In the morning of Monday the 26th, we put to sea from Samganoodha

Harbour, and as the wind was southerly, stood away to the westward.

My intention was now to proceed to Sandwich Islands, there to spend a

few of the winter months, in case we should meet with the necessary

refreshments, and then to direct our course to Kamtschatka, so as to

endeavour to be there by the middle of May, the ensuing summer. In

consequence of this resolution, I gave Captain Clerke orders how to

proceed, in case of separation; appointing Sandwich Islands for the

first place of rendezvous, and the harbour of Petropaulowska, in

Kamtschatka, for the second.

Soon after we were out of the harbour, the wind veered to the S. E. and

E. S. E., which, by the evening, carried us as far as the western part

of Oonalashka, where we got the wind at S. With this we stretched to the

westward, till seven o’clock the next morning, when we wore, and stood

to the E. The wind, by this time, had increased in such a manner as to

reduce us to our three courses. It blew in very heavy squalls attended

with rain, hail, and snow.

At nine o’clock in the morning of the 28th, the island of Oonalashka

bore S. E., four leagues distant. We then wore and stood to the

westward. The strength of the gale was now over, and toward evening, the

little wind that blew insensibly veered round to the E., where it

continued but a short time before it got to N. E., and increased to a

very hard gale with rain. I steered first to the southward, and as the

wind inclined to the N. and N. W., I steered more westerly.

On the 29th, at half past six in the morning, we saw land extending from

E. by S. to S. by W., supposed to be the island Amoghta. At eight,

finding that we could not weather the island, as the wind had now veered

to the westward, I gave over plying, and bore away for Oonalashka, with

a view of going to the northward and eastward of that island, not daring

to attempt a passage to the S. E. of it, in so hard a gale of wind. At

the time we bore away, the land extended from E. by S. 1/2 S. to

S. S. W., four leagues distant. The longitude by the time-keeper was

191° 17ʹ, and the latitude 53° 38ʹ. This will give a very different

situation to this island from that assigned to it upon the Russian map.

But it must be remembered, that this is one of the islands which Mr.

Ismyloff said was wrong placed. Indeed it is a doubt if this be

Amoghta[100]; for after Ismyloff had made the correction, no land

appeared upon the map in this latitude; but as I have observed before,

we must not look for accuracy in this chart.

At eleven o’clock, as we were steering to the N. E., we discovered an

elevated rock, like a tower, bearing N. N. E. 1/2 E., four leagues

distant. It lies in the latitude of 53° 57ʹ, and in the longitude of

191° 2ʹ, and hath no place in the Russian map.[101] We must have passed

very near it in the night. We could judge of its steepness from this

circumstance, that the sea, which now ran very high, broke no where but

against it. At three in the afternoon, after getting a sight of

Oonalashka, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind, not having time to

get through the passage before night. At day-break the next morning, we

bore away under courses, and close-reefed top-sails, having a very hard

gale at W. N. W., with heavy squalls, attended with snow. At noon, we

were in the middle of the strait, between Oonalashka and Oonella, the

harbour of Samganoodha bearing S. S. E., one league distant. At three in

the afternoon, being through the strait and clear of the isles, Cape

Providence bearing W. S. W., two or three leagues distant, we steered to

the southward, under double-reefed top-sails and courses, with the wind

at W. N. W., a strong gale, and fair weather.

On Monday the 2d of November, the wind veered to the southward, and

before night blew a violent storm, which obliged us to bring to. The

Discovery fired several guns, which we answered, but without knowing on

what occasion they were fired. At eight o’clock, we lost sight of her,

and did not see her again till eight the next morning. At ten, she

joined us; and, as the height of the gale was now over, and the wind had

veered back to W. N. W., we made sail, and resumed our course to the

southward.

The 6th, in the evening, being in the latitude of 42° 12ʹ, and in the

longitude of 201° 26ʹ, the variation was 17° 15ʹ E. The next morning,

our latitude being 41° 20ʹ, and our longitude 202°, a shag, or

cormorant, flew several times round the ship. As these birds are seldom,

if ever, known to fly far out of sight of land, I judged that some was

not far distant. However, we could see none. In the afternoon, there

being but little wind, Captain Clerke came on board, and informed me of

a melancholy accident that happened on board his ship, the second night

after we left Samganoodha. The main tack gave way, killed one man, and

wounded the boatswain and two or three more. In addition to this

misfortune, I now learned, that on the evening of the 3d, his sails and

rigging received considerable damage; and that the guns which he fired

were the signal to bring to.

On the 8th, the wind was at north; a gentle breeze, with clear weather.

On the 9th, in the latitude of 39-1/2°, we had eight hours calm. This

was succeeded by the wind from the south, attended with fair weather.

Availing ourselves of this, as many of our people as could handle a

needle, were set to work to repair the sails; and the carpenters were

employed to put the boats in order.

On the 12th at noon, being then in the latitude of 38° 14ʹ, and in the

longitude of 206° 17ʹ, the wind returned back to the northward; and, on

the 15th, in the latitude of 33° 30ʹ, it veered to the east. At this

time, we saw a tropic bird, and a dolphin; the first that we had

observed during the passage. On the 17th, the wind veered to the

southward, where it continued till the afternoon of the 9th, when a

squall of wind and rain brought it at once round by the west to the

north. This was in the latitude of 32° 26ʹ, and in the longitude of 207°

30ʹ.

The wind presently increased to a very strong gale, attended with rain,

so as to bring us under double-reefed top-sails. In lowering down the

main-top-sail to reef it, the wind tore it quite out of the foot-rope;

and it was split in several other parts. This sail had only been brought

to the yard the day before, after having had a repair. The next morning,

we got another top-sail to the yard. This gale proved to be the

forerunner of the trade-wind, which, in latitude 25°, veered to east,

and east south-east.

I continued to steer to the southward, till daylight in the morning of

the 25th, at which time we were in the latitude of 20° 55ʹ. I now spread

the ships, and steered to the west. In the evening, we joined; and at

midnight brought to. At day-break, next morning, land was seen extending

from south south-east to west. We made sail, and stood for it. At eight,

it extended from south-east half south, to west; the nearest part two

leagues distant. It was supposed that we saw the extent of the land to

the east, but not to the west. We were now satisfied, that the group of

the Sandwich Islands had been only imperfectly discovered; as those of

them which we had visited in our progress northward, all lie to the

leeward of our present station.

In the country was an elevated saddle hill, whose summit appeared above

the clouds. From this hill, the land fell in a gentle slope, and

terminated in a steep, rocky coast, against which the sea broke in a

dreadful surf. Finding that we could not weather the island, I bore up,

and ranged along the coast to the westward. It was not long before we

saw people on several parts of the shore, and some houses and

plantations. The country seemed to be both well wooded and watered; and

running streams were seen falling into the sea in various places.

As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions at

these islands; and experience having taught me that I could have no

chance to succeed in this, if a free trade with the natives were to be

allowed; that is, if it were left to every man’s discretion to trade for

what he pleased, and in the manner he pleased; for this substantial

reason, I now published an order, prohibiting all persons from trading,

except such as should be appointed by me and Captain Clerke; and even

these were enjoined to trade only for provisions and refreshments. Women

were also forbidden to be admitted into the ships, except under certain

restrictions. But the evil I meant to prevent, by this regulation, I

soon found, had already got amongst them.

At noon, the coast extended from S. 81° E. to N. 56° W.; a low flat,

like an isthmus, bore S. 42° W.; the nearest shore three or four miles

distant; the latitude was 20° 59ʹ; and the longitude 203° 50ʹ. Seeing

some canoes coming off to us, I brought to.

As soon as they got alongside, many of the people who conducted them,

came into the ship, without the least hesitation. We found them to be of

the same nation with the inhabitants of the islands more to leeward,

which we had already visited; and, if we did not mistake them, they knew

of our having been there. Indeed, it rather appeared too evident; for

these people had got amongst them the venereal distemper; and, as yet, I

knew of no other way of its reaching them, but by an intercourse with

their neighbours since our leaving them.

We got from our visitors a quantity of cuttle-fish, for nails and pieces

of iron. They brought very little fruit and roots; but told us that they

had plenty of them on their island, as also hogs and fowls. In the

evening, the horizon being clear to the westward, we judged the

westernmost land in sight to be an island, separated from that off which

we now were. Having no doubt that the people would return to the ships

next day, with the produce of their country, I kept plying off all

night, and in the morning stood close in shore. At first, only a few of

the natives visited us; but, toward noon, we had the company of a good

many, who brought with them bread-fruit, potatoes, tarro, or eddy roots,

a few plantains, and small pigs; all of which they exchanged for nails

and iron tools. Indeed, we had nothing else to give them. We continued

trading with them till four o’clock in the afternoon, when, having

disposed of all their cargoes, and not seeming inclined to fetch more,

we made sail, and stood off shore.

While we were lying to, though the wind blew fresh, I observed that the

ships drifted to the east. Consequently, there must have been a current

setting in that direction. This encouraged me to ply to windward, with a

view to get round the east end of the island, and so have the whole

lee-side before us. In the afternoon of the 30th, being off the

north-east end of the island, several canoes came off to the ships. Most

of these belonged to a chief named Terreeoboo, who came in one of them.

