

history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively

illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing,

before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of

problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion,

and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_,

Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish

to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his

craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto

not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of

the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every

secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active

part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw

material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of

historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in

secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What

differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so

much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read

into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the

natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we

hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that

the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is,

personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and

should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for

inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under

contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates,

and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life

generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being

numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is

modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in

reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us

suggestions for improvement.

S. E. WINBOLT.

KENNETH BELL.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

It will be obvious from the Table of Contents that, though there is a

great wealth of illustrative matter for this period, I have preferred to

draw largely upon the _Diary and Correspondence of Charles Abbot, Lord

Colchester_, published in three volumes in 1861, and the _Despatches of

the Duke of Wellington_, by Lieutenant-Colonel Gurwood. The latter is a

very convenient selection. The title of the volume is justified by the

fact that some eighteen out of the forty-eight pieces have more or less

direct reference to England’s struggle with Napoleon.

S. E. W.

CHRIST’S HOSPITAL,

_October, 1912_.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DATE TITLE PAGE

INTRODUCTION V

1801. BATTLE OF THE BALTIC _Campbell_ 1

1801. STATE OF IRELAND “_Diary of Lord Colchester_” 3

1801. GOLF AND FOOTBALL _Strutt_ 8

1802. PARTY SPEECHES OF SHERIDAN

AND CANNING _Stanhope_ 9

1803-1815. TYPICAL VESSELS OF THE

ROYAL NAVY _Clowes_ 13

1803. DESIRE FOR PITT’S RETURN TO

OFFICE _Stanhope_ 15

1803. CANNING ON ADDINGTON _Stanhope_ 17

1803. NOTES BY PITT ON THE WAR,

GERMANY, AND NAPOLEON _Stanhope_ 18

1803. GUN-BOATS FOR DEFENCE “_Diaries of George Rose_” 20

1804. THE POOR IN MANUFACTURING

TOWNS “_Gentleman’s Magazine_” 21

1804. WHEAT, FLOUR, AND BREAD “_Gentleman’s Magazine_” 24

1805. ENGLAND AND THE MEDITERRANEAN (I.)

_Pitt_ 25

ENGLAND AND THE MEDITERRANEAN (II.)

_Nelson_ 26

1805. THE BLOW THAT KILLED PITT (I.)

_Pitt_ 27

THE BLOW THAT KILLED PITT (II.)

_Canning_ 28

1805. ROUTINE ON A BRITISH

MAN-OF-WAR _Clowes_ 29

1805. NELSON’S PLAN FOR

TRAFALGAR _Clowes_ 32

1805. TRAFALGAR _Southey_ 34

1806. THE YOUNGER PITT _Scott_ 43

1806. MINISTRY OF ALL THE

TALENTS _Earl of Malmesbury_ 44

1806. MILITARY PLANS _Lord Colchester_ 46

1807. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION (I.) _Lord Colchester_ 47

CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION (II.) _Malmesbury_ 50

1807. PARTY POLITICS _Leigh Hunt_ 52

1807. BERLIN DECREES _Colchester_ 53

1809. CORUNNA (I.) _Colchester_ 55

CORUNNA (II.) _Charles Wolfe_ 55

1809. PUBLIC ECONOMY “_Diaries of George Rose_” 57

1809. RESIGNATION OF PORTLAND _Colchester_ 58

1809. DUEL OF CANNING AND

CASTLEREAGH _Colchester_ 59

1806-1809. MILITARY EXPENSES _Colchester_ 60

1809. TALAVERA: PROTEST BY LORDS _Protests of the Lords_ 61

1810. WALCHEREN EXPEDITION _Colchester_ 62

1810. WELLINGTON’S DIFFICULTIES IN

SPAIN _Wellington’s Despatches_ 65

1811. THE REGENCY _Colchester_ 71

1811. FÊTE AT CARLTON HOUSE _Colchester_ 73

1812. WEAVING MACHINES _Byron’s Letters_ 76

1812. BADAJOZ _Wellington’s Despatches_ 79

1812. MURDER OF PERCEVAL _Colchester_ 84

1812. SHERIDAN’S LAST UTTERANCES

IN THE HOUSE _Moore_ 85

1813. SIR STAPLETON COTTON’S MILITARY

SERVICES _Colchester_ 86

1813. VITTORIA _Wellington’s Despatches_ 87

1814. DEPOSITION OF NAPOLEON _Byron’s Letters_ 95

1814. CAPTURE OF TOULOUSE _Wellington’s Despatches_ 96

1814. DUKE OF WELLINGTON’S

THANKS _Colchester_ 102

1814. NEGOTIATIONS WITH

BUONAPARTE _Southey_ 105

1815. INTERVIEW WITH NAPOLEON IN

ELBA _Vivian_ 109

1815. WATERLOO _Wellington’s Despatches_ 112

ENGLAND AND NAPOLEON

1801-1815

THE BATTLE OF THE BALTIC (1801).

=Source.=--Thomas Campbell: _Historical Lyrics and Ballads_. P. 93.

I.

Of Nelson and the North

Sing the glorious day’s renown,

When to battle fierce came forth

All the might of Denmark’s crown,

And her arms along the deep proudly shone;

By each gun the lighted brand,

In a bold determined hand,

And the Prince of all the land

Led them on.

II.

