Columbus pushed forward preparations for his voyage, and finally set
sail. Did not Amerigo, then, send a sigh after him and his caravels,
and think regretfully of his maps, his charts, globes, and nautical
instruments lying dusty and disused in Florence? They were more to him
than anything else in the world. With their aid, and countenanced by
royal favor, _he_ might have been the fortunate one to adventure upon
the ocean, and seek the unknown regions which he was positive lay
there veiled from human sight. But he was pledged to repair the family
fortune, he was committed to the interests of his employers, and even
if the suggestion of embarking on a voyage of discovery came to him he
could not entertain it for an instant. He could not then; but perhaps
opportunity might yet offer, he thought, and so sent for his books,
charts, and instruments, in order to perfect himself in cosmography
and nautical science. He became so proficient that some years after he
was appointed by King Ferdinand pilot-major of Spain, and even the
charts that Columbus made were brought to him for correction or
verification.
The months went by, spent by Columbus in "making history," by Vespucci
in lading ships for others to sail in, and in the intervals of
business poring over his books and charts. At last, in the spring of
1493, one day a courier came dashing into Seville with the news of
Columbus's return, by way of Portugal, a letter having arrived from
Lisbon addressed to the sovereigns, and another for Santangel,
secretary to the king. Then Vespucci knew his opportunity had taken
flight, for the New World had been discovered, the glory belonged to
Columbus!
Soon after the return of the voyagers to Palos, he may have seen the
triumphal procession led by Columbus to Barcelona, and probably had
speech with him and with some of his sailors. He saw the six Indians
who had been made captive in the islands and were brought to Seville,
for they remained there some time while Columbus was awaiting orders
from Barcelona. A letter from the sovereigns came at last, addressed
to "Don Cristobal Colon, Admiral of the Ocean Sea and Viceroy of the
Indies," which probably Amerigo himself perused--with what a sickening
of heart may be imagined--for it contained a memorandum from the
sovereigns referring to the equipment of a second expedition, and his
firm received the contract. Vespucci was then connected with the house
of Berardi (having left the employ of the Medici), either as
contracting agent or partner. Whatever relation he stood in to the
firm, it was a most responsible one, for to him was committed the
furnishing of a large fleet without delay.
It was about the last of March, or early in April, that Columbus
delivered to him the order from the king and queen, and then set out
for Barcelona overland. He arrived there duly, to be received with
almost royal honors, and meanwhile the house of Berardi, under the
active supervision of Vespucci, was busy with the preparation of the
fleet. Ships were sought and chartered; caravels built, bought, and
repaired; munitions provided and crews of sailors assembled, which
Vespucci was obliged to hold and keep together against the sailing of
the squadron.
And what was the personal appearance of these two great navigators,
thus so strangely brought into business relations, and whose fame in
after times was to fill the world? Although there is no portrait
existing of Columbus which we can affirm to be authentic, still verbal
portraits have been left by his contemporaries which convey to us the
impression that the "Admiral" was tall and stalwart, dignified in
bearing, with fair complexion, blue eyes, and hair then silvery gray.
Amerigo Vespucci was his exact opposite, in superficial
characteristics, for he was under rather than above the middle height,
"thick-set and brawny," with a dark complexion, black hair mixed with
gray, and flashing black eyes. An authentic portrait, painted at a
later date, shows him with head nearly bald, encircled only by a
fringe of hair, prominent cheek-bones, aquiline nose, a firm, sweet
mouth, and without the thick black beard he wore when he first met
Columbus. His temper was mild, while that of Columbus was hasty,
though firmly controlled, save on a few occasions when, tried beyond
measure, it burst its bounds and swept away all opposition. But both
great men were courteous in speech, the dignified demeanor of Columbus
commanding admiration, while the modesty of Vespucci won the
friendship of all with whom he came in contact.