He made me a present of two or three small pigs; and we got, by barter,

from the other people, a little fruit. After a stay of about two hours,

they all left us, except six or eight of their company, who chose to

remain on board. A double-sailing canoe came, soon after, to attend upon

them; which we towed astern all night. In the evening, we discovered

another island to windward, which the natives call _Owhyhee_. The name

of that off which we had been for some days, we were also told, is

_Mowee_.

On the 1st of December, at eight in the morning, Owhyhee extended from

south 22° E. to S. 12° W.; and Mowee from N. 41° to N. 83° W. Finding

that we could fetch Owhyhee, I stood for it; and our visitors from Mowee

not choosing to accompany us, embarked in their canoe, and went ashore.

At seven in the evening, we were close up with the north side of

Owhyhee; where we spent the night, standing off and on.

In the morning of the 2d, we were surprised to see the summits of the

mountains on Owhyhee covered with snow. They did not appear to be of any

extraordinary height; and yet, in some places, the snow seemed to be of

a considerable depth, and to have lain there some time. As we drew near

the shore, some of the natives came off to us. They were a little shy at

first; but we soon enticed some of them on board; and at last prevailed

upon them to return to the island, and bring off what we wanted. Soon

after these reached the shore, we had company enough; and few coming

empty-handed, we got a tolerable supply of small pigs, fruit, and roots.

We continued trading with them till six in the evening; when we made

sail, and stood off, with a view of plying to windward round the island.

In the evening of the 4th, we observed an eclipse of the moon. Mr. King

made use of a night-telescope, a circular aperture being placed at the

object end, about one-third of the size of the common aperture. I

observed with the telescope of one of Ramsden’s sextants; which, I

think, answers this purpose as well as any other. The following times

are the means, as observed by us both:

6^h 3ʹ 25ʺ beginning of the } Longitude { 204° 40ʹ 45ʺ

eclipse } {

8^h 27ʹ 25ʺ end of the eclipse } { 204° 25ʹ 15ʺ

---------------

Mean 204° 35ʹ 0ʺ

---------------

The _penumbra_ was visible, at least ten minutes before the beginning,

and after the end of the eclipse. I measured the uneclipsed part of the

moon, with one of Ramsden’s sextants, several times before, at, and

after the middle of the eclipse; but did not get the time of the middle

so near as might have been effected by this method. Indeed these

observations were made only as an experiment, without aiming at much

nicety. I also measured mostly one way; whereas I ought to have brought

alternately the reflected and direct images to contrary sides, with

respect to each other; reading the numbers off the quadrant, in one

case, to the left of the beginning of the divisions; and in the other

case, to the right hand of the same. It is evident, that half the sum of

these two numbers must be the true measurement, independent of the error

of the quadrant; and this is the method that I would recommend.

But I am well assured, that it might have been observed much nearer; and

that this method may be useful when neither the beginning nor end of an

eclipse can be observed, which may often happen.

Immediately after the eclipse was over, we observed the distance of each

limb of the moon from _Pollux_ and _Arietis_; the one being to the east,

and the other to the west. An opportunity to observe, under all these

circumstances, seldom happens; but when it does, it ought not to be

omitted; as, in this case, the local errors to which these observations

are liable, destroy each other; which, in all other cases, would require

the observations of a whole moon. The following are the results of these

observations:

Myself with { _Arietis_ 204° 22ʹ 7ʺ } mean 204° 21ʹ 5ʺ

{ _Pollux_ 204° 20ʹ 4ʺ }

Mr. King { _Arietis_ 204° 27ʹ 45ʺ } mean 104° 18ʹ 29ʺ

with { _Pollux_ 204° 9ʹ 12ʺ }

-------------

Mean of the two means 204° 19ʹ 47ʺ

The time-keeper, at 4^h 30ʹ, to which }

time all the lunar observations are } 204° 4ʹ 45ʺ

reduced }

The current which I have mentioned, as setting to the eastward, had now

ceased; for we gained but little by plying. On the 6th in the evening,

being about five leagues farther up the coast, and near the shore, we

had some traffic with the natives. But, as it had furnished only a

trifling supply, I stood in again the next morning, when we had a

considerable number of visitors; and we lay to, trading with them till

two in the forenoon. By that time, we had procured pork, fruit, and

roots, sufficient for four or five days. We then made sail, and

continued to ply to windward.

Having procured a quantity of sugar cane; and having, upon a trial, made

but a few days before, found that a strong decoction of it produced a

very palatable beer, I ordered some more to be brewed, for our general

use. But when the cask was now broached, not one of my crew would even

so much as taste it. As I had no motive in preparing this beverage, but

to save our spirit for a colder climate, I gave myself no trouble,

either by exerting authority, or by having recourse to persuasion, to

prevail upon them to drink it; knowing that there was no danger of the

scurvy, so long as we could get a plentiful supply of other vegetables.

But, that I might not be disappointed in my views, I gave orders that no

grog should be served in either ship. I myself, and the officers,

continued to make use of this sugar-cane beer, whenever we could get

materials for brewing it. A few hops, of which we had some on board,

improved it much. It has the taste of new malt beer; and I believe no

one will doubt of its being very wholesome. And yet my inconsiderate

crew alleged that it was injurious to their health.

They had no better reason to support a resolution, which they took on

our first arrival in King George’s Sound, not to drink the spruce-beer

made there. But, whether from a consideration that it was not the first

time of their being required to use that liquor, or from some other

reason, they did not attempt to carry their purpose into actual

execution; and I had never heard of it till now, when they renewed their

ignorant opposition to my best endeavours to serve them. Every

innovation whatever, on board a ship, though ever so much to the

advantage of seamen, is sure to meet with their highest disapprobation.

Both portable soup and sour krout were, at first, condemned as stuff

unfit for human beings. Few commanders have introduced into their ships

more novelties, as useful varieties of food and drink, than I have done.

Indeed few commanders have had the same opportunities of trying such

experiments, or been driven to the same necessity of trying them. It

has, however, been in a great measure owing to various little deviations

from established practice, that I have been able to preserve my people,

generally speaking, from that dreadful distemper, the scurvy, which has

perhaps destroyed more of our sailors, in their peaceful voyages, than

have fallen by the enemy in military expeditions.

I kept at some distance from the coast, till the 13th, when I stood in

again, six leagues farther to windward than we had as yet reached; and,

after having some trade with the natives who visited us, returned to

sea. I should have got near the shore again on the 15th, for a supply of

fruit or roots, but the wind happening to be at south-east by south, and

south-south-east, I thought this a good time to stretch to the eastward,

in order to get round, or, at least, to get a sight of the south-east

end of the island. The wind continued at south-east by south, most part

of the 16th. It was variable between south and east on the 17th; and on

the 18th, it was continually veering from one quarter to another,

blowing, sometimes in hard squalls, and at other times, calm, with

thunder, lightning, and rain. In the afternoon, we had the wind westerly

for a few hours; but in the evening it shifted to east by south, and we

stood to the southward, close hauled, under an easy sail, as the

Discovery was at some distance astern. At this time the south-east point

of the island bore south-west by south, about five leagues distant; and

I made no doubt that I should be able to weather it. But at one o’clock

next morning, it fell calm, and we were left to the mercy of a

north-easterly swell, which impelled us fast toward the land; so that,

long before day-break, we saw lights upon the shore, which was not more

than a league distant. The night was dark, with thunder, lightning, and

rain.

At three o’clock, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from the south by

east, blowing in squalls, with rain. We stood to the north-east,

thinking it the best tack to clear the coast; but if it had been

day-light, we should have chosen the other. At day-break, the coast was

seen extending from north by west, to south-west by west; a dreadful

surf breaking upon the shore, which was not more than half a league

distant. It was evident, that we had been in the most imminent danger.

Nor were we yet in safety, the wind veering more easterly; so that, for

some time, we did but just keep our distance from the coast. What made

our situation more alarming, was the leach-rope of the main top-sail

giving way; which was the occasion of the sail’s being rent in two; and

the two top-gallant sails gave way in the same manner, though not half

worn out. By taking a favourable opportunity, we soon got others to the

yards; and then we left the land astern. The Discovery, by being at some

distance to the north, was never near the land; nor did we see her till

eight o’clock.

On this occasion, I cannot help observing, that I have always found,

that the bolt-ropes to our sails have not been of sufficient strength or

substance. This, at different times, has been the source of infinite

trouble and vexation; and of much expence of canvass, ruined by their

giving way. I wish also, that I did not think there is room for

remarking, that the cordage and canvass, and indeed all the other stores

made use of in the navy, are not of equal goodness with those, in

general, used in the merchant-service.

It seems to be a very prevalent opinion amongst naval officers of all

ranks, that the king’s stores are better than any others, and that no

ships are so well fitted out as those of the navy. Undoubtedly they are

in the right, as to the quantity, but, I fear, not as to the quality of

the stores. This, indeed, is seldom tried; for things are generally

condemned, or converted to some other use, by such time as they are

half-worn out. It is only on such voyages as ours, that we have an

opportunity of making the trial; as our situation makes it necessary to

wear every thing to the very utmost.[102]

As soon as daylight appeared, the natives ashore displayed a white flag,

which we conceived to be a signal of peace and friendship. Some of them

ventured out after us; but the wind freshening, and it not being safe to

wait, they were soon left astern.