Like leviathans afloat

Lay their bulwarks on the brine;

While the sign of battle flew

On the lofty British line:

It was ten of April morn by the chime:

As they drifted on their path,

There was silence deep as death;

And the boldest held his breath

For a time.

III.

But the might of England flushed

To anticipate the scene;

And her van the fleeter rushed

O’er the deadly space between.

“Hearts of oak!” our captains cried; when each gun

From its adamantine lips

Spread a death-shade round the ships,

Like the hurricane eclipse

Of the sun.

IV.

Again! again! again!

And the havoc did not slack,

Till a feeble cheer the Dane

To our cheering sent us back;--

Their shots along the deep slowly boom:

Then cease--and all is wail,

As they strike the shattered sail;

Or in conflagration pale

Light the gloom.

V.

Out spoke the victor then,

As he hailed them o’er the wave,

“Ye are brothers! ye are men!

And we conquer but to save!

So peace, instead of death, let us bring;

But yield, proud foe, thy fleet

With the crews, at England’s feet,

And make submission meet

To our King.”

VI.

Then Denmark blessed our chief,

That he gave her wounds repose;

And the sounds of joy and grief

From her people wildly rose,

As death withdrew his shades from the day:

While the sun looked smiling bright

O’er a wide and woful sight,

Where the fires of funeral light

Died away.

VII.

Now joy, Old England, raise

For the tidings of thy might,

By the festal cities’ blaze,

Whilst the wine-cup shines in light;

And yet amidst that joy and uproar,

Let us think of them that sleep

Full many a fathom deep

By thy wild and stormy steep,

Elsinore!

VIII.

Brave hearts! to Britain’s pride

Once so faithful and so true,

On the deck of fame that died

With the gallant good Riou!

Soft sigh the winds of Heaven o’er their grave!

While the billow mournful rolls

And the mermaid’s song condoles,

Singing glory to the souls

Of the brave!

IRELAND IN 1801.

_Source._--_Diary of Lord Colchester_, 1861. Vol. i., p. 286.

MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS IN IRELAND FROM JULY TO DEC. 1801; AND

OUTLINES OF IRISH BUSINESS FOR 1802, REPORTED AND READ OVER TO MR.

ADDINGTON, FEB. 1802.

IRISH AFFAIRS, JAN. 1802.

I. Their present state, including a detailed Account of the Government

Transactions there during the last Six Months.

II. Outline of the Public Business of Ireland for the Year 1802.

I. THE GOVERNMENT.

1. _Lord-Lieutenant._--Unsettled powers; question whether a

Lord-Lieutenant from England, administering the protection and patronage

of the Crown subordinately to the King’s Ministers--or a Government by

Lords Justices setting up for themselves, and tyrannising over their

countrymen--or endeavour to govern Ireland entirely by a Secretary of

State at Whitehall.

N.B.--No communication has been made to Lord Hardwicke in answer to the

paper transmitted by him to Lord Pelham, containing remarks upon Lord

Pelham’s proposition.

2. _Chief Secretary._--Unsettled emoluments of the Office in Ireland.

Unsettled footing of the Irish Office in London.

Query.--Suppress its establishment as an Office accredited with the

Secretary of State for the Home Department; and as hitherto employed for

soliciting Civil Patents and Military Commissions in the place of the

old office of Resident Secretary (Fremantle and Jenkinson). And transfer

the agency and fees of the business to the Secretary of State’s Office;

leaving no establishment in London for the Chief Secretary to transact

his business, except what assistance he may personally obtain for

himself from Dublin Castle, etc.

N.B.--The salary and fees of this Office upon Peace Establishments, viz.

about 5,000_l._ British, are not more than adequate to the necessary

expenses of the office conducted with economy; having houses and

servants in each country; and the removal of a family twice a year

across the Channel.

3. _Private Secretary._--Unprovided present subsistence, and no certain

future provision.

4. _Lord Chancellor_ (_Lord Clare_).--Hostile to any Government by

Lord-Lieutenant. Desirous himself to be Lord-Deputy, or at the head of

Lords Justices; and for Mr. Cooke to be Secretary of State under him.

5. _Commander of the Forces._--Sir W. Meadows, cordially co-operating

with the Lord-Lieutenant.

6. _Royal Building, &c._--In the Castle a library for printed books

upon Irish affairs. Orders also given for arranging the State Papers,

&c., in the Birmingham Tower. Plans and estimate ordered for rebuilding

the Castle chapel, and adapting it to choir service.

_Parliament House._--A proposal transmitted to the King’s Ministers for

selling it to the National Bank of Ireland, or appropriating it to

Public Offices.

_Phœnix Park._--Walls and roads ordered to be repaired; rights of

Park officers ascertained; encroachments defeated.

7. _Union Engagements._--Many liquidated. No vacant office has been

given away without considering to what promise it could apply.

II. FINANCE.

1. Treasury Statements of Annual Income and Expenditure of Ireland

assimilated to the British series of Public Accounts, and adapted to the

same annual and quarterly periods.

2. _Revenue Boards._--Examination into its past state by personal

conference with each of the four senior Examiners; all of them agreeing

that it was corrupt and inefficient; proved also by lists of Officers

accused and protected; proved also by reports of Mr. Beresford, in 1792;

and of the Acting Surveyor-General, Mr. Cooke, in 1800.

