Marco was sent off on another mission, this time by sea, and,

discovering that there was direct communication between Cathay and the

Indies, he entreated the khan to allow the Polos to go on a voyage,

promising faithfully that they would return after a short stay with

their friends in Venice. The old khan gave his consent reluctantly,

overwhelming them with gifts at their departure, among other things

giving them a tablet of gold, on which were engraved his orders to all

the subjects in his vast dominions to provide guides, escorts,

pilots--every convenience for their voyage and journey--without cost.

He also authorized them to serve as his ambassadors to the pope and

other European potentates, presented them with many precious stones,

including rubies of great value, and money enough to defray their

expenses for at least two years. From all this it will be seen that

the grand khan was a very munificent prince, whose deeds must have

made a lasting impression upon the minds of the generation in which he

lived.

Fourteen large vessels were contained in the fleet he furnished the

Polos, for with them was embarked, with a train of ambassadors, a

noble maiden of Cathay who was to become the bride of a "king of the

Indies" known as Argon. The voyage was so protracted that the king had

died before she reached her destination, and whose bride she became

was never known to the Polos, though they faithfully acquitted

themselves of their charge, and then continued on towards the

frontiers of Persia. Two years had been consumed in voyaging to Java,

Sumatra, and along the coast of southern India. Three more elapsed

before they finally reached their native city, in 1295, after an

absence of nearly twenty-five years. Nobody in Venice knew them then,

except by name, for Niccolo and his brother were advanced in age,

and Marco had grown from a boy to manhood, while in their dress and

manners they were more like Tartars than Venetians, and had almost

completely lost their native speech.

[Illustration: MARCO POLO]

Many of their former friends and relations were dead, and the

survivors were at first inclined to denounce them as impostors, until

the fertile imagination of Marco hit upon an expedient. They were

invited to a magnificent banquet, at which the three Polos appeared

arrayed in robes of crimson velvet, which, after their guests had

arrived, they threw off and gave to their attendants. Then, after the

last course was served, they produced from their queer Tartarian

garments, which they ripped open for the purpose, precious gems by the

handful, and displayed them to the astonished guests as their

credentials.

They were promptly received into the best Venetian society, Maffei,

the uncle, being appointed a magistrate, and Niccolo, the father,

espousing a beautiful young lady. Such Polos as still bear the

name--if there are any--must have descended from the children born of

this second marriage, for though Marco himself took a wife, several

years later, he left no male children to inherit the vast wealth that

gave him the title, in Venice, of "Marco Millioni."

It was about three years after his return to Venice that Marco fell

into the hands of the Genoese, and a little later that, as narrated,

he wrote the story of his travels. His books abound in romantic

adventures, and many, probably, that are fabulous; but that it stamped

itself upon the times in which he lived and those of succeeding

generations, has been shown already. Nearly two hundred years after

the story was written, we find the Spaniards seeking the great island

of Cipango, of which the following is Marco Polo's description:

"This is a very large island, fifteen hundred miles from the

continent [of Asia]. The people are fair, handsome, and of

agreeable manners. They are idolaters, and live quite

separate from all other nations. Gold is very abundant, and

no man being allowed to export it, while no merchant goes

thence to the main-land, the people accumulate a vast

amount. But I, Marco Polo, will give you a wonderful account

of a very large palace all covered with that metal, as our

churches are with lead. The pavements of its court, the

halls, windows, and every other part, have it laid on two

inches thick, so that the riches of this palace are

incalculable. Here are also pearls, large and of equal value

with the white, with many other precious stones.

"Kublai, on hearing of this amazing wealth, desired to

conquer the island, and sent two of his barons with a very

large fleet containing warriors, both horsemen and on foot.

They sailed from Zaitun and Quinsai, reached the isle,

landed, and took possession of the plain and of a number of

houses; but they were unable to take any city or castle,

when a sad misadventure occurred. A storm threatened and

some of the troops were embarked; but about thirty thousand

were left upon a small and barren island by the sailing of

the ships. The sovereign and the people of the larger island

rejoiced greatly when they saw the host thus scattered and

many of them cast upon the islet. As soon as the sea calmed

they assembled a great number of ships, sailed thither and

landed, hoping to capture all those refugees. But when the

latter saw that their enemies had disembarked, leaving the

vessels unguarded, they skilfully retreated to another

quarter and continued moving about till they reached the

ships, when they went aboard without any opposition. They

then sailed direct for the principal island, where they

hoisted its own standards and ensigns.