In the afternoon, after making another attempt to weather the eastern

extreme, which failed, I gave it up, and run down to the Discovery.

Indeed, it was of no consequence to get round the island; for we had

seen its extent to the south-east, which was the thing I aimed at; and

according to the information which we had got from the natives, there is

no other island to the windward of this. However, as we were so near the

south end of it, and as the least shift of wind, in our favour, would

serve to carry us round, I did not wholly give up the idea of weathering

it; and therefore continued to ply.

On the 20th, at noon, this south-east point bore south, three leagues

distant; the snowy hills west-north-west; and we were about four miles

from the nearest shore. In the afternoon, some of the natives came in

their canoes, bringing with them a few pigs and plantains. The latter

were very acceptable, having had no vegetables for some days; but the

supply we now received was so inconsiderable, being barely sufficient

for one day, that I stood in again the next morning, till within three

or four miles of the land, where we were met by a number of canoes,

laden with provisions. We brought to, and continued trading with the

people in them, till four in the afternoon; when, having got a pretty

good supply, we made sail, and stretched off to the northward.

I had never met with a behaviour so free from reserve and suspicion, in

my intercourse with any tribes of savages, as we experienced in the

people of this island. It was very common for them to send up into the

ship the several articles they brought off for barter; afterward, they

would come in themselves, and make their bargains on the quarter-deck.

The people of Otaheite, even after our repeated visits, do not care to

put so much confidence in us. I infer from this, that those of Owhyhee

must be more faithful in their dealings with one another, than the

inhabitants of Otaheite are. For if little faith were observed amongst

themselves, they would not be so ready to trust strangers. It is also to

be observed, to their honour, that they had never once attempted to

cheat us in exchanges, nor to commit a theft. They understand trading as

well as most people; and seemed to comprehend clearly the reason of our

plying upon the coast. For, though they brought of provisions in great

plenty, particularly pigs, yet they kept up their price; and, rather

than dispose of them for less than they thought they were worth, would

take them ashore again.

On the 22d, at eight in the morning, we tacked to the southward, with a

fresh breeze at east by north. At noon, the latitude was 20° 28ʹ 30ʺ;

and the snowy peak bore south-west half south. We had a good view of it

the preceding day, and the quantity of snow seemed to have increased,

and to extend lower down the hill. I stood to the south-east till

midnight, then tacked to the north till four in the morning, when we

returned to the south-east tack; and, as the wind was at north-east by

east, we had hopes of weathering the island. We should have succeeded,

if the wind had not died away, and left us to the mercy of a great

swell, which carried us fast toward the land, which was not two leagues

distant. At length, we got our head off, and some light puffs of wind,

which came with showers of rain, put us out of danger. While we lay, as

it were, becalmed, several of the islanders came off with hogs, fowls,

fruit, and roots. Out of one canoe we got a goose; which was about the

size of a Muscovy duck. Its plumage was dark grey, and the bill and legs

black.

At four in the afternoon, after purchasing every thing that the natives

had brought off; which was full as much as we had occasion for, we made

sail, and stretched to the north, with the wind at E. N. E. At midnight

we tacked, and stood to the S. E. Upon a supposition that the Discovery

would see us tack, the signal was omitted; but she did not see us, as we

afterward found, and continued standing to the north; for, at day-light

next morning, she was not in sight. At this time, the weather being

hazy, we could not see far; so that it was possible the Discovery might

be following us; and being past the north-east part of the island, I was

tempted to stand on, till, by the wind veering to N. E., we could not

weather the land upon the other tack. Consequently we could not stand to

the north to join or look for the Discovery. At noon we were, by

observation, in the latitude of 19° 55ʹ, and in the longitude of 205°

3ʹ; the S. E. point of the island bore S. by E. a quarter E., six

leagues distant; the other extreme bore N., 60° W.; and we were two

leagues from the nearest shore. At six in the evening, the southernmost

extreme of the island bore S. W., the nearest shore seven or eight miles

distant; so that we had now succeeded in getting to the windward of the

island, which we had aimed at with so much perseverance.

The Discovery, however, was not yet to be seen. But the wind, as we had

it, being very favourable for her to follow us, I concluded that it

would not be long before she joined us. I therefore kept cruising off

this south-east point of the island, which lies in the latitude of 19°

34ʹ, and in the longitude of 205° 6ʹ, till I was satisfied that Captain

Clerke could not join me here. I now conjectured that he had not been

able to weather the north-east part of the island, and had gone to

leeward in order to meet me that way.

As I generally kept from five to ten leagues from the land, no canoes,

except one, came off to us till the 28th, when we were visited by a

dozen or fourteen. The people who conducted them brought, as usual, the

produce of the island. I was very sorry that they had taken the trouble

to come so far. For we could not trade with them, our old stock not

being as yet consumed; and we had found, by late experience, that the

hogs could not be kept alive, nor the roots preserved from putrefaction,

many days. However, I intended not to leave this part of the island

before I got a supply; as it would not be easy to return to it again, in

case it should be found necessary.

We began to be in want on the 30th; and I would have stood in near the

shore, but was prevented by a calm; but a breeze springing up, at

midnight, from S. and S. W., we were enabled to stand in for the land at

day-break. At ten o’clock in the morning, we were met by the islanders

with fruit and roots; but in all the canoes were only three small pigs.

Our not having bought those which had been lately brought off, may be

supposed to be the reason of this very scanty supply. We brought to for

the purposes of trade; but soon after our marketing was interrupted by a

very hard rain; and, besides, we were rather too far from the shore. Nor

durst I go nearer; for I could not depend upon the wind’s remaining

where it was for a moment; the swell also being high, and setting

obliquely upon the shore, against which it broke in a frightful surf. In

the evening the weather mended; the night was clear, and it was spent in

making short boards.

Before day-break, the atmosphere was again loaded with heavy clouds; and

the new year was ushered in with very hard rain, which continued, at

intervals, till past ten o’clock. The wind was southerly; a light

breeze, with some calms. When the rain ceased the sky cleared, and the

breeze freshened. Being at this time about five miles from the land,

several canoes arrived with fruit and roots; and, at last, some hogs

were brought off. We lay to, trading with them till three o’clock in the

afternoon; when, having a tolerable supply, we made sail, with a view of

proceeding to the N. W. or lee-side of the island, to look for the

Discovery. It was necessary, however, the wind being at S., to stretch

first to the eastward, till midnight, when the wind came more

favourable, and we went upon the other tack. For several days past, both

wind and weather had been exceedingly unsettled; and there fell a great

deal of rain.

The three following days were spent in running down the south-east side

of the island. For during the nights we stood off and on; and part of

each day was employed in lying to, in order to furnish an opportunity to

the natives of trading with us. They sometimes came on board, while we

were five leagues from the shore. But whether from a fear of losing

their goods in the sea, or from the uncertainty of a market, they never

brought much with them. The principal article procured was salt, which

was extremely good.

On the 5th in the morning, we passed the south point of the island,

which lies in the latitude of 18° 54ʹ; and beyond it we found the coast

to trend N. 60° W. On this point stands a pretty large village, the

inhabitants of which thronged off to the ship with hogs and women. It

was not possible to keep the latter from coming on board; and no women I

ever met with were less reserved. Indeed it appeared to me that they

visited us with no other view than to make a surrender of their persons.

As I had now got a quantity of salt, I purchased no hogs but such as

were fit for salting; refusing all that were under size. However we

could seldom get any above fifty or sixty pounds’ weight. It was happy

for us that we still had some vegetables on board; for we now received

few such productions. Indeed this part of the country, from its

appearance, did not seem capable of affording them. Marks of its having

been laid waste by the explosion of a _volcano_, every where presented

themselves; and though we had as yet seen nothing like one upon the

island, the devastation that it had made, in this neighbourhood, was

visible to the naked eye.

This part of the coast is sheltered from the reigning winds; but we

could find no bottom to anchor upon; a line of an hundred and sixty

fathoms not reaching it, within the distance of half a mile from the

shore. The islanders having all left us toward the evening, we ran a few

miles down the coast; and then spent the night standing off and on.

The next morning the natives visited us again, bringing with them the

same articles of commerce as before. Being now near the shore, I sent

Mr. Bligh, the master, in a boat, to sound the coast, with orders to

land, and to look for fresh water. Upon his return, he reported that, at

two cables lengths from the shore, he had found no soundings with a line

of one hundred and sixty fathoms; that, when he landed, he found no

stream or spring, but only rain-water, deposited in holes upon the

rocks; and even that was brackish, from the spray of the sea; and that

the surface of the country was entirely composed of slags and ashes,

with a few plants here and there interspersed. Between ten and eleven we

saw with pleasure the Discovery coming round the south point of the

island; and, at one in the afternoon, she joined us. Captain Clerke then

coming on board, informed me that he had cruised four or five days where

we were separated, and then plied round the east side of the island; but

that, meeting with unfavourable winds, he had been carried to some

distance from the coast. He had one of the islanders on board all this

time, who had remained there from choice, and had refused to quit the

ship, though opportunities had offered.