Division of the Board into Customs and Excise, as projected in Lord

Townsend’s and Lord Buckingham’s Administration, and executed now in the

manner prescribed by Mr. Beresford, in a letter written by himself on a

former occasion; a copy whereof was delivered to me by Mr. B., with a

recommendation of its being adopted for this purpose at this time.

_Dublin Quay Regulated._--Tobacco stores, gate notes, &c., under advice

of the Board, and upon suggestion and report of Mr. Croker, who was

appointed acting Surveyor-General of the port, with joint approbation of

Mr. Beresford and Mr. Annesley, and established in the Office of

Surveyor-General by Lord Hardwicke.

Regulations enforced prohibiting all Revenue Officers from being

traders.

Revision and Amendment of the Distillery Laws considered. Throughout

Ireland the Surveyors-General ordered to report quarterly from their

actual surveys.

N.B.--Dublin Customs’ duties are one half, and Dublin Excise duties one

quarter of all Ireland.

A mode settled for passing Collector’s accounts in Dublin with more

expedition, and (as in England) without their personal attendance.

Cruisers called in; inspection of repairs ordered, and a report upon the

future complement of men for their Peace Establishment.

Additional officers appointed, not for patronage, but upon special

reports of the Board, and upon considerations of personal merit, viz.

two Surveyors-General, one Inspector-General, and one Inspector, and two

Landwaiters in the Port of Dublin.

General plan for prevention of smuggling and illicit distilleries

prepared for consideration.

Commercial regulations between Great Britain and Ireland considered, and

reported upon by the Commissioners of Revenue.

3. _Auditors of Public Accounts._--Their accounts methodised on the

British plan, and brought up to 5th January, 1802, showing the actual

amounts of debts due from Public Accountants.

4. _Stamps._--After a previous investigation by the Treasury, and

personal conference repeatedly with the Commissioners.

Establishment settled on the British model, and report upon the building

purchased for the use of this Office before the Rebellion.

Consignments to distributors, and the appropriation of their receipts

new modelled.

Debts from deceased and dismissed distributors called in; securities of

distributors raised.

Inspectors-General ordered upon survey throughout Ireland, and to make

quarterly reports; and two new inspectors added at inferior salaries,

with prospect of succession to the higher, if merited.

Revision and amendment of the Stamp Laws prepared.

N.B.--Last summer, in the counties of Wicklow and Wexford, several

Justices of Peace refused to convict in penalties for evading the Stamp

Duties.

5. _Crown Lands._--A report upon their state, extent, and value ordered

to be made out in thirty-two books for the thirty-two counties.

6. _Board of Works._--Appropriation of issues between May 1801, and

August 1801, viz. 20,000_l._ having been called for, and no account

being produced of time or place, of articles supplied, or work done, nor

any check appearing; an inquiry directed for settling an efficient

system of checks for the future; report made and instructions issued to

take effect prospectively from 5th January, 1802.

N.B.--By Comptroller of Accounts (who has controlled the Barrack

Accounts), and two Privy Councillors.

All the old accounts ordered to be balanced and closed to 5th January,

1802, where a debt stated in November to be 11,000_l._, was stated in

January to be a debt of 37,000_l._; though no new work was ordered or

executed in the interval. And it appeared also that no final accounts

had been settled with the tradesmen for [1] years. How many years?

N.B.--During the period within which this debt was incurred, there was

an annual issue to the Board of from 25,000_l._ to 32,000_l._ a year. No

new building, except one house, which cost 3,000_l._, was erected. The

Castle or public apartments are worse furnished than any private

gentleman’s house in England.

_Note._--The First Commissioner of the Board, consisting of seven, is

also sole Barrackmaster-General; and has the sole expenditure of nearly

300,000_l._ a year. And the latest of his accounts delivered in to be

audited, viz. March, 1800, did not come down to a later period than 25th

March, 1796.

N.B.--Lord Tyrawley, from a very moderate beginning, is reputed to have

made a landed property of 10,000_l._ a year, out of private trusts (viz.

law arrears, &c.), and out of public offices, viz. the Board of Works

and Barrack Office.

As to the economy of his department, _ex uno disce omnes_. Ready-made

sentry-boxes sent in carts from Dublin to Cork. Extravagant expense of

carriage, and destruction of the articles themselves.

GOLF AND FOOTBALL (1801).

=Source.=--Strutt’s _Sports and Pastimes of the People of England_, 1801.

Pp. 93 and 97 of Methuen’s edition, 1903.

There are many games played with the ball that require the assistance of

a club or bat, and probably the most ancient among them is the pastime

now distinguished by the name of golf. In the northern parts of the

kingdom golf is much practised. It requires much room to perform this

game with propriety, and therefore I presume it is rarely seen at

present in the vicinity of the metropolis. It answers to a rustic

pastime of the Romans which they played with a ball of leather stuffed

with feathers, called _paganica_, because it was used by the common

people: the golf-ball is composed of the same materials to this day; I

have been told it is sometimes, though rarely, stuffed with cotton. In

the reign of Edward III. the Latin name _cambuca_ was applied to this

pastime, and it derived the denomination, no doubt, from the crooked

club or bat with which it was played; the bat was also called a bandy,

from its being bent. Golf, according to the present modification of the

game, is performed with a bat, not much unlike the bandy: the handle of

this instrument is straight, and usually made of ash, about four feet

and a half in length: the curvature is affixed to the bottom, faced with

horn and backed with lead; the ball is a little one, but exceedingly

hard; being made with leather, and, as before observed, stuffed with

feathers. There are generally two players, who have each of them his bat

and ball. The game consists in driving the ball into certain holes made

in the ground; he who achieves it the soonest, or in the fewest number

of strokes, obtains the victory.