"On seeing these, the people believed their own countrymen

had returned, and allowed them to enter the city. Finding it

defended only by old men, the Tartars soon drove them out,

retaining the women as slaves. When the king and his

warriors saw themselves thus deceived and their city

captured, they were like to die of grief; but they assembled

other ships, and invested it so closely as to prevent all

communication. The Tartars maintained themselves thus seven

months, and planned day and night how they might convey

tidings to their master of their condition; but finding this

impossible, they agreed with the besiegers to surrender,

securing only their lives. This took place in the year 1269.

"The grand khan ordered one of the commanders of the host

that had returned to lose his head, and the other to be sent

to the isle where he had caused the loss of so many men, and

there put to death. I have to relate, also, a very wonderful

thing: that these two barons took a number of persons in a

castle of Cipango, and because they had refused to surrender

ordered all their heads to be cut off. But there were eight

on whom they could not execute this sentence, because these

wore consecrated stones in their arms, between the skin and

the flesh, which so enchanted them that they could not die

by steel. They were therefore beaten to death with clubs,

and the stones, being extracted, were held very precious.

But I must leave this matter and go on with the narrative."

FOOTNOTES:

[6] The first printing-press in America was set up in Mexico in 1535,

the first book printed on it was probably _La Escala de San Juan

Climaco_, date 1536, and the first printer was Juan Pablos. The oldest

existing example of this first Mexican printing is said to be the

_Manual de Adultos_, bearing date 1540.

IV

IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN

1490

Before we revert to the real hero of this biography, let us seek to

identify the various names we find in Marco Polo's book, and in

Toscanelli's letter to Columbus, with the objects to which they were

applied. We will imagine ourselves with the first-named in far Cathay,

with the second in his library at Florence, and with the third as he

gropes his way along the shores of islands for the first time then

revealed to European eyes.

If Columbus had known--what we now know--that thousands of miles

intervened between the places he was seeking and those to which he

misapplied their names, he would not have died in the belief that he

had discovered a new way to the Old World. To anticipate a little what

will be revealed later in the unfolding of this story: it was Amerigo

Vespucci, and not Columbus, who first applied to this newly discovered

hemisphere the title _Mundus Novus_, or New World. However, we will

not discuss that question now, but merely remark that _Cathay_ was

identical with northern China, while _Mangi_ was the southern

territory of that vast empire which, in Marco Polo's time, was in

possession of Kublai Khan. _Chambalu_, or Peking, was its capital,

while the "most noble and vast city of _Quinsay_," or Cansay, is the

ancient _King-sze_ connected with Peking by the grand canal.

The large island of _Cipango_, or _Zipangu_, outlying upon the coast

of Cathay, was probably Japan, or Formosa; though its golden-tiled

temples may never have been seen by the Polos, nor its red pearls have

come into their hands. Forty years after Columbus began his vain

search, Pizarro found and plundered the gold-plated temples of Cuzco,

which were as rich as any described by Marco Polo in his account of

Cipango; and in the Bahamas archipelago, through which the Spaniards

passed in the voyage of 1492, precious pink pearls have been

discovered in great numbers and of surpassing beauty.

Vasco da Gama, in 1497, was to open the way by water to the vast

Oriental seas--to Calicut and Cathay--but until the last quarter of

the fifteenth century the commerce of the eastern hemisphere depended

mainly upon transportation by land. "Voyages of much extent were

almost unknown, and the mariner confined himself to inland waters, or

hovered along the shores of the great Western Ocean, without venturing

out of sight of land.... The thriving republics of Italy were the

carriers of the world. For many centuries their citizens were almost

the only agents for commercial communication with the countries of the

East. Venice and Genoa maintained establishments on the farthest

shores of the Mediterranean and Black seas.