Having spent the night standing off and on, we stood in again the next

morning, and when we were about a league from the shore, many of the

natives visited us. At noon the observed latitude was 19° 1ʹ, and the

longitude, by the time-keeper, was 203° 26ʹ; the island extending from

S. 74° E., to N. 13° W.; the nearest part two leagues distant.

At day-break, on the 8th, we found that the currents, during the night,

which we spent in plying, had carried us back considerably to windward,

so that we were now off the south-west point of the island. There we

brought to, in order to give the natives an opportunity of trading with

us. At noon our observed latitude was 19° 1ʹ, and our longitude, by the

time-keeper, was 203° 13ʹ; the south-west point of the island bearing N.

30° E.; two miles distant.

We spent the night as usual, standing off and on. It happened that four

men and ten women who had come on board the preceding day, still

remained with us. As I did not like the company of the latter, I stood

in shore toward noon, principally with a view to get them out of the

ship; and some canoes coming off, I took that opportunity of sending

away our guests.

We had light airs from N. W. and S. W., and calms, till eleven in the

morning of the 10th, when the wind freshened at W. N. W., which, with a

strong current setting to the S. E., so much retarded us, that in the

evening, between seven and eight o’clock, the south point of the island

bore N., 10-1/2° W., four leagues distant. The south snowy hill now bore

N. 1-1/2° E.

At four in the morning of the 11th, the wind having fixed at W., I stood

in for the land, in order to get some refreshments. As we drew near the

shore, the natives began to come off. We lay to, or stood on and off,

trading with them all the day; but got a very scanty supply at last.

Many canoes visited us, whose people had not a single thing to barter;

which convinced us that this part of the island must be very poor, and

that we had already got all that they could spare. We spent the 12th

plying off and on, with a fresh gale at west. A mile from the shore, and

to the north-east of the south point of the island, having tried

soundings, we found ground at fifty-five fathoms depth; the bottom a

fine sand. At five in the evening we stood to the S. W., with the wind

at W. N. W.; and soon after midnight we had a calm.

At eight o’clock next morning, having got a small breeze at S. S. E., we

steered to the N. N. W., in for the land. Soon after a few canoes came

alongside with some hogs, but without any vegetables, which articles we

most wanted. We had now made some progress; for, at noon, the south

point of the island bore S. 86-1/2° E.; the S. W. point N. 13° W,; the

nearest shore two leagues distant; latitude, by observation, 18° 56ʹ,

and our longitude, by the time-keeper, 203° 40ʹ. We had got the length

of the south-west point of the island in the evening; but the wind now

veering to the westward and northward, during the night we lost all that

we had gained. Next morning, being still off the south-west point of the

island, some canoes came off; but they brought nothing that we were in

want of. We had now neither fruit nor roots, and were under a necessity

of making use of some of our sea-provisions. At length some canoes from

the northward brought us a small supply of hogs and roots.

We had variable light airs, next to a calm, the following day, till five

in the afternoon, when a small breeze at E. N. E. springing up, we were

at last enabled to steer along shore to the northward. The weather being

fine, we had plenty of company this day, and abundance of every thing.

Many of our visitors remained with us on board all night, and we towed

their canoes astern.

At day-break on the 16th, seeing the appearance of a bay, I sent Mr.

Bligh, with a boat from each ship, to examine it, being at this time

three leagues off. Canoes now began to arrive from all parts; so that

before ten o’clock there were not fewer than a thousand about the two

ships, most of them crowded with people, and well laden with hogs and

other productions of the island. We had the most satisfying proof of

their friendly intentions; for we did not see a single person who had

with him a weapon of any sort. Trade and curiosity alone had brought

them off. Among such numbers as we had, at times, on board, it is no

wonder that some should betray a thievish disposition. One of our

visitors took out of the ship a boat’s rudder. He was discovered; but

too late to recover it. I thought this a good opportunity to show these

people the use of fire-arms; and two or three muskets, and as many

four-pounders, were fired over the canoe, which carried off the rudder.

As it was not intended that any of the shot should take effect, the

surrounding multitude of natives seemed rather more surprized than

frightened.

In the evening Mr. Bligh returned, and reported that he had found a bay

in which was good anchorage, and fresh water, in a situation tolerably

easy to be come at. Into this bay I resolved to carry the ships, there

to refit, and supply ourselves with every refreshment that the place

could afford. As night approached, the greater part of our visitors

retired to the shore; but numbers of them requested our permission to

sleep on board. Curiosity was not the only motive, at least with some;

for the next morning several things were missing, which determined me

not to entertain so many another night.

At eleven o’clock in the forenoon we anchored in the bay (which is

called by the natives _Karakakooa_), in thirteen fathoms’ water, over a

sandy bottom, and about a quarter of a mile from the north-east shore.

In this situation, the south point of the bay bore south by west, and

the north point west half north. We moored with the stream-anchor and

cable to the northward, unbent the sails, and struck the yards and

top-masts. The ships continued to be much crowded with natives, and were

surrounded by a multitude of canoes. I had no where, in the course of my

voyages, seen so numerous a body of people assembled at one place. For

besides those who had come off to us in canoes, all the shore of the bay

was covered with spectators, and many hundreds were swimming round the

ships like shoals of fish. We could not but be struck with the

singularity of this scene; and perhaps there were few on board who now

lamented our having failed in our endeavours to find a northern passage

homeward, last summer. To this disappointment we owed our having it in

our power to revisit the _Sandwich Islands_, and to enrich our voyage

with a discovery which, though the last, seemed, in many respects, to be

the most important that had hitherto been made by Europeans throughout

the extent of the Pacific Ocean.

[ [Illustration of hand] _Here Captain Cook’s journal ends. The

remaining transactions of the voyage are related by Captain King, in the

last volume._]

END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.

LONDON:

Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode,

New-Street-Square.

Footnotes

Footnote 1:

See the conclusion of chap. ix. book ii.

Footnote 2:

Friends.

Footnote 3:

See a plan of this bay, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 248.

Footnote 4:

Morea, according to Dr. Forster, is a district in Eimeo. See his

_Observations_, p. 217.

Footnote 5:

See Cook’s Voyage, vol. iii. chap. 13.

Footnote 6:

See Captain Wallis’s account of the same operation performed on

himself, and his first lieutenant, in _Hawkesworth’s Collection_, vol.

i. p. 463. Lond. edit.

Footnote 7:

Terridiri is Oberea’s son. See an account of the royal family of

Otaheite in _Hawkesworth’s Collection_, vol. ii. p. 154.

Footnote 8:

See a plan of this harbour in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p.

248.

Footnote 9:

Cook and Clerke.

Footnote 10:

See a plan of this harbour, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p.

248.

Footnote 11:

Perhaps they owed their safety principally to Captain Clerke’s walking

with a pistol in his hand, which he once fired. This circumstance is

omitted both in Captain Cook’s and in Mr. Anderson’s journal; but is

here mentioned on the authority of Captain King.

Footnote 12:

Captain Cook had seen Oree in 1769, when he commanded the Endeavour;

also twice during his second voyage in 1772.

Footnote 13:

See a chart of the island Bolabola in _Hawkesworth’s Collection_, vol.

ii. p. 249. Though we have no particular drawing of the harbour, its

situation is there distinctly represented.

Footnote 14:

For this, as for many other particulars about these people, we are

indebted to Mr. Anderson.

Footnote 15:

These are taken notice of in _Hawkesworth’s Collection_, vol. ii. p.

256, &c.

Footnote 16:

See this vocabulary, at the end of the second volume of Captain Cook’s

second voyage. Many corrections and additions to it were now made by

this indefatigable inquirer; but the specimens of the language of

Otaheite, already in the hands of the public, seem sufficient for

every useful purpose.

Footnote 17:

Mr. Anderson invariably, in his manuscript, writes _Eree de hoi_.

According to Captain Cook’s mode, it is _Eree rahie_. This is one of

the numerous instances that perpetually occur, of our people’s

representing the same word differently.

Footnote 18:

That the Caroline Islands are inhabited by the same tribe or nation,

whom Captain Cook found, at such immense distances, spread throughout

the South Pacific Ocean, has been satisfactorily established in some

preceding notes. The situation of the Ladrones, or Marianne Islands,

still further north than the Carolines, but at no great distance from

them, is favourable, at first sight, to the conjecture, that the same

race also peopled that cluster; and on looking into Father Le Gobien’s

History of them, this conjecture appears to be actually confirmed by

direct evidence. One of the greatest singularities of the Otaheite

manners is the existence of the society of young men, called _Erroes_,

of whom some account is given in the preceding paragraph. Now we learn

from Father le Gobien, that such a society exists also amongst the

inhabitants of the Ladrones. His words are, _Les Urritoes sont parmi

eux les jeunes gens qui vivent avec des maitresses, sans vouloir

s’engager dans les liens du marriage_. That there should be young men

in the Ladrones, as well as in Otaheite, _who live with mistresses,

without being inclined to enter into the married state_, would not,

indeed, furnish the shadow of any peculiar resemblance between them.