Football is so called because the ball is driven about with the feet

instead of the hands. It was formerly much in vogue among the common

people of England, though of late years it seems to have fallen into

disrepute, and is but little practised. I cannot pretend to determine at

what period the game of football originated: it does not, however, to

the best of my recollection, appear among the popular exercises before

the reign of Edward III., and then, in 1349, it was prohibited by a

public edict; not, perhaps, from any particular objection to the sport

in itself, but because it co-operated, with other favourite amusements,

to impede the progress of archery. When a match at football is made, two

parties, each containing an equal number of competitors, take the field,

and stand between two goals, placed at the distance of 80 or 100 yards

the one from the other. The goal is usually made with two sticks driven

into the ground, about two or three feet apart. The ball, which is

commonly made of a blown bladder, and cased with leather, is delivered

in the midst of the ground, and the object of each party is to drive it

through the goal of their antagonists, which being achieved the game is

won. The abilities of the performers are best displayed in attacking and

defending the goals; and hence the pastime was more frequently called a

goal at football than a game at football. When the exercise becomes

exceeding violent, the players kick each other’s shins without the least

ceremony, and some of them are overthrown at the hazard of their limbs.

SHERIDAN FOR ADDINGTON, CANNING FOR PITT (1802).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iii., p. 415.

The great speech of Sheridan was, however, reserved till the 8th of

December, when the Army Estimates came forward. They were moved by Mr.

Charles Yorke as Secretary at War. “I was much surprised,” said Mr.

Yorke, “when, on another evening, I heard an Hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox)

maintain that there was no reason why a larger establishment than usual

in former periods of peace should be maintained in Great Britain; and

that there were reasons why even a smaller force would suffice

everywhere but in the West Indies.” It was no hard matter for Mr. Yorke

to argue against this proposition, or to point out the dangers that

impended from the Continent of Europe. He could reckon on the support of

the House for the proposal which his speech contained--to provide for a

regular force of nearly one hundred and thirty thousand men, counting

officers, and including the regiments in India. This was an increase on

the establishment voted on the first conclusion of the peace.

Then and after some other speeches Sheridan rose. He referred to Fox as

to the man whom of all men upon earth he most loved and respected. But

these sentiments did not withhold him from some keen animadversions,

although in covert terms, upon the course which Fox had latterly been

seeking to promote. He approved of the King’s Speech. He approved of the

large establishments. He approved of Addington as Minister. What (he

asked) had other members really to allege against that Right Hon.

gentleman? Theirs was a mere capricious dislike; for no better reason

than is given in an epigram of Martial, or in an English parody upon

that epigram:

“I do not like thee, Dr. Fell,

The reason why I cannot tell;

But this I’m sure I know full well,

I do not like thee, Dr. Fell.”

Those who call to mind that Addington already bore the nickname of “the

Doctor,” and who know the keen relish of the House of Commons for almost

any jest, may easily imagine the roars of laughter with which Sheridan’s

allusion was received.

Sheridan proceeded in a strain of blended wit and argument. “What,” he

said, “did these gentlemen expect from the present Chancellor of the

Exchequer? We treated him when in the Chair of this House with the

respect he merited.... But did they expect that when he was a Minister

he was to stand up and call Europe to Order? Was he to send Mr. Colman,

the Serjeant-at-Arms, to the Baltic and summon the Northern Powers to

the Bar of this House? Was he to see the Powers of Germany scrambling

like Members over the benches, and say--Gentlemen must take their

places? Was he expected to cast his eye to the Tuscan gallery, and

exclaim that strangers must withdraw? Was he to stand across the Rhine,

and say--The Germans to the right, and the French to the left? If he

could have done these things, I for one should always vote that the

Speaker of the House should be appointed the Minister of the country.

But the Right Hon. gentleman has done all that a reasonable man could

expect him to do.”

“Sir,”--so Sheridan continued--“I confess I wish to know what Mr. Pitt

himself thinks. I should be glad to hear what his sentiments are of the

call made for him; and loudly too, in another place by a vigorous

statesman.[2] I well remember, Sir, and so do we all, the character Mr.

Pitt gave of the present administration. Does he mean to retract that

character? I cannot suppose he does.... Sir, when I see so many persons

anxious about that gentleman, I am glad to hear that his health is

re-established. But how, I would ask, can we with any consistency turn

out the man who made the peace to bring in the man who avowed his

approbation of it?... I suspect, therefore, that the political

Philidor’s game has been misunderstood; that his friends have displaced

a knight and a castle when they should only have taken two pawns; that

they have made an attempt to checkmate the King when they had no

instructions for doing it. I cannot forget the period when the august

Person of the Sovereign was held up as the only man who was against

extending privileges to the Catholics in Ireland; and I cannot,

therefore, brook the idea of calling that Right Hon. gentleman back to

power, and forcing him upon the Crown.... Mr. Pitt the only man to save

the country! If a nation depends only upon one man, it cannot, and I

will add, it does not deserve to be saved; it can be saved only by the

Parliament and people.”