"Immense caravans crossed the deserts of Arabia and Egypt, their

camels laden with the costly fabrics of the Indies, which were

received by the Italian traders from the hands of the Mahometans and

distributed over Europe. Here and there upon the deserts a green

oasis, with its bubbling spring or rippling rivulet, served these

mighty trains for a resting-place, where man and beast halted to

recover from the fatigues of their weary journeys. Occasionally, on

these spots where the soil was of sufficient fertility to sustain a

population, villages grew up. In rarer instances and in earlier ages,

large cities had been built upon these stopping-places and were for

the time the centres of the traffic.... Travellers of the present day

occasionally visit their sites, and tell wonderful tales of the

gigantic ruins of some Baalbec or Palmyra of the wilderness.

"It was not to be supposed that the shrewd spirit of mercantile

enterprise and speculation would remain dormant in this state of

affairs. Traders in every part of Europe were alive to the advantages

to be derived from the discovery of a new route of transportation.

Several efforts were made, and in some cases attended with immense

profit and success, to communicate with India by the long and arduous

journey round the Black Sea, and through the almost unexplored regions

of Circassia and Georgia. The far-off shores of the Caspian were

reached by some travelling traders, and the geographical knowledge

they circulated on their return gave a new impulse to the growing

spirit of adventure. Apocryphal as the narratives of Marco Polo and

Mandeville appeared, there was a sufficient mixture of truth with

exaggeration to stimulate the minds of men, ever greedy of gain, and

the endless wealth of the grand khan and his people were the subjects

of many eager and longing anticipations."[7]

The Polos were merely the forerunners, the pioneers, to the far

Cathay, and in the fourteenth century missionaries and merchants

followed on their trail with varying success. The death of Kublai Khan

had relieved them from their obligation to return; but soon after they

had reached Venice, in 1295, a Franciscan monk, John of Monte Corvino,

penetrated to Chambalu and established missions there. In the year

1338 an ambassador arrived at Avignon from the then reigning Khan of

Cathay, and in return John de Marignoli, a Florentine, was sent to the

court at Chambalu, where he remained four years as legate of the holy

see. Commercial travellers followed after them, and about 1340 a

guide-book was written by another Florentine, Francesco Pelotti, who

was a clerk in the great trading-house of Bardi, or Berardi, with

which, at a later date, Amerigo Vespucci was connected in Spain.

"When the throne of the degenerate descendants of Ghengis Khan began

to totter to its fall, missions and merchants alike disappeared from

the field. Islam, with all its jealousies and exclusiveness, had

recovered its grasp over Central Asia. Night again descended upon the

farther East, covering Cathay, with those cities of which the old

travellers had told such marvels, Chambalu and Cansay, Zaitun and

Chinkalan. And when the veil rose before the Portuguese and Spanish

explorers of the sixteenth century those names were heard of no

more....

"But for a long time all but a sagacious few continued to regard

Cathay as a region distinct from any of the new-found Indies; while

map-makers, well on into the seventeenth century, continued to

represent it as a great country lying entirely to the north of China

and stretching to the Arctic Sea. It was Cathay, with its outlying

island of Zipangu, that Columbus sought to reach by sailing westward,

penetrated as he was by his intense conviction of the smallness of the

earth and of the vast extension of Asia to the eastward. To the day of

his death he was full of the imagination of the proximity of the

domain of the grand khan to the islands and coasts which he had

discovered. And such imaginations are curiously embodied in some maps

of the early sixteenth century, which intermingle on the same

coast-line the new discoveries, from Labrador to Brazil, with the

provinces and rivers of Marco Polo's Cathay."[8]

Having shown the state of European geographical knowledge in the

fifteenth century, in the hope thereby of throwing light upon the

conditions which surrounded Vespucci at the time, we will now follow

as closely as possible the career which was then opening before him.