But that the young men in the Ladrones and in Otaheite, whose manners

are thus licentious, should be considered as a distinct confraternity,

called by a particular name; and that this name should be the same in

both places: this singular coincidence of custom, confirmed by that of

language, seems to furnish an irrefragable proof of the inhabitants of

both places being the same nation. We know, that it is the general

property of the Otaheite dialect, to soften the pronunciation of its

words. And, it is observable, that, by the omission of one single

letter (the consonant _t_) our _Arreoys_ (as spelled in Hawkesworth’s

Collection), or _Erroes_ (according to Mr. Anderson’s orthography),

and the _Urritoes_ of the Ladrones, are brought to such a similitude

of sound (the only rule of comparing two unwritten languages), that we

may pronounce them to be the same word, without exposing ourselves to

the sneers of supercilious criticism.

One or two more such proofs, drawn from similarity of language, in

very significant words, may be assigned. Le Gobien tells us, that the

people of the Ladrones worship their dead, whom they call _Anitis_.

Here, again, by dropping the consonant _n_, we have a word that bears

a strong resemblance to that which so often occurs in Captain Cook’s

Voyages, when speaking of the divinities of his islands, whom he calls

_Eatooas_. And it may be matter of curiosity to remark, that what is

called an _Aniti_, at the Ladrones, is, as we learn from Cantova

[_Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 309, 310.], at the

Caroline Islands, where dead chiefs are also worshipped, called a

_Tahutup_; and that, by softening or sinking the strong sounding

letters, at the beginning and at the end of this latter word, the

_Ahutu_ of the Carolines, the _Aiti_ of the Ladrones, and the _Eatooa_

of the South Pacific Islands, assume such a similarity in

pronunciation (for we can have no other guide), as strongly marks one

common original. Once more; we learn from Le Gobien, that the Marianne

people call their chiefs _Chamorris_, or _Chamoris_. And, by softening

the aspirate _Ch_ into _T_, and the harshness of _r_ into _l_ (of

which the vocabularies of the different islands give us repeated

instances), we have the _Tamole_ of the Caroline Islands, and the

_Tamolao_, or _Tamaha_, of the Friendly ones.

If these specimens of affinity of language should be thought too

scanty, some very remarkable instances of similarity of customs and

institutions will go far to remove every doubt. 1. A division into

three classes, of nobles, a middle rank, and the common people, or

servants, was found, by Captain Cook, to prevail both at the Friendly

and the Society Islands. Father Le Gobien expressly tells us, that the

same distinction prevails at the Ladrones: _Il y a trois états, parmi

les insulaires, la noblesse, le moyen, & le menu._ 2. Numberless

instances occur in Captain Cook’s voyage to prove the great subjection

under which the people of his islands are to their chiefs. We learn

from Le Gobien, that it is so also at the Ladrones. _La noblesse est

d’un fierté incroyable, & tient le peuple dans un abaisement qu’on ne

pourroit imaginer en Europe, &c._ 3. The diversions of the natives at

Wateeoo, the Friendly, and the Society Islands, have been copiously

described by Captain Cook. How similar are those which Le Gobien

mentions in the following words, as prevailing at the Ladrones? _Ils

se divertissent à danser, courir, sautir, lutter, pour s’exercer, &

éprouver leurs forces. Ils prennent grand plaisir à raconter les

avantures de leurs ancêtres, & à reciter des vers de leurs poëtes._ 4.

The principal share sustained by the women in the entertainments at

Captain Cook’s islands, appears sufficiently from a variety of

instances in this work; and we cannot read what Le Gobien says of the

practice at the Ladrones, without tracing the strongest resemblance.—

_Dans leurs assemblées elles se mettent douze ou treize femmes en

rond, débout, sans se remuer. Dans cette attitude elles chantent les

vers fabuleux de leurs poëtes avec un agrêment, & une justesse qui

plairoit en Europe. L’accord de leur voix est admirable, & ne cede en

rien à la musique concertée. Elles ont dans les mains de petits

coquilles, dont elles se servent avec beaucoup de precision. Elles

soutiennent leur voix, & animent leur chants, avec une action si vive,

& des gestes si expressives, qu’elles charment ceux qui les voient, &

qui les entendent._ 5. We read, in Hawkesworth’s account of Captain

Cook’s first voyage, vol. ii. p. 235. that garlands of the fruit of

the palm-tree and cocoa-leaves, with other things particularly

consecrated to funeral solemnities, are deposited about the places

where they lay their dead; and that provisions and water are also left

at a little distance. How conformable to this is the practice at the

Ladrones, as described by Le Gobien! _Ils font quelques repas autour

du tombeau; car on en éleve toujours un sur le lieu où le corps est

enterré, ou dans le voisinage; on le charge de fleurs, de branches de

palmiers, de coquillages, & de tout ce qu’ils ont de plus precieux._

6. It is the custom at Otaheite [See Hawkesworth, vol. ii. p. 236.]

not to bury the sculls of the chiefs with the rest of the bones, but

to put them into boxes made for that purpose. Here again, we find the

same strange custom prevailing at the Ladrones; for Le Gobien

expressly tells us, _qu’ils gardent les cranes en leur maisons_, that

they put these sculls into little baskets (_petites corbeilles_); and

that these dead chiefs are the _Anitis_ to whom their priests address

their invocations. 7. The people of Otaheite, as we learn from Captain

Cook, in his account of Tee’s embalmed corpse, make use of cocoa-nut

oil, and other ingredients, in rubbing the dead bodies. The people of

the Ladrones, Father Le Gobien tells us, sometimes do the same.—

_D’autres frottent les morts d’huile odoriferante._ 8. The inhabitants

of Otaheite [See Hawkesworth, vol. ii. p. 239, 240.] believe the

immortality of the soul; and that there are two situations after

death, somewhat analogous to our heaven and hell; but they do not

suppose, that their actions here in the least influence their future

state. And in the account given in this voyage [Vol. i. p. 403.] of

the religious opinions entertained at the Friendly Islands, we find

there exactly the same doctrine. It is very observable, how

conformable to this is the belief of the inhabitants of the Ladrones.—

_Ils sont persuadés_ (says Le Gobien) _de l’immortalité de l’âme. Ils

reconnoissent même un Paradis & un Enfer, dont ils se forment des

idées assez bizarres. Ce n’est point, selon eux, la vertu ni le crime,

qui conduit dans ces lieux là; les bonnes ou les mauvaises actions n’y

servent de rien._ 9. One more very singular instance of agreement

shall close this long list. In Captain Cook’s account of the New

Zealanders [Vol. i. p. 138.], we find, that, according to them, the

soul of the man that is killed, and whose flesh is devoured, is doomed

to a perpetual fire; while the souls of all who die a natural death

ascend to the habitations of the Gods. And from Le Gobien, we learn,

that this very notion is adopted by his islanders.—_Si on a le malheur

de mourir de mort violente, on a l’enfer pour leur partage._

Surely such a concurrence of very characteristic conformities cannot

be the result of mere accident; and, when combined with the specimens

of affinity of language mentioned at the beginning of this note, it

should seem, that we are fully warranted, from premises thus

unexceptionable, to draw a certain conclusion, that the inhabitants of

the various islands discovered or visited by Captain Cook, in the

South Pacific Ocean, and those whom the Spaniards found settled upon

the Ladrones or Mariannes, in the northern hemisphere, carried the

same language, customs, and opinions, from one common centre, from

which they had emigrated; and that, therefore, they may be considered

as scattered members of the same nation.

See Pere le Gobien’s _Histoire des Isles Mariannes_, book ii. or the

summary of it in _Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes_, t.

ii. p. 492—512, from which the materials for this note have been

extracted.

Footnote 19:

We have here another instance of the same word being differently

pronounced by the people. Captain Cook, as appears above, speaks of

_Olla_, as the Bolabola god.

Footnote 20:

See _Bougainville’s Voyage autour du Monde_, p. 228., where we are

told that these people sometimes navigate at the distance of more than

three hundred leagues.

Footnote 21:

Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. ii. p. 278.

Footnote 22:

See Dalrymple’s Collection, vol. i. b. 45.

Footnote 23:

See the description of the _morai_, in Otaheite, where the human

sacrifice was offered, at which Captain Cook was present.

Footnote 24:

It is a matter of real curiosity to observe how very extensively the

predilection for red feathers is spread throughout all the islands of

the Pacific Ocean: and the additional circumstance mentioned in this

paragraph will probably be looked upon, by those who amuse themselves

in tracing the wonderful migrations of the same family or tribe, as a

confirmation of that hypothesis (built, indeed, on other instances of

resemblance), which considers New Guinea, and its neighbouring East

India islands, from whence the Dutch bring their birds of paradise, as

originally peopled by the same race, which Captain Cook found at every

island from New Zealand to this new group, to which Atooi belongs.

What Mr. Sonnerat tells us about the bird of paradise, agrees

perfectly with the account here given of the preserved red-birds.

Speaking of the _Papous_, he proceeds thus: “Ils nous presenterent

plusieurs especes d’oiseaux, aussi élégants par leur forme, que

brillants par le éclat de leur couleurs. La dépouille des oiseaux,

sert à la parure des Chefs, qui la portent attachée à leurs bonnets en

forme d’aigrettes. _Mais en préparant les peaux, ils coupent les

pieds._ Les Hollandois, qui trafiquent sur ces cotes, y achetent de

ces peaux ainsi préparées, les transportent en Perse, à Surate, dans

les Indes, où ils les vendent fort chère aux habitans riches, qui en

font des aigrettes pour leurs turbans, et pour le casque des

guerriers, et qui en parent leur chevaux. C’est de là qu’est venue

l’opinion, qu’une de ces especes d’oiseaux (l’oiseau de paradis) _n’a

point de pattes_. Les Hollandois out accrédité ces fables, qui, en

jetant du merveilleux sur l’objet dont ils traffiquoient, étoient

propres à le rendre plus précieux, et à en rechausser lavaleur.”—

_Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée_, p. 154.