Next after Sheridan rose Canning. In his great speech that evening he

displayed not only a luminous eloquence, but the rarer gift (rarer, I

mean, in him) of perfect discretion. He desired to express his

sentiments, not of satisfaction merely, but of thankfulness, for the

part which his Hon. Friend (Mr. Sheridan) had that day done.

“It is by no means the first time,” he said, “that my Hon. Friend,

throwing aside all petty distinctions of party feeling, has come

forward, often under circumstances of peculiar difficulty, often

discouraged, always alone, as the champion of his country’s rights and

interests, and has rallied the hearts and spirits of the nation.[3] I

trust we shall now hear no more of those miserable systems, the object

of which is not to rouse us to ward off our ruin, but to reconcile us to

submit to it.... ‘We have nothing to dread from France but a rivalry in

commerce,’ says the Hon. gentleman opposite to me (Mr. Fox). Look round,

Sir, on the state of the world, and can such an argument even from such

a man need farther refutation?”

“And what, Sir”--so Canning went on in another passage--“what is the

nature of the times in which we live? Look at France, and see what we

have to cope with, and consider what has made her what she is? A man.

You will tell me that she was great, and powerful, and formidable before

the date of Bonaparte’s Government; that he found in her great physical

and moral resources; that he had but to turn them to account. True, and

he did so. Compare the situation in which he found France with that to

which he has raised her. I am no panegyrist of Bonaparte; but I cannot

shut my eyes to the superiority of his talents, to the amazing

ascendency of his genius. Tell me not of his measures and his policy--it

is his genius, his character, that keeps the world in awe. Sir, to meet,

to check, to curb, to stand up against him, we want arms of the same

kind. I am far from objecting to the large military establishments

which are proposed to you. I vote for them with all my heart. But, for

the purpose of coping with Bonaparte, one great commanding spirit is

worth them all. This is my undisguised opinion. But when I state this

opinion thus undisguisedly, is my Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Pitt) to be

implicated in a charge of prompting what I say?...

“Sir, of all the imputations to which that Right Hon. gentleman could be

subjected, I confess I did think that of intrigue and cabal the least

likely to be preferred against him by any man who has witnessed his

public conduct.... No, Sir. Never did young Ambition, just struggling

into public notice and aiming at popular favour, labour with half so

much earnestness to court reputation and to conciliate adherents, as my

Right Hon. Friend has laboured since his retreat from office not to

attract, but to repel; not to increase the number of his followers, but

to dissolve attachment and to transfer support. And if, whatever has

been his endeavour to insulate and individualize himself in political

life, he has not been able to succeed wholly, even with those who would

sacrifice to his wishes everything but their attachment to him--if with

the public he has succeeded not at all, what is the inference? what but

that, retreat and withdraw as much as he will, he must not hope to

efface the memory of his past services from the gratitude of his

country?--he cannot withdraw himself from the following of a nation; he

must endure the attachment of a people whom he has saved.”

TYPICAL VESSELS OF THE ROYAL NAVY (1803 to 1815).

=Source.=--Clowes: _The Royal Navy_, 1900. Vol. v. (1803 to 1815), p. 15.

Models of many of the most typical vessels which were added to the Navy

during the period under review are to be seen at Greenwich. Among them

are whole or half-block models of the following ships:

+--------------+------------+----------+----------+

| Name. | Length of | Beam. | Depth in |

| | Gun-deck. | | Hold. |

+--------------+------------+----------+----------+

| | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. |

|_Caledonia_ | 205 0 | 54 6 | 23 2 |

| | | | |

|_Hercules_ | 176 1 | 48 4¼ | 21 0 |

| | | | |

|_Bulwark_ | 181 10 | 49 3 | 20 7 |

| | | | |

|_Java_ | 171 11½ | 44 1 | 14 3 |

| | | | |

|_President_ | 173 3 | 44 4 | 13 11 |

| | | | |

|_Chesapeake_ | 151 0 | 40 11 | 13 9 |

| | | | |

|_Lively_ | 154 1 | 39 6 | 13 6 |

| | | | |

|_Euryalus_ | 145 2 | 38 2½ | 13 3 |

| | | | |

| | | | |

|_Lacedemonian_| 150 4 | 40 0½ | 12 9½ |

| | | | |

| | | | |

|_Barbados_ | 140 0 | 36 7 | 16 0 |

| | | | |

|_Eden_ | 108 6 | 30 8 | 9 0 |

| | | | |

| | | | |

|_Andromeda_ | 129 7 | 36 5-3/8| 11 0 |

| | | | |

|_Florida_ | 119 5½ | 32 0 | 14 2 |

| | | | |

|_Epervier_ | 95 1 | 28 6 | 8 9½ |

|_Cadmus_ | 90 3 | 24 6 | 11 0 |

| | | | |

| | | | |

+--------------+------------+----------+----------+

+--------------+-------+------+-------+-------------------------------+

| Name. | Tons. | Men. | Guns. | When and where Built, or how |

| | | | | Acquired, etc. |

+--------------+-------+------+-------+-------------------------------+

| | | | | |

|_Caledonia_ | 2,616 | 875 | 120 | Launched 1808, at Devonport. |

| | | | | Designed by Sir W. Rule. |

|_Hercules_ | 1,750 | 590 | 80 | Launched 1815, at Chatham. |

| | | | | Designed by Surveyor’s Dept.|

|_Bulwark_ | 1,940 | 590 | 74 | Launched 1807, at Portsmouth. |

| | | | | Designed by Sir W. Rule. |

|_Java_ | 1,458 | 480 | 60 | Launched 1815, at Devonport. |

| | | | | Designed by Surveyor’s Dept.|

|_President_ | 1,533 | 480 | 50 | Taken 1815, from |

| | | | | the Americans. |

|_Chesapeake_ | 1,135 | 315 | 48 | Taken 1813, from |

| | | | | the Americans. |

|_Lively_ | 1,076 | 284 | 46 | Launched 1804, at Woolwich. |

| | | | | Designed by Sir W. Rule. |

|_Euryalus_ | 946 | 264 | 42 | Launched 1803, by Adams, |

| | | | | Bucklershard. |

| | | | | Designed by Sir W. Rule. |

|_Lacedemonian_| 1,073 | 264 | 38 | Launched 1812, at Portsmouth. |

| | | | | Built after the French |

| | | | | _Hébé_, taken in 1782. |

|_Barbados_ | 800 | 195 | 36 | Ex. _Brave_. Taken from |

| | | | | the French, 1804. |

|_Eden_ | 451 | 150 | 28 | Launched 1804, by Courtney, |

| | | | | Chester. Designed by |

| | | | | Sir W. Rule. |

|_Andromeda_ | 812 | 195 | 24 | Ex. _Hannibal_. Taken 1812, |

| | | | | from the Americans. |

|_Florida_ | 539 | 135 | 20 | Ex. _Frolic_. Taken 1814, |

| | | | | from the Americans. |

|_Epervier_ | 315 | 121 | 16 | Taken 1803, from the French. |

|_Cadmus_ | 237 | 76 | 10 | Launched 1808, by Dudman, |

| | | | | Deptford. Designed |

| | | | | by H. Peake. |

+--------------+-------+------+-------+-------------------------------+

DESIRE FOR PITT’S RETURN TO OFFICE (1803).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 28.

_Mr. Long to Mr. Pitt._

BROMLEY HILL,

_April 3, 1803_.

DEAR PITT,

I am anxious to give you some account of what passed between Addington

and myself upon my return, reserving details upon the whole subject till

we meet. He seemed extremely anxious that you should not consider a

pending negotiation as any obstacle to coming forward at the present

moment, but it is hardly necessary to say what he stated upon this

subject, because he has since altered his opinion, and rather thinks the

fit time would be when the negotiation is brought to a point _either

way_, which (in conjunction with Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Castlereagh, and

your brother) he is satisfied will be determined before you meet at

Bromley Hill. Upon the whole question of arrangement he seemed disposed

to adopt what you had authorized me to state, not as anything settled,

but as a general idea upon the subject, but at the same time expressed

great difficulties about Lord Hobart (none about Lord Pelham). He ended

this part of the subject by saying that of course you were the best

judge of those persons who had claims upon you, but that he trusted you

would not decide anything upon this point (if the thing proceeded to

that length) without also considering the fair pretensions of those who

had claims upon him. I instanced Bragge, Smyth, Lord C. Spencer, and

Wickham, as persons _accidentally_ placed in the situations they held,

and whom it might be necessary to call upon to give way: he admitted the

justice of what I said upon all these persons, and of the possible

necessary arrangement respecting them, but added that he believed the

last particularly agreeable to the Chancellor of Ireland and the Lord

Lieutenant, and also well qualified for his office. With respect to Lord

Grenville, he thought it impossible to admit him or any of his friends

at the present moment without a marked degradation of himself and his

colleagues, but that he could not mean to proscribe them, or to preclude

you from taking whatever assistance you thought right at any future

time. I then mentioned Canning and Rose: he said the first had been

personally offensive to him; but upon my submitting to him whether he

could justify the suffering even personal offence to stand in the way of

what he had taken so much pains to convince me was a necessary public

arrangement, he seemed very much softened upon this point, and with

respect to Rose he stated no objection. There was no difficulty in

leaving the vacancies at the Treasury, provided something else was done

for Broderick, for whom he had pledged himself to provide. He then

showed me a letter from Lord St. Vincent, requesting, on account of his

state of health, that he would find him a successor as soon as he

conveniently could, and expressed a wish to send the papers which

referred to the points upon which you desired information. It is very

probable you may want further information upon these subjects, which of

course you can have at Bromley Hill.

I saw Lord Castlereagh the next day: very anxious that you should be

induced to come into the proposal, even during negotiation, if, contrary

to all appearances, it should be protracted. He argued the cases of war,

of peace, and of protracted negotiation very ably, as each affording

sufficient grounds for your placing yourself at the head of the

Government. If we were led into war, no person could conduct it with

effect but yourself. You could prevent the negotiation spinning out to a

disadvantageous length; and in peace, the state of parties was the

ground upon which he urged the necessity of your taking the Government.

Neither he nor Lord Hawkesbury concealed from me the _necessity for a

change_. Lord H. was of opinion Lord Grenville could not possibly come

in under this arrangement, but seemed to think there would not be any

difficulty at a future period.... I have made some endeavours to obtain

the opinion of the City: as far as I have been able to ascertain it, it

is uniform--a very strong wish that you should take the lead in

Government, but an almost equally strong opinion that Grenville should

be no part of it. Thornton gave me some strong grounds for supposing

this was the general opinion upon both points; but as I know how often

people give their own opinion as the public opinion, only for the

purpose of strengthening it, I receive a public opinion with some

caution. At the same time I have heard the [same] from so many quarters,

that I believe it is not mistaken; and there is one point at least in

which I think you will concur with me--that pending the negotiation it

would be extremely prejudicial to yourself to take office with

Grenville; for if it ended in war, his influence would be supposed to

have occasioned it; and things are certainly in that state in which it

is the general wish that we should at least give ourselves every fair

chance of preserving peace....