He was, as we have stated, keenly alive to what was taking place in

the world around him, and especially interested in geographical

discoveries. Although it is not likely that he had an abundance of

ready money, having been so many years engaged in preparation for his

great pursuit, without immediate recompense of any sort, yet we learn

from the records of his life that he was already making a collection

of all the charts, maps, and globes that he could find. He had

assembled the best works of the most distinguished projectors, and for

one of the finest then available, "a map of sea and land," made in

1439 by one Gabriel de Valesca, he paid the large sum of one hundred

and thirty ducats, equivalent to more than five hundred dollars at the

present day. There was danger then, his parents and friends thought,

of the abstruse and unprofitable science of cosmography absorbing him

entirely; but, though he may have indulged in the hope of devoting his

life to the studies which had so enriched the mind of his friend

Toscanelli, he was rudely awakened from his day-dream by a family

catastrophe.

Mention has been made of one of his brothers, Girolamo, who, about the

year 1480, left home and went to Asia Minor, including in his travels

a trip to Palestine. He finally established himself in one of the

Grecian cities, and, being of a hopeful turn, sent for and obtained

the greater portion of his father's money, with which he engaged in

trade. All went well for a time, and the Vespuccis congratulated

themselves upon having a son of the family finally embarked on the

full tide of commercial prosperity.

Nine years went by, and nothing but good news came from the absent

Girolamo; but one day, in 1489, disastrous tidings arrived. A

Florentine pilgrim, returning from a pious visit to the holy sepulchre

in Jerusalem, brought Amerigo a letter from his brother. It was dated

July 24th, and contained information to the effect that while Girolamo

was attending religious services at a convent in his neighborhood his

house was broken open and robbed. "At one fell swoop," he wrote, he

had been deprived of all his earnings during those nine years of toil,

besides the money his father had sent him, which represented the

accumulations of a lifetime.

He did not explain how his entire capital was in cash at the time,

when he was supposed to be in trade; but even if derelict, he was too

far away to be sought out and his story investigated, so the loss was

accepted by the family as an indication that Providence was not

inclined to smile upon the substitution of the eldest for the youngest

son as a retriever of the Vespucci fortunes. All looked now towards

Amerigo to take up the distasteful business of money-making, for which

he had been so long in training, but which hitherto he had so

successfully evaded. In sorrow, it is said, but without a murmur, he

turned his back upon his maps, globes, books, and astrolabes and faced

the situation manfully.

A position had long been open to him with the great trading-house of

Lorenzo de Medici, who was own cousin to the world-famous Lorenzo the

Magnificent, and he had only to apply in order to receive it. For the

Medici well knew the value of men--good and faithful men--trained, as

Amerigo was, in the diplomacy as well as the routine of commercial

life in that age. They needed just such a man as he in their foreign

agency, and bidding farewell to his family he set sail from Leghorn

for the Spanish city of Barcelona.

The Iberian peninsula afforded at that time a most attractive field

for commercial as well as military adventure. The protracted wars with

the Moors, which had been carried on for generations, were drawing to

a close, but they had taken thither many a man athirst for glory, and

the demand for supplies gave the merchants great opportunities for

profits. The commerce of that day was, as we have seen, mainly in the

hands of Italian merchants, and as early as 1486 the Florentine

trader, Juan Berardi, obtained a safe conduct from Barcelona to

Seville, where, a few years later, we find Amerigo busily engaged in

outfitting vessels for the Spanish voyages of discovery.

It was in the year 1490, or 1491, that Amerigo Vespucci went to Spain,

accompanied by his nephew Giovanni, and several other young

Florentines, who were placed in his charge by their parents that they

might receive the benefit of his experience and the advantages of

foreign travel. Giovanni, or Juan, was greatly attached to his uncle,

and subsequently went with him on his voyages to America. Many years

later the historian, Peter Martyr, wrote of him: "Young Vespucius is

one to whom Americus, his uncle, left the exact knowledge of the

mariner's faculties, as it were by inheritance, after his death, for

he is a very expert master in the knowledge of the compass and the

elevation of the pole star by the quadrant. He is my particular

friend, a witty young man in whose company I take great pleasure, and

therefore have him often for my guest."