Footnote 25:

It is very remarkable, that, in this custom, which one would think is

so unnatural, as not to be adopted by two different tribes, originally

unconnected, the people of this island, and Dampier’s natives on the

west side of New Holland, at such an immense distance, should be found

to agree.

Footnote 26:

The print of Horn Island, which we meet with in Mr. Dalrymple’s

account of Le Maire and Schouten’s voyages, represents some of the

natives of that island with such long tails, hanging from their heads

as are here described. See _Dalrymple’s Voyages to the South Pacific_,

vol. ii. p. 58.

Footnote 27:

Captain King purchased this, and has it now in his possession.

Footnote 28:

See Vol. V. chap. x.

Footnote 29:

A similar instance of profitable revenue, drawn from the use of nails

by the chiefs of the Caroline Islands, is mentioned by father Cantova:

“Si, par hazard, un vaisseau étranger laisse dans leurs isles quelques

vieux morceaux de fer, ils appartiennent de droit aux Tamoles, qui en

font faire des outils, le mieux qu’il est possible. Ces outils sont un

fond dont le Tamole tire un revenu considérable, car il les donne à

louage, et ce louage se paye assez cher,” p. 314.

Footnote 30:

See more about the great extent of the colonies of this nation, in the

Introductory Preface.

Footnote 31:

See the account of Sir Francis’s voyage, in Campbell’s edition of

Harris, vol. i. p. 18, and other collections.

Footnote 32:

See Torquemada’s Narrative of Viscaino’s Expedition, in 1602 and 1603,

in the second volume of Vanegas’s History of California, English

translation, from p. 229, to p. 308.

Footnote 33:

This part of the west side of North America was so named by Sir

Francis Drake.

Footnote 34:

In our calendar, the 7th of March is distinguished by the name of

Perpetua M. and the 12th by that of Gregory B.

Footnote 35:

See the History of California. Eng. Trans. vol. ii. p. 292.

Footnote 36:

See Michael Locke’s apocryphal account of Juan de Fuca, and his

pretended strait, in Purchas, vol. iii. p. 849-852., and many later

collections.

Footnote 37:

The natives of this coast, twelve degrees farther south, also brought

feathers as presents to Sir Francis Drake on his arrival. See an

account of his voyage in _Campbell’s edit. of Harris_, vol. i. p. 18.

Footnote 38:

Viscaino met with natives on the coast of California, while he was in

the harbour of San Diego, _who were painted or besmeared with black

and white, and had their heads loaded with feathers_. _History of

California_, vol. ii. p. 272.

Footnote 39:

Similar to the behaviour of the natives of Nootka on this occasion,

was that of another tribe of Indians farther north, in latitude 57°

18ʹ, to the Spaniards, who had preceded Captain Cook only three years

in a voyage to explore the coast of America, northward of California.

See the journal of that voyage, writ by the second pilot of the fleet,

and published by the Honourable Mr. Daines Barrington, to whom the

literary world owes so many obligations. _Miscellanies_, p. 505, 506.

Footnote 40:

See _Virginian deer_: Pennant’s Hist. Quad. vol. i. N^o. 46; and

Arctic Zool. N^o. 6.

Footnote 41:

Mr. Coxe, on the authority of Mr. Pallas, informs us that the old and

middle-aged sea-otter skins are sold at Kiachta, by the Russians to

the Chinese, from 80 to 100 rubles a skin; that is, from 16l. to 20l.

each. See _Coxe’s Russian Discoveries_, p. 13.

Footnote 42:

One of the most curious singularities observable in the natural

history of the human species, is the supposed defect in the habit and

temperature of the bodies of the American Indians, exemplified in

their having no beards, while they are furnished with a profusion of

hair on their heads. M. de Paw, the ingenious author of _Récherches

sur les Américains_, Dr. Robertson, in his _History of America_, and,

in general, the writers for whose authority we ought to have the

highest deference, adopt this as an indisputable matter of fact. May

we not be permitted to request those who espouse their sentiments, to

reconsider the question, when we can produce Captain Cook’s evidence

on the opposite side, at least so far as relates to the American

tribe, whom he had intercourse with at Nootka? Nor is Captain Cook

singular in his report. What he saw on the sea-coast, Captain Carver

also met with among the American Indians far up in the country. His

words are as follow: “From minute inquiries and a curious inspection,

I am able to declare (however respectable I may hold the authority of

these historians in other points), that their assertions are

erroneous, and proceeding from a want of a thorough knowledge of the

customs of the Indians. After the age of puberty, their bodies, in

their natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the

Europeans. The men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take

great pains to get rid of it; nor is there any ever to be perceived on

their faces, except when they grow old, and become inattentive to

appearances.—The Naudowesses, and the remote nations, pluck them out

with bent pieces of hard wood formed into a kind of nippers; whilst

those who have communication with Europeans, procure from them wire,

which they twist into a screw or worm; applying this to the part, they

press the rings together, and with a sudden twitch, draw out all the

hairs that are inclosed in them.” _Carver’s Travels_, p. 224, 225. The

remark made by Mr. Marsden, who also quotes Carver, is worth attending

to, that the vizor or mask of Montezuma’s armour, preserved at

Brussels, has remarkably large whiskers; and that those Americans

could not have imitated this ornament, unless nature had presented

them with the model. From Captain Cook’s observation on the west coast

of North America, combined with Carver’s in the inland parts of that

continent, and confirmed by the Mexican vizor as above, there seems

abundant reason to agree with M. Marsden, who thus modestly expresses

himself: “Were it not for the numerous and very respectable

authorities, from which we are assured that the natives of America are

naturally beardless, I should think that the common opinion on that

subject had been hastily adopted; and that their appearing thus at a

mature age, was only the consequence of an early practice, similar to

that observed among the Sumatrans. Even now, I must confess, that it

would remove some small degree of doubt from my mind, could it be

ascertained that no such custom prevails.” _Marsden’s History of

Sumatra_, p. 39, 40.

Footnote 43:

The reflection in the text may furnish the admirers of Herodotus, in

particular, with an excellent apology for some of his wonderful tales

of this sort.

Footnote 44:

The habitations of the natives, more to the north upon this coast,

where Behring’s people landed in 1741, seem to resemble those of

Nootka. Muller describes them thus: “Ces cabanes étoient de bois

revetu de planches bien unies, et même enchainées en quelques

endroits.” Muller, _Decouvertes_, p. 255.

Footnote 45:

It should seem that Mr. Webber was obliged to repeat his offerings

pretty frequently, before he could be permitted to finish his drawing

of these images. The following account is in his own words: “After

having made a general view of their habitations, I sought for an

inside, which might furnish me with sufficient matter to convey a

perfect idea of the mode in which these people live. Such was soon

found. While I was employed, a man approached me with a large knife in

his hand, seemingly displeased, when he observed that my eyes were

fixed on two representations of human figures, which were placed at

one end of the apartment, carved on planks, of a gigantic proportion,

and painted after their custom. However, I took as little notice of

him as possible, and proceeded, to prevent which, he soon provided

himself with a mat, and placed it in such a manner as to hinder my

having any longer a sight of them. Being pretty certain that I could

have no future opportunity to finish my drawing, and the object being

too interesting to be omitted, I considered that a little bribery

might probably have some effect. Accordingly I made an offer of a

button from my coat, which, being of metal, I thought they would be

pleased with. This instantly produced the desired effect; for the mat

was removed, and I was left at liberty to proceed as before. Scarcely

had I seated myself and made a beginning, when he returned and renewed

his former practice, continuing it till I parted with every single

button, and when he saw that he had completely stripped me, I met with

no farther obstruction.”

Footnote 46:

This operation is represented by Mr. Webber, in his drawing of the

inside of a Nootka house.

Footnote 47:

One of the methods of catching the sea-otter, when ashore, in

Kamtschatka, is with nets. See _Cox’s Russian Discoveries_, p. 13.

4to. Edition.

Footnote 48:

We now know that Captain Cook’s conjecture was well founded. It

appears, from the Journal of this Voyage, already referred to, that

the Spaniards had intercourse with the natives of this coast, only in

three places, in latitude 41° 7ʹ; in latitude 47° 21ʹ; and in latitude

57° 18ʹ. So that they were not within two degrees of Nootka; and it is

most probable, that the people there never heard of these Spanish

ships.

Footnote 49:

Though the two silver table-spoons, found at Nootka Sound, most

probably came from the Spaniards in the south, there seem to be

sufficient grounds for believing, that the regular supply of iron

comes from a different quarter. It is remarkable, that the Spaniards,

in 1775, found at _Puerto de la Trinidad_, in latitude 41° 7ʹ, _arrows

pointed with copper or iron, which they understood were procured from

the north_. Mr. Daines Barrington, in a note at this part of the

Spanish Journal, p. 20. says, “I should conceive that the copper and

iron, here mentioned, must have originally been bartered at our forts

in Hudson’s bay.”