The following dialogue between the two, or the purport of it, is
thought to have taken place soon after the return of Columbus from
Barcelona, either at Cadiz or Seville. It was but natural that the two
should meet, that they should exchange views and compare notes, for,
while Columbus had made the great discovery--through having been the
first to apply the theories of Toscanelli and the ancients--Vespucci
had for many years been thinking on the subject, and had enjoyed the
friendship of the physicist, whom both revered. Whether this
conversation is apocryphal or not, at least it embodies the divergent
views of the two, and does no violence to their sentiments, as can be
shown by their writings. It is adapted from Lester's _Americus
Vespucius_.
Having with him, it is believed, the charts and books from which he
deduced his theories, Vespucci probably invited Columbus to his
lodgings, where the two spent many an hour in good-natured
controversy. Nearly twenty years had elapsed since the learned doctor
sent the chart and letter to Columbus, and now the latter, with the
laurels of the great "discovery" on his brow, was to engage in
argument with the person best acquainted with his life-work--who had
followed it from its very inception, and who was to enjoy its usufruct
forever.
Let us try to imagine them within the walls of Vespucci's
house--whether in golden Seville or crystal Cadiz cannot be told; but
it is easy to find one like it to-day, for the architecture of neither
city has changed much since that time. The house is of stone, with
thick white walls and roof of tiles. The rooms are large and dreary,
but open on a court, or Moorish patio, around which they are ranged,
and where a fountain tinkles merrily. The floor of Vespucci's room is
tiled and damp, the furniture is scanty, but in the centre of the
apartment is a large and massive table, upon which are spread his
charts, while a globe--perhaps one of Behaim's, recently
constructed--stands in a corner.
The arrival of the distinguished stranger at Vespucci's modest
lodgings causes a flutter of excitement, not only in the household,
but in the street, which is lined with gaping citizens, anxious to see
the new admiral, who has already taken on the dignities of his
station, is costumed in velvet, wears a sword at his side, and is
accompanied by a retinue of hired retainers. Vespucci, on the
contrary, shows no ostentation in his garb, for he is but a man of
business, and, entirely unconscious of any discrepancy in their
apparel, conducts his guest to the room where lie his treasures.
To the credit of Columbus, it should be said, he sees in Vespucci only
the man of science, the student, the cosmographer, and, with the
gentle dignity inseparable from this man who had appeared before
kings and at courts, he compliments his host upon his collection.
They are soon in earnest consultation, scanning the sea-charts,
quoting authorities, advancing theories, becoming so absorbed as to
ignore the yawning hangers-on of the admiral's staff, who soon retire,
one after another, leaving the two geographers alone.
Finally, Columbus says, looking up from the chart upon which he had
been sketching the route of his voyage:
"It grieves me much, worthy Signor Vespucci, to learn from our friend
the Signor Berardi that you do not estimate as I do the result of our
recent navigation to the west. With your well-known skill in
cosmography, I fear me, you combine more of doubt than would be
becoming to a Christian navigator."
"Your excellency mistakes my views greatly, or has been misinformed of
them," replies Vespucci, courteously. "Far from undervaluing the
effect of the discoveries which your genius has accomplished, I am the
rather disposed to place a greater estimate upon them than does the
Admiral Colon himself. If I judged them in the light in which they are
viewed by the most of those who hope to profit by them, then, indeed,
the imputation would be just; but I look not to such things, and well
I know that your own mind is above them."
"In that respect you only do me justice. If I look for gain in aught
that I have undertaken, it is only that I may devote it to a holy
purpose. Have I not, even within the last few days, recorded my solemn
oath that I would, in the event of my prosperous arrival at the court
of the grand khan--whom, by the favor of God, I hope to convert to the
true faith--employ the riches I shall acquire in the equipment of a
force of four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, for the recovery
of the holy sepulchre from the hands of the infidels? I am unwilling
to think that your speech tends to the end of imputing to me mercenary
motives; but wherein do we differ? Is not the way opened, and will not
the intercourse I mean to establish with the pagan monarch contribute
greatly to the purpose I keep ever in view? The holy father at Rome
himself lends me encouragement in my undertaking, and regards with
approbation my efforts to lead into the true Church so mighty a
potentate."