I have only had time to scribble this as fast as I could since Huskisson

told me he was going to Walmer. I hope you will find it intelligible.

Ever yours,

C. L.

VERSES BY CANNING AGAINST ADDINGTON (1803).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iv., pp. 58, 59, 60.

Praise to placeless proud ability

Let the prudent Muse disclaim;

And sing the statesman--all civility--

Whom moderate talents raise to fame.

* * *

Splendid talents are deceiving,

Tend to counsels much too bold;

Moderate men we prize, believing

All that glitters is not gold.

When the faltering periods flag,

Or the House receives them drily,

Cheer, oh cheer him, brother Bragge!

Cheer, oh cheer him, brother Hiley!

Each a gentleman at large,

Lodged and fed at public charge,

Paying, with a grace to charm ye,

This the fleet, and that the army.

Brother Bragge and brother Hiley,

Cheer him! when he speaks so vilely;

Cheer him! when his audience flag,

Brother Hiley, brother Bragge.

If _blocks_ can from danger deliver,

Two places are safe from the French:

One is the mouth of the river,

The other the Treasury Bench.

Pitt is to Addington

As London to Paddington.

NOTES ON THE WAR, GERMANY, AND NAPOLEON, BY PITT (1803).

=Source.=--Stanhope’s _Life of Pitt_, 1862. Vol. iv., p. 223.

THE WAR.

(_Paper-mark_, 1803.)

“Whether the attacks should be numerous or few in order to strengthen

them, and in what points:--

“1. _South of Italy._--Besides Neapolitans, 10 or 15,000 British troops

and as many Russians; besides free corps raised in Albania and Italy,

the latter by the King of Sardinia.

“2. _North of Italy_.--_Switzerland and South of Germany._--Austrian

troops supported by 60,000 Russians as auxiliaries.

“_North of Germany._--40,000 Russians, with a body of Hanoverians, a

Swedish army, and a diversion from England. To advance towards the Low

Countries.

“The operations on the two flanks may be modified according to the

conduct of Turkey. These will probably only act when forced. Austria and

Sweden may, it is thought, be brought to act voluntarily.

“It is not meant by diversion that any descent should be made from hence

in the beginning, but that we should continue to menace their coasts,

and not attempt anything in the interior till after some decided

success.

“Advantages to be given to any Power if necessary should be regulated

with a view to the future safety of Europe, and the zeal shown by each

Power. It is supposed nothing can be proposed for Prussia consistent

with the safety and interests of the rest of Europe, except the

provinces she ceded to France. Austria is expected from the little which

has passed to be very moderate, and content with inconsiderable

acquisitions in Germany and Italy.

“King of Sardinia should not only be re-established, but his share

should be made as large as possible.

“Switzerland should be _arrondi_, and its position strengthened as much

as possible.

“The same principle should be followed with respect to Holland.”

GERMANY.

(_Paper-mark_, 1803.)

“The present situation of the German body neither good for the countries

themselves nor for Europe.

“Should a part of it be _englobé_ by the two great Powers, or a third

great State formed in the middle of Germany? This can scarce be thought

of, from its injustice to so many Princes of the Empire.

“Could a more concentrated Federative Government be formed out of the

different States; and should not in that case both Austria and Prussia

be separated from it?

“Principle of mediation being to precede war.

“Intimate union necessary between England and Russia, who are the only

Powers that for many years can have no jealousy or opposite interests.”

NAPOLEON.

“I see various and opposite qualities--all the great and all the little

passions unfavourable to public tranquillity--united in the breast of

one man, and of that man, unhappily, whose personal caprice can scarce

fluctuate for an hour without affecting the destiny of Europe. I see the

inward workings of fear struggling with pride in an ardent,

enterprising, and tumultuous mind. I see all the captious jealousy of

conscious usurpation dreaded, detested, and obeyed--the giddiness and

intoxication of splendid but unmerited success--the arrogance, the

presumption, the self-will of unlimited and idolized power, and--more

dreadful than all in the plenitude of authority--the restless and

incessant activity of guilty but unsated ambition.”

GUN-BOATS FOR DEFENCE (1803).

=Source.=--_Diaries ... of the Right Hon. George Rose_, 1860. P. 69.

_Mr. Pitt to Mr. Rose._

MARGATE,

_Oct. 18th, 1803_.