Footnote 50:

May we not, in confirmation of Mr. Anderson’s remark, observe, that

_Opulszthl_, the Nootka name of the sun; and _Vitziputzli_, the name

of the Mexican divinity, have no very distant affinity in sound?

Footnote 51:

It will be found at the end of the last volume.

Footnote 52:

As in the remaining part of this volume, the latitude and longitude

are very frequently set down; the former being invariably _north_ and

the latter _east_, the constant repetition of the two words _north_

and _east_, has been omitted, to avoid unnecessary precision.

Footnote 53:

See De Lisle’s _Carte Générale des Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte_,

&c. Paris, 1752; and many other maps.

Footnote 54:

This must be very near that part of the American coast, where

Tscherikow anchored in 1741. For Muller places its latitude in 56°.

Had this Russian navigator been so fortunate as to proceed a little

farther northward along the coast, he would have found, as we now

learn from Captain Cook, bays, and harbours, and islands, where his

ship might have been sheltered, and his people protected in landing.

For the particulars of the misfortunes he met with here, two boats

crews, which he sent ashore, having never returned, probably cut off

by the natives, see _Muller’s Découvertes des Russes_, p. 248, 254.

The Spaniards, in 1775, found two good harbours on this part of the

coast; that called _Gualoupe_, in latitude 57° 11ʹ, and the other, _De

los Remedios_, in latitude 57° 18ʹ.

Footnote 55:

It should seem that in this very bay, the Spaniards, in 1775, found

their port which they call _De los Remedios_. The latitude is exactly

the same; and their journal mentions its _being protected by a long

ridge of high islands_. See _Miscellanies by the Honourable Daines

Barrington_, p. 503, 504.

Footnote 56:

According to Muller, Beering fell in with the coast of North America

in latitude 58° 28ʹ; and he describes its aspect thus: “_L’aspect du

pays étoit affrayant par ses hautes montagnes couvertes de neige._”

The chain, or ridge of mountains, covered with snow, mentioned here by

Captain Cook, in the same latitude, exactly agrees with what Beering

met with. See Muller’s _Voyages et Découvertes des Russes_, p.

248-254.

Footnote 57:

Probably Captain Cook means Muller’s map, prefixed to his History of

the Russian Discoveries.

Footnote 58:

Then Sub-almoner, and Chaplain to his Majesty, afterwards Dean of

Lincoln.

Footnote 59:

See Muller, p. 256.

Footnote 60:

Exactly corresponding to this, was the manner of receiving Beering’s

people, at the Schumagin Islands, on this coast, in 1741. Muller’s

words are—“On sait ce que c’est que le _calumet_, que les Américains

septentrionaux présentent en signe de paix. Ceux-ci en tenoient de

pareils en main. C’étoient des bâtons avec _ailes de faucon_ attachés

au boul.” _Découvertes_, p. 268.

Footnote 61:

Captain Cook seems to take his ideas of these from Mr. Stæhlin’s map,

prefixed to the account of the Northern Archipelago; published by Dr.

Maty, London, 1774.

Footnote 62:

On what evidence Captain Cook formed his judgment as to this, is

mentioned in the Introduction.

Footnote 63:

Crantz’s History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 136-138. The reader will

find in Crantz many striking instances, in which the Greenlanders and

Americans of Prince William’s Sound resemble each other, besides those

mentioned in this chapter by Captain Cook. The dress of the people of

Prince William’s Sound, as described by Captain Cook, also agrees with

that of the inhabitants of Schumagin’s Islands, discovered by Beering

in 1741. Muller’s words are, “Leur habillement étoit de boyaux de

baleines pour le haut du corps, et de peaux de chiens-marins pour le

bas.” _Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274.

Footnote 64:

Vol. i. p. 138.

Footnote 65:

See Crantz, vol. i. p. 150.

Footnote 66:

Vol. i. p. 146. He has also given a representation of them on a plate

there inserted.

Footnote 67:

The rattling-ball found by Steller, who attended Beering in 1741, at

no great distance from this Sound, seems to be for a similar use. See

Muller, p. 256.

Footnote 68:

We are also indebted to him for many remarks in this chapter,

interwoven with those of Captain Cook, as throwing considerable light

on many parts of his journal.

Footnote 69:

With regard to these numerals, Mr. Anderson observes, that the words

corresponding to ours, are not certain after passing _three_; and

therefore he marks those, about whose position he is doubtful, with a

point of interrogation.

Footnote 70:

In his Account of Kodjak, p. 32, 34.

Footnote 71:

There is a circumstance mentioned by Muller, in his account of

Beering’s voyage to the coast of America in 1741, which seems to

decide this question. His people found iron at the Schumagin Islands,

as may be fairly presumed from the following quotation. “Un seul homme

avoit un couteau pendu à sa ceinture, qui parut fort singulier à nos

gens par sa figure. Il étoit long de huit pouces, et fort épais, et

large à l’endroit où devoit être la pointe. On ne peut savoir quel

étoit l’usage de cet outil.” _Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274.

If there was iron amongst the natives on this part of the American

coast, prior to the discovery of it by the Russians, and before there

was any traffic with them carried on from Kamtschatka, what reason can

there be to make the least doubt of the people of Prince William’s

Sound, as well as those of Schumagin’s Islands, having got this metal

from the only probable source, the European settlements on the

north-east coast of this continent?

Footnote 72:

Captain Cook means Muller’s; of which a translation had been published

in London, some time before he sailed.

Footnote 73:

In naming this and Mount St. Augustin, Captain Cook was directed by

our Calendar.

Footnote 74:

Captain Cook having here left a blank which he had not filled up with

any particular name, Lord Sandwich directed, with the greatest

propriety, that it should be called _Cook’s River_.

Footnote 75:

_Tamannoi-ostrow_, c’est-à-dire, _L’isle Nebuleuse_. Muller, p. 261.

Footnote 76:

P. 153. Eng. Trans.

Footnote 77:

See an account of Kodiak, in Stæhlin’s New Northern Archipelago, p.

30. 39.

Footnote 78:

See Muller’s _Decouvertes des Russes_, p. 262. 277.

Footnote 79:

Mr. Anderson’s Journal seems to have been discontinued for about two

months before his death; the last date in his M. S. being of the third

of June.

Footnote 80:

Mr. Pennant, since Captain Cook wrote this, has described this animal

in a new work, which he calls _Arctic Zoology_, now ready for

publication. We have been favoured with his obliging communications on

this, and other particulars; and, therefore, refer the reader to the

_Arctic Zoology_, N^o. 72.

Footnote 81:

Avec le vent le plus favorable, on peut aller par mer de cette pointe

(des Tschuktschis) jusqu’à l’Anadir en trois fois 24 heures; & par

terre le chemin ne peut guère être plus long. Muller, p. 13.

Footnote 82:

Captain Cook gives it this name, having anchored in it on St.

Laurence’s day, August 10. It is remarkable, that Beering sailed past

this very place on the 10th of August, 1728; on which account, the

neighbouring island was named by him after the same Saint.

Footnote 83:

Vol. ii. p. 1016, &c.

Footnote 84:

Captain King has communicated the following account of his interview

with the same family. “On the 12th, while I attended the wooding

party, a canoe full of natives approached us; and, beckoning them to

land, an elderly man and woman came on shore. I gave this woman a

small knife, making her understand that I would give her a much larger

one for some fish. She made signs to me to follow her. I had proceeded

with them about a mile, when the man, in crossing a stony beach, fell

down, and cut his foot very much. This made me stop; upon which the

woman pointed to the man’s eyes, which I observed were covered with a

thick, white film. He afterward kept close to his wife, who apprized

him of the obstacles in his way. The woman had a little child on her

back, covered with the hood of her jacket; and which I took for a

bundle, till I heard it cry. At about two miles’ distance we came to

their open skin-boat, which was turned on its side, the convex part

toward the wind, and served for their house. I was now made to perform

a singular operation on the man’s eyes. First, I was directed to hold

my breath; afterward, to breathe on the diseased eyes; and next, to

spit on them. The woman then took both my hands, and pressing them to

his stomach, held them there for some time, while she related some

calamitous history of her family, pointing sometimes to her husband,

sometimes to a frightful cripple belonging to the family, and

sometimes to her child. I purchased all the fish they had, consisting

of a very fine salmon, salmon-trout, and mullet; which were delivered

most faithfully to the man I sent for them. The man was about five

feet two inches high, and well made; his colour of a light copper; his

hair black and short, and with little beard. He had two holes in his

under lip, but no ornaments in them. The woman was short and squat,

with a plump round face; wore a deer-skin jacket, with a large hood;

and had on wide boots. The teeth of both were black, and seemed as if

they had been filed down level with the gums. The woman was punctured

from the lip to the chin.”