"With all the deference that is due to your excellency's superior
wisdom and experience, I would state that therein lies the very point
of our difference. I deem it by no means certain that your ships have
touched the territories of the grand khan at all, but rather land that
has hitherto been alike unknown to him and to us. Thousands of leagues
may yet intervene between that land and his dominions, whether of sea
or earth remains to be discovered; and I judge in this wise as well
from the accounts of cosmographers who have written on the subject, as
from the description of the barbarous natives which you yourself have
fallen in with in recent discoveries.
"The accounts of those who have penetrated to distant regions of the
East lead us to understand that the subjects of the grand khan live in
the midst of the most profuse wealth and luxury, and bedeck themselves
with superfine garments, gold, and jewelry. These people, however, are
wild and naked, little if any superior to the beasts, and cannot, I
think, be in any wise connected with a monarch of such magnificence.
My own thoughts carry me to the conviction that there exists near unto
the lands you have visited an immense country, which may possibly
belong to and be part of the grand khan's dominions, though I doubt if
such be the case. Marco Polo himself speaks of an island lying far out
in the ocean which washes the eastern shores of Asia--the great
Cipango, abounding in riches and precious stones, which has never been
subdued by the sovereign of Cathay, although he has made attempts to
conquer it. This island I deem it necessary to discover, in the first
place; then, even after it is circumnavigated or passed over--and the
last may be the easier way--a voyage of long duration will still have
to be accomplished before the empire of Cathay is reached. When I
speak of a passage over this unknown island, I do so in view of its
great extent, as I estimate it to be of such size that it might more
properly be designated _Terra Firma_,[9] being, according to my
calculations, as large as, if not larger than, the whole of Europe.
And herein do I estimate most highly the worth of the discoveries
which your excellency has made, and their importance to this realm, as
it will now be comparatively easy to pass the lands you have fallen
in with by sailing either in a more northerly or a more southerly
direction, in either case striking the country I have in my mind."
"Nay, nay, good Signor Vespucci. I have the confidence in my heart
that you are mistaken. I feel, indeed, persuaded, by the many and
wonderful manifestations of divine Providence in my especial favor,
that I am the chosen instrument of God in bringing to pass a great
event: no less than the conversion of millions who are now existing in
the darkness of paganism. I would, indeed, provide for the good of the
poor natives we have already met, as well by building cities on their
islands and cultivating their lands, as by the erection of churches
and the establishment of Christian worship. But I would by no means
forget the greater end in view--namely, that of bringing to bear upon
the infidels the wealth and power of the vast kingdom of Cathay, that
thus being encompassed, by the armies from Europe on the one side, and
by the innumerable hosts of Asia on the other, they may be utterly
destroyed, and the tomb of our Lord be again placed in the possession
of the true believers.... In these things I marvel much at your
incredulity, Signor Vespucci, seeing that you have often had
opportunities of conversing with the learned physicist Paolo, your own
countryman--peace to his ashes!--who in his lifetime so nearly
coincided with me in opinion."
"I have, indeed, as your excellency observes, oftentimes disputed and
argued with the venerable Toscanelli, and to him is due much of the
little knowledge I have been able to acquire in cosmography and
astronomy. But from him I also learned that the descriptions which are
given by Marco Polo were considered by many wise men as not altogether
beyond the reach of doubt. If, then, he is in error in some
particulars, how shall we draw the line, and say wherein he speaks the
truth of his own knowledge? And how could he know the distance which
exists between Cathay and the western shores of Europe, save by
hearsay, and the reports of mariners on that unknown shore, who
themselves must have been falsifiers, as it is well known that not one
of them has ever appeared here who might have estimated the distance?
I cannot, then, think that we are so near to Cathay as your excellency
supposes, and had much rather follow the opinion that you have
possibly approached the shore that has been hitherto represented as
inaccessible to mortals."
"You speak of the paradise, which so many sound and able divines
assert to be still in existence on earth."
"I do, though not so firmly believing in the relation as they do. If
there be such a place existing, as described by the learned St. Basil,
methinks it must be near unto those balmy isles which you have
discovered, so similar in climate and in verdancy."
"Such, in sooth, has often been my opinion, and I deem it not to be
inconsistent with the other, which holds to the proximity of Cathay.