DEAR ROSE

I received your letter just as I left home this morning. I had not

forgot your wish to have a description of our gun-boats; but as many of

my friends here are more expert in fitting a boat, or fighting it, than

in writing or drawing, I could not at once obtain one which would

explain to you the last improved mode of fitting as accurately as I

wished. But Mr. Whitby, the Assistant of Sheerness Yard, who has been

appointed to superintend the work, and whom I saw yesterday, has

promised me to send immediately to your house, in Palace Yard, a small

model of the frame and slide, which will, I trust, completely answer the

purpose. I should hope it will reach your house in a day or two, and you

will, I take for granted, send orders for its being immediately

forwarded to you by coach. We have now fitted, or are fitting, I

believe, about 170 boats between Margate and Hastings, which, I think,

will contribute not a little to giving the enemy a good reception

whenever they think proper to visit us. By the intelligence I collect,

and by the orders for extraordinary preparation which are received from

London by this post, I am much more inclined than I have ever been

hitherto to believe that some attempt will be made soon. In this

situation I am likely to have my time very completely occupied by the

various concerns of my regiment and my district. I hope, however, to

find some interval for attending a little to the cursory remarks, when I

hear from Long, which I am expecting to do every day. Our volunteers

are, I think, likely, to be called upon to undertake permanent duty,

which, I hope, they will readily consent to. I suppose the same measure

will be recommended in your part of the coast. I wish the arrangements

for defence were as forward everywhere else as they are in Hythe Bay,

under General Moore. We begin now to have no other fear in that quarter

than that the enemy will not give us an opportunity of putting our

preparations to the proof, and will select some other point, which we

should not be in search of in the first instance. I write here to save

the post, as I shall not get back to Walmer till a late hour.

Ever sincerely yours,

W. PITT.

CONDITION OF THE POOR IN MANUFACTURING TOWNS (1804).

=Source.=--_Gentleman’s Magazine._ Vol. 74, July to December, 1804, p.

710.

_July 17._

MR. URBAN,

“Judge not, lest you be judged.”

The benevolence and humanity of Dr. Lettsom must ensure esteem; and

certainly the trouble he has taken to meliorate the condition of the

labouring poor must deserve praise, and be grateful to his own feelings,

but, in the way of doing good, there is much delicacy required; and

while we are zealous in our endeavours to promote an active charity in

one particular instance, we should be careful, in the extension of this

important Christian duty, not to forget the other Christian branch of

charity to others also.

In his Remarks on the Condition of the Children of our labouring Poor,

this worthy medical gentleman has, I think, been too partial in

confining his subject to the great manufacturing towns of this kingdom,

and very particularly so in his comparative view of the new Lanark Mills

and those of Holy-well and Manchester.

I have always understood there is great difficulty in the attempt of

separating the cause of the evil which a state derives from the

immorality and the emasculated condition of the poor, from the important

benefits which it derives from the increasing manufactures carried on by

these objects of our speculation. That the regulation of the morals and

the health of the rising progeny of a state, as conducive to industry

and to opulence, demands every attention, it is needless to argue; but

let us see the great difficulties which our principal manufacturing

towns labour under, such as Birmingham and Manchester, compared with the

less contaminated primitive and more hardy poor connected with the

manufactories of Scotland.

From several generations past, the manufactories of our great commercial

towns have encouraged the most extensive employment to the labouring

poor; motley groups of individuals from various quarters have been lured

to them; the parental stock in various particulars originally defective

in point of stamina, and their progeny of course, unhappily tainted with

the same misfortune; the gleanings of work houses from the capital, from

many parts of the country, have been thrown into these great towns;

forsaken children from impure connexions, in whom squalid poverty has

laid the foundation of many disorders, and which growing up and settling

in these places have been communicated to a succeeding race: this evil

is therefore not the present growth of our large factories. In Scotland,

it is but of late years the manufactures have sprung up; the stamina of

their labouring poor is naturally more hardy and less corrupted, not

having the intercourse of the Southern provinces; and by recruiting

constantly from the same parental source, no wonder that the children at

the Lanark Mills have been found more healthy than those of the English

manufacturing towns.

Although the proprietor of the Lanark Mills may deserve praise for his

attention to the health of the children employed in his establishment,

it does not follow that other gentlemen, eminently signalized for their

enterprising spirit, industry, and abilities, owing to the natural

advantages of Mr. Dale,[4] deserve a public exposure and stigma.

I think Mr. Bott, of Nantwich, in Cheshire, is highly to be commended,

for his denial of an entry into his manufactory; and if the visit of the

benevolent Mr. Neild was only to wrest from his mill articles of

crimination for an exposure before the public, Mr. Bott has acted very

wisely, by the interdiction of curiosity and intrusive inquiry at his

own expense; but there are many other reasons which may be fairly

alledged for this gentleman’s refusal. I am informed, that it frequently

happens that many persons, on gaining admittance to these extensive

manufactories, have suborned the artisans from their employers, and in

various other respects have caused much disorder to the establishment.

By the law of the land, it is ordained that these factories should be

opened to the regular and periodical visits of Magistrates; therefore,

by thus exposing the partial evils of these extensive commercial

establishments, which few human undertakings of such a vast magnitude

can be exempt from, where such immense numbers of hands are employed, an

oblique reflection is doubtless cast on the judicial administration of

the State.

The benevolence and zeal of a patriotic character should recommend

itself in a more effectual manner than by publicly praising one man or

set of men at the expense of others, equally, and in the fullest extent

as much deserving. All memorials for the public good should be

circulated through the hands of the civil Magistrate or members of the

country where the evil exists; reforms can thus be more certainly

obtained than by innuendos, which but too generally carry with them the

appearance of party consideration, or other interested motives.

CONSERVATOR.

ANNUAL STATEMENT OF WHEAT, FLOUR, AND BREAD FOR THE YEAR 1804.

=Source.=--_Gentleman’s Magazine._ Vol. 74, January to June, 1804, p.

[iv].

WHEAT.

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