Footnote 85:

Captain King has been so good as to communicate his instructions on

this occasion, and the particulars of the fatigue he underwent in

carrying them into execution:

“You are to proceed to the northward as far as the extreme point we

saw on Wednesday last, or a little further, if you think it necessary;

land there, and endeavour, from the heights, to discover whether the

land you are then upon, supposed to be the island of Alaschka, is

really an island, or joins to the land on the east, supposed to be the

continent of America. If the former, you are to satisfy yourself with

the depth of water in the channel between them, and which way the

flood-tide comes. But if you find the two lands connected, lose no

time in sounding; but make the best of your way back to the ship,

which you will find at anchor near the point of land we anchored under

on Friday last. If you perceive any likelihood of a change of weather

for the worse, you are, in that case, to return to the ship, although

you have not performed the service you are sent upon. And, at any

rate, you are not to remain longer upon it than four or five days; but

the sooner it is done the better. If any unforeseen or unavoidable

accident should force the ships off the coast, so that they cannot

return at a reasonable time, the rendezvous is at the harbour of

Samganoodha; that is, the place where we last completed our water.

“_To Lieutenant King._”

“JAMES COOK.”

“Our cutter being hoisted out, and the signal made for the

Discovery’s, at eight at night, on the 14th, we set out. It was a

little unlucky that the boats’ crews had been much fatigued during the

whole day in bringing things from the shore. They pulled stoutly,

without rest or intermission, toward the land, till one o’clock in the

morning of the 15th. I wanted much to have got close to it, to have

had the advantage of the wind, which had very regularly, in the

evening, blown from the land, and in the day-time down the sound, from

the N. N. E., and was contrary to our course; but the men were, at

this time, too much fatigued to press them farther. We therefore set

our sails, and stood across the bay, which the coast forms to the west

of Bald Head, and steered for it. But, as I expected, by three

o’clock, the wind headed us; and, as it was in vain to endeavour to

fetch Bald Head with our sails, we again took to the oars. The

Discovery’s boat (being a heavy king’s-built cutter, while ours was

one from Deal) had, in the night-time, detained us very much, and now

we soon pulled out of sight of her; nor would I wait, being in great

hopes to reach the extreme point that was in sight, time enough to

ascend the heights before dark, as the weather was at this time

remarkably clear and fine; and we could see to a great distance. By

two o’clock we had got within two miles of Bald Head, under the lee of

the high land, and in smooth water; but at the moment our object was

nearly attained, all the men, but two, were so overcome with fatigue

and sleep, that my utmost endeavours to make them put on were

ineffectual. They, at length, dropped their oars, quite exhausted, and

fell asleep in the bottom of the boat. Indeed, considering that they

had set out fatigued, and had now been sixteen hours out of the

eighteen since they left the ship, pulling in a poppling sea, it was

no wonder that their strength and spirits should be worn out for want

of sleep and refreshments. The two gentlemen who were with me, and

myself, were now obliged to lay hold of the oars, and by a little

after three, we landed between the Bald Head and a projecting point to

the eastward.”

Footnote 86:

Afterwards Lord Grantley.

Footnote 87:

See the little that is known of Synd’s voyage, accompanied with a

chart, in Mr. Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, p. 300.

Footnote 88:

The latest expedition of this kind, taken notice of by Muller, was in

1724. But in justice to Mr. Ismyloff, it may be proper to mention,

which is done on the authority of a MS., communicated by Mr. Pennant,

and the substance of which has been published by Mr. Coxe, that, so

late as 1768, the Governor of Siberia sent three young officers over

the ice in sledges, to the islands opposite the mouth of the Kovyma.

There seems no reason for not supposing, that a subsequent expedition

of this sort might also be undertaken in 1773. Mr. Coxe, p. 324,

places the expedition on sledges in 1764; but Mr. Pennant’s MS. may be

depended upon.

Footnote 89:

English translation, p. 83, 84.

Footnote 90:

A Russian ship had been at Kodiack, in 1776; as appears from a MS.

obligingly communicated by Mr. Pennant.

Footnote 91:

Stæhlin’s New Northern Archipelago, p. 15.

Footnote 92:

36lb.

Footnote 93:

The Russians began to frequent Oonalashka in 1762. See _Coxe’s Russian

Discoveries_, ch. viii. p. 80.

Footnote 94:

See the particulars of hostilities between the Russians and natives,

in Coxe, as cited above.

Footnote 95:

Mr. Coxe’s description of the habitations of the natives of

Oonalashka, and the other Fox Islands, in general, agrees with Captain

Cook’s. See _Russian Discoveries_, p. 149. See also _Histoire des

différents Peuples soumis à la Domination des Russes_, par M.

Levesque, tom. i. p. 40, 41.

Footnote 96:

History of Kamtschatka. Eng. Trans. p. 160.

Footnote 97:

History of Kamtschatka, p. 99.

Footnote 98:

It will be found, amongst other vocabularies, at the end of the

seventh volume.

Footnote 99:

Cook’s River.

Footnote 100:

On the chart of Krenitzen’s and Levasheff’s voyage, in 1768 and 1769,

which we find in Mr. Coxe’s book, p. 251., an island call Amuckta, is

laid down, not very far from the place assigned to Amoghta by Captain

Cook.

Footnote 101:

Though this rock had no place in the Russian map produced by Ismyloff,

it has a place in the chart of Krenitzen’s and Levasheff’s voyage,

above referred to. The chart also agrees with Captain Cook’s, as to

the general position of this group of islands. The singularly indented

shores of the island of Oonalashka are represented in both charts much

alike; these circumstances are worth attending to, as the more modern

Russian maps of this Archipelago are so wonderfully erroneous.

Footnote 102:

Captain Cook may, in part, be right in his comparison of some cordage

used in the king’s service, with what is used in that of the

merchants; especially in time of war, when part of the cordage wanted

in the navy is, from necessity, made by contract. But it is well

known, that there is no better cordage than what is made in the king’s

yards. This explanation of the preceding paragraph has been subjoined,

on the authority of a naval officer of distinguished rank, and great

professional ability, who has, at the same time, recommended it as a

necessary precaution, that ships fitted out on voyages of discovery,

should be furnished with no cordage but what is made in the king’s

yards; and, indeed, that every article of their store, of every kind,

should be the best that can be made.

Transcriber’s Note

This book uses inconsistent spelling and hyphenation, which were

retained in the ebook version. Some corrections have been made to the

text, including normalizing punctuation. Further corrections are noted

below:

p. 4: veered to to the east -> veered to the east

p. 6: parts of the the coast -> parts of the coast

p. 7: and and having already -> and having already

p. 9: morning of of the 12th -> morning of the 12th

p. 14: and and the extent -> and the extent

p. 14: he sovereign of Tiaraboo -> the sovereign of Tiaraboo

p. 22: a party of us acompanied -> a party of us accompanied

p. 46: and and several other women -> and several other women

p. 52: and some otheir chiefs -> and some other chiefs

p. 62: a small pig, and a plaintain-tree -> a small pig, and a

plantain-tree

p. 63: the principal priest uncoverd -> the principal priest uncovered

p. 76: apprehensions of mishief from us -> apprehensions of mischief

from us

p. 87: waited some some time -> waited some time

p. 96: He had picked up at Otatheite -> He had picked up at Otaheite

p. 97: to enclose it intirely -> to enclose it entirely

p. 110: till we sould arrive -> till we should arrive

p. 111: My. Bayly -> Mr. Bayly

p. 113: a great plan of opertions -> a great plan of operations

p. 121: of of its inhabitants -> of its inhabitants

p. 128: The foregoing narative -> The foregoing narrative

Footnote 18: Captain Cook’s first vogage -> Captain Cook’s first voyage

p. 139 I met with with -> I met with

p. 148: large share of its happines -> large share of its happiness

p. 160: of a less geneneral nature -> of a less general nature

p. 169: which lies betwen the two channels -> which lies between the two

channels

p. 177: I immediatey brought-to -> I immediately brought-to

p. 211: appear to to have -> appear to have

p. 215: or there position -> or their position

p. 215: wich is laid on slender poles -> which is laid on slender poles

p. 217: though a disagreable mess -> though a disagreeable mess

p. 222: should find a a bit of iron -> should find a bit of iron

p, 222: of those neigbouring Islands -> of those neighbouring Islands

p. 229: expose any other anima -> expose any other animal

p. 233: After the discovery had joined us -> After the Discovery had

joined us

p. 265: the ills that bounded it -> the hills that bounded it

p. 310: was loosing on mean time -> was losing on mean time

p. 328: stepped into into their boats -> stepped into their boats

p. 357: down the the inlet -> down the inlet

p. 358: in every repect -> in every respect

p. 373: Two-headed headed Point -> Two-headed Point

p. 385: In the afternooon -> In the afternoon

p. 386: extended to to the S. W. -> extended to the S. W.

p. 387: near the the southern shore -> near the southern shore

p. 396: for their was no wind -> for there was no wind

p. 398: it was was narrow -> it was narrow

p. 399: we seered back to the southward -> we steered back to the

southward

p. 402: Mr. Stæehlin -> Mr. Stæhlin

p. 406: both were detrmined -> both were determined

p. 409: OF THE VOVAGE -> OF THE VOYAGE

p. 434: the chart prefixed to his cook -> the chart prefixed to his book

p. 440: cut this foot very much -> cut his foot very much

p. 449: So that beteen this latitude -> so that between this latitude

p. 453: and once a a halibut -> and once a halibut

p. 459: had been had been corrected -> had been corrected

p. 459: in the bottom of the the gulf -> in the bottom of the gulf

p. 500: plying off and and on -> plying off and on