Oh, that I might, through the grace of God and intercession of the
saints, ever arrive at that blessed spot, where all is happiness and
beauty; where the harmonious songs of birds ever fall gratefully on
the ear; where the air is filled with the fragrance of flowers, and a
perpetual spring, combining with its own beauties those of every other
season of the year, continually prevails; where the limpid waters flow
smoothly and gently, or gush forth in purest fountains; where all is
suggestive of perennial youth, and decay and death are unknown!
"But I perceive, Signor, that you are incredulous, as to this region
of bliss, and even smile at my belief. Remember, then, that herein I
only follow the opinions of the wise and learned fathers of our
Church, but that in regard to Cathay I am supported by ample proof,
from the discoveries of travellers and the relations of
cosmographers."
"I am ever willing to yield to proofs; but methinks that the
foundation of the error under which your excellency seems to labor is
this: that you do not make sufficient allowance for exaggeration in
the accounts of the great traveller Marco Polo. It appears to me that
he has deceived himself as to the extent to which he penetrated
Cathay, and that he has thereby carried out the eastern coast too far
into the ocean. That being so, the learned Paolo, my countryman, in
following him, finds it necessary to shorten the extent of ocean which
intervenes between Cathay and Europe, in order to render accurate his
estimate of the circumference of the globe."
"I note your objections, but cannot deem them correct, and yet hope to
deliver the letters of my sovereigns, with which I was charged in my
recent voyage, to the grand khan in person. But let us examine this
question of longitude, for therein I am interested deeply, and have
small doubt that I can turn you to my opinions."
"Most gladly will I do so, most noble admiral, for I am strongly moved
to tempt the ocean myself, in the hope of adding something to the
knowledge of mariners."
Within four or five years from the conjectural date of this dialogue,
Vespucci made his first voyage, and saw for himself some of those
"isles of paradise" which had so charmed Columbus. This was either in
the year 1497 or 1499, depending upon whether we accept his own
statement or the opinion of those who have challenged the authenticity
of his narrative.
FOOTNOTES:
[9] In this sense, the main-land, or continent, as opposed to islands,
the Latin form, _terra_, is almost invariably used by the Spaniards,
instead of _tierra_.
VI
VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE
1497-1498
It has been said that the house of Berardi, with which Vespucci was
connected as a partner, outfitted the large fleet for the second
voyage of Columbus in 1493; but this is true only in the sense that it
served the crown in the capacity of sub-contractor. The real head of
Indian affairs was the archdeacon of Seville, Juan Rodriguez de
Fonseca, who first rose to prominence at this time as general
superintendent of all the New-World business, and for thirty years
controlled the same. Invested by King Ferdinand with great, almost
unlimited, power, he has the credit of having founded the royal India
house, which was of such importance in the colonizing of new
territory, and by the favor of which alone any voyage of discovery
could be projected and carried to a successful conclusion.
Fonseca has been held up to obloquy by the admirable eulogist of
Columbus, Mr. Irving, "as a warning example of those perfidious beings
in office, who too often lie like worms at the root of honorable
enterprise, blighting by their unseen influence the fruits of glorious
action and disappointing the hopes of nations." This denunciation he
incurred by thwarting the schemes of Columbus, in their minor details
at first, afterwards becoming his open and determined enemy. The first
instance in which the two great men fell out occurred when Fonseca
opposed the pretensions of Columbus and attempted to check his
extravagance in the matter of personal retinue. Among other
requisitions which Columbus sent in, those for ten footmen and twenty
menials for his domestic establishment were objected to by the
superintendent as superfluous.
In connection with the treasurer, Francisco Pinelo, and the
_contador_, Juan de Soria, Fonseca used his utmost efforts to raise
the necessary funds for the expedition, to provide for the vast
expenses of which, says Mr. Irving himself, "the royal revenue arising
from two-thirds of the Church tithes was placed at the disposition of
Pinelo; and other funds were drawn from a disgraceful source--from
the jewels and other valuables, the sequestrated property of the
unfortunate Jews, banished from the kingdom according to a bigoted
edict of the previous year. As these sources were still inadequate,
Pinelo was authorized to supply the deficiency by a loan. Requisitions
were likewise made for provisions of all kinds, as well as for
artillery, powder, muskets, lances, corselets, and crossbows.... The
military stores which had accumulated during the war with the Moors of
Granada furnished a great part of these supplies."