Whether Giovanni was associated with Amerigo in business is not

exactly known, nor can we tell just when the latter removed from

Barcelona into southern Spain; but there is a letter extant, written

at Cadiz in 1492, signed jointly by himself and a young Florentine,

Donato Nicollini, as agents either of the Medici or the house of

Berardi. The following extract was copied by his biographer, Bandidi,

from this manuscript in Amerigo's handwriting:

"As it is necessary for one of us, either Amerigo or Donato,

to proceed in a short time to Florence, we shall be able to

give you better information on all points by word of mouth

than can possibly be done by letter. As yet, it has been

impossible to do anything respecting the freight of salt,

for want of a vessel, as for some time past, we are sorry to

say, no ship has arrived here which was not chartered. Be

assured that if one arrives we shall be active for your

interests.

"You will have learned from the elder Donato the

good-fortune which has happened to his highness the king.

Assuredly the most high God has given him His aid; but I

cannot relate it in full. God preserve him many years--and

us with him.

"There is nothing new to communicate. Christ preserve you.

"DONATO NICOLLINI.

"AMERIGO VESPUCCI.

"We date this January 30, 1492."

The last decade of the fifteenth century, which Amerigo was to pass

chiefly in Spain, has been termed by historians the most important

epoch in modern history. It was, admittedly, the most important for

Spain, also for that country (then unknown) which her sailors were to

discover and explore, and which was to receive the name of the

Florentine merchant then living obscurely in Cadiz or Seville.

"The foreign intercourse of the country," says the renowned author of

_Ferdinand and Isabella_, "was every day more widely extended. Her

agents and consuls were to be found in all the ports of the

Mediterranean and the Baltic. The Spanish mariner, instead of creeping

along the beaten track of inland navigation, now struck boldly across

the great Western Ocean. The new discoveries had converted the land

trade with India into a sea trade, and the nations of the peninsula,

which had hitherto lain remote from the great highways of commerce,

now became the factors and carriers of Europe.

"The flourishing condition of the nation was seen in the wealth and

population of its cities, the revenue of which, augmented in all to a

surprising extent, had increased in some forty and even fifty fold

beyond what they were at the commencement of Ferdinand and Isabella's

reign: the ancient and lordly Toledo; Burgos, with its bustling

industrious traders; Valladolid, sending forth thirty thousand

warriors from its gates; Cordova, in the south, and the magnificent

Granada, naturalizing in Europe the arts and luxuries of the East;

Saragossa, 'the abundant,' as she was called from her fruitful

territory; Valencia, 'the beautiful'; Barcelona, rivalling in

independence and maritime enterprise the proudest of the Italian

republics; Medina del Campo, whose fairs were already the great mart

for the commercial exchanges of the peninsula; and Seville, the golden

gate of the Indies, whose quays began to be thronged with merchants

from the most distant countries of Europe."

FOOTNOTES:

[7] _The Life and Voyages of Americus Vespucius_, by C. Edwards

Lester, 1845.

[8] Article, "China," in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_.

V

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

1492 OR 1493

While we cannot affirm that Christopher Columbus and Vespucci were

acquainted previous to the voyage which made America known to Europe,

it is well established that Amerigo was in Spain when his favored

rival sailed from Palos, in August, 1492, and also when he returned,

in March, 1493. In the very month of January, 1492, in which Vespucci

wrote the letter quoted in the previous chapter, Columbus and the

Spanish sovereigns signed the "capitulation" that set forth the

demands of the discoverer and the concessions of the king and queen.

That paper was signed and sealed in the palace of the Alhambra, not

far distant from Cadiz, and still nearer to Seville, whither Vespucci

removed soon after. He may have been there when Columbus passed

through the latter city on his way to Palos, Seville being in the

direct route between Granada and the Rio Tinto; but if he then saw and

conversed with him there is no record of the fact.

What must have been his feelings, though, when he learned of the

transaction between Columbus and the sovereigns? Columbus had gained

permission to make--what he himself was far better equipped for--a

voyage across the Sea of Darkness, to the islands that lay on the

route of Marco Polo's Cathay. And Columbus had merely corresponded

with his master, Toscanelli, at whose feet he, Vespucci, had sat, and

during days and hours discussed the problem that his rival was now

going forth to solve!

Amerigo Vespucci · 第 2 / 13 段