Having great difficulty, therefore, in meeting the really needful
demands of the expedition, it was quite natural that Fonseca should
desire to cut down those he deemed extravagant, and it must be
admitted that among these he might rightfully class the requisitions
of Columbus intended merely to support his newly acquired dignity as
admiral and grandee. He was supported by the sovereigns, however, and
Fonseca was rebuked for denying him anything he desired. He was
reminded that the expedition was intended solely to extend the power
and prestige of the crown, and that but for Columbus it would never
have been assembled, hence he was to study his wishes and comply with
his demands. This implied reproof cut the haughty prelate to the
heart, and from these trivial differences, remarks Mr. Irving, "we
must date the rise of that singular hostility which he ever afterwards
manifested towards Columbus, which every year increased in rancor, and
which he gratified in the most invidious manner by secretly
multiplying impediments and vexations in his path."
But for the fact that this enmity existing between Fonseca and
Columbus made possible the first voyage of Amerigo Vespucci, we should
not feel called upon to more than mention the first named in
connection with an expedition in which all three were so deeply
interested. The fleet finally sailed away, pursued by the maledictions
of Fonseca, and followed by the heart-felt longings of Vespucci. Some
historians have stated that the Florentine sailed with Columbus on
this second voyage; but there are no records to prove this assertion,
and he himself never made the claim. We have every reason for
believing that he continued in his employment as purveyor to the crown
and contractor for the furnishing of fleets, with his residence
sometimes at Seville and sometimes at Cadiz, as occasion demanded, the
office of the India house being at the former city, and the port of
customs and sailing at the latter. He was, undoubtedly, brought into
more or less intimate contact with Fonseca, whose supervision of
colonial affairs and control of expeditionary fleets demanded his
constant attention for many years. He probably appreciated such a man
as Vespucci, whose even temper and mastery of detail, combined with
great sagacity and learning, were invaluable to the man who was
building up a government beyond the ocean. They were nearly of the
same age--Fonseca having been born in 1441--and at this time in the
fulness of their natural powers.
Just what Vespucci was doing in the two years succeeding to the
departure of Columbus is not definitely known; but in December, 1495,
we find him actively engaged in settling the estate of Juan Berardi,
who had died in that month and year. He was then, it appears, the most
influential if not the sole member of the firm then resident in Spain,
and after Berardi's death he undertook and carried out the contracts
entered into by the senior partner with the government.
About three hundred years after the death of Vespucci, some ancient
documents were discovered by a Spanish historian, in which it was
shown that on January 12, 1496, the royal treasurer, Pinelo, had paid
to Vespucci the sum of ten thousand maravedis on account. He advanced
pay and furnished subsistence for the mariners of an expedition which
sailed on February 3, 1496, and was wrecked two weeks later, with the
loss of several lives. The fragmentary records also show, apparently,
that in the year 1497 and the early part of 1498, Vespucci was "busily
engaged at Seville and San Lucar, in the equipment of the fleet with
which Columbus sailed on his third voyage"; and yet, according to a
letter which he wrote a former friend in 1504, he was himself upon the
ocean at that very time, seeking to rival Columbus in the discovery of
a continent!
The exact truth may never be learned as to this reputed voyage of
Vespucci, which he calls his "first," and which his enemies say was
never made! It seems incredible that he should be the "sole authority"
for this voyage, and that all contemporary history "is absolutely
silent in regard to it"; yet, so far as we can ascertain, it is the
truth. Leaving for future discussion, however, the proof and disproof
of this voyage--merely pausing to remark that at the period mentioned
a man holding his relations to Fonseca would have had no difficulty in
obtaining permission to make such a voyage, even without the sanction
of royal authority--we will now peruse the famous letter. It is
addressed to "Piero Soderini, Perpetual Gonfaloniere of the Republic
of Florence," and was written in 1504.