Mauretania, had been murdered, and both provinces[343] had declared
for Vitellius. Appointed by Nero to the province of Mauretania
Caesariensis, Lucceius Albinus had further received from Galba the
governorship of Tingitana, and thus commanded a very considerable
force, consisting of nineteen cohorts of infantry, five regiments of
horse, and an immense horde of Moors, well trained for war by their
practice in plunder. After Galba's murder he inclined to Otho's side
and, not contented with the province of Africa, began to threaten
Spain on the other side of the narrow strait. Cluvius Rufus,[344]
alarmed at this, moved the Tenth legion[345] down to the coast as
though for transport. He also sent some centurions ahead to gain the
sympathies of the Moors for Vitellius. The great reputation of the
German army throughout the provinces facilitated this task, and they
also spread a rumour that Albinus was not contented with the title of
'Governor', and wanted to adopt a regal style under the name of Juba.
So the sympathies of the army shifted. Asinius Pollio, who 59
commanded the local cavalry, one of Albinus' loyal friends, was
assassinated. The same fate befell Festus and Scipio, who were in
command of the infantry.[346] Albinus himself embarked from Tingitana
for Caesariensis, and was murdered as he landed. His wife confronted
the assassins and was murdered too. How all this happened Vitellius
never inquired. He passed by events of the highest importance after a
few moments' attention, being quite unable to cope with serious
matters.
On reaching the Arar,[347] Vitellius ordered his army to march
overland while he sailed down the river. Travelling with no imperial
state, he had nothing but his original poverty[348] to make him
conspicuous, until Junius Blaesus, Governor of the Lyons division of
Gaul, a member of an eminent family, whose liberality matched his
wealth, provided the emperor with a staff and escorted him in person
with great courtesy, an attention which proved most unwelcome to
Vitellius, although he concealed his annoyance under the grossest
flattery. At Lugdunum he found the generals of both parties awaiting
him. Valens and Caecina were openly commended at a public meeting, and
given places on either side of the emperor's throne. He then sent the
whole army to fetch his infant son,[349] and when they brought him
wearing a general's uniform, Vitellius took him up in his arms and
named him Germanicus,[350] at the same time decorating him with all
the insignia of his imperial position. The exaggerated honours of
these days proved the child's only consolation for the evil times
which followed.[351]
The most energetic of Otho's centurions were now executed, which 60
did more than anything else to alienate the armies of Illyricum. The
other legions also caught the infection, and their dislike of the
German troops made them harbour thoughts of war. Suetonius Paulinus
and Licinius Proculus were kept in mourning[352] and suspense,
disheartened by delay. When at last their case was heard, their pleas
savoured more of necessity than honour. They positively claimed credit
for treachery, alleging that the long march before the battle, the
fatigue of their troops, and the confusion created by the wagons in
their lines were all due not to chance, but to their own treachery.
Vitellius believed their protestations of treason, and acquitted them
of all suspicion of loyalty.
Otho's brother, Salvius Titianus, was in no danger. His affection for
his brother and his personal inefficiency excused him. Marius Celsus
was allowed to hold his consulship.[353] But rumour gave rise to a
belief which led to an attack being made in the senate against
Caecilius Simplex, who was charged with trying to purchase the
consulship and to secure Celsus' destruction. Vitellius, however,
refused this, and afterwards allowed Simplex to hold the consulship
without detriment to his conscience or his purse. Trachalus was
protected against his accusers by Galeria, Vitellius' wife.[354]
With so many of the great in danger of their lives, an obscure 61
creature called Mariccus, of the tribe of the Boii[355]--it is a
sordid incident[356]--endeavoured to thrust himself into greatness and
to challenge the armies of Rome, pretending to be a minister of
Heaven. This divine champion of the Gauls, as he had entitled himself,
had already gathered a force of eight thousand men, and began making
overtures[357] to the neighbouring Aeduan villages. But the chief
community of the Aedui wisely sent out a picked force, with some
Vitellian troops in support, and scattered the mob of fanatics.
Mariccus was captured in the engagement, and later thrown to wild
beasts.[358] As they refused to devour him, the common people stupidly
believed him invulnerable, until he was executed in the presence of
Vitellius.
No further measures were taken against the life or property of the 62
rebels.[359] The estates of those who had fallen fighting for Otho
were allowed to devolve by will or else by the law of intestate
succession. Indeed, if Vitellius had set limits to his luxury, there
was no need to fear his greed for money. It was his foul and
insatiable gluttony. Rome and Italy were scoured for dainties to
tickle his palate: from shore to shore the high roads rang with the
traffic. The leading provincials were ruined by having to provide for
his table. The very towns were impoverished. Meanwhile the soldiers
were acquiring luxurious habits, learning to despise their general,
and gradually losing their former efficiency and courage.
Vitellius sent a manifesto on to Rome in which he declined the title
of Caesar, and postponed calling himself Augustus without giving up
any portion of his power. All astrologers[360] were exiled from
Italy, and rigorous provision was made to restrain Roman knights from
the disgrace of appearing at the games in the arena.[361] Former
emperors had paid, or more often compelled them to do this, and many
of the provincial towns vied together in hiring the most profligate
young aristocrats.
The arrival of his brother and the growing influence of his tutors 63
in tyranny made Vitellius daily more haughty and cruel. He gave orders
for the execution of Dolabella, whom Otho, as we have seen,[362] had
relegated to the colonial town of Aquinum. On hearing of Otho's death,
he had ventured back to Rome. Whereupon an ex-praetor, named Plancius
Varus, one of Dolabella's closest friends, laid information before the
city prefect, Flavius Sabinus, maintaining that he had broken from
custody to put himself at the head of the defeated party. He added
that Dolabella had tried to tamper with the cohort stationed at
Ostia.[363] Having no proof of these very serious charges, he repented
and begged for his friend's forgiveness. But it was too late. The
crime was committed. While Flavius Sabinus was hesitating what to do
in such a serious matter, Lucius Vitellius' wife, Triaria, whose
cruelty was altogether unwomanly, terrified him by suggesting that he
was trying to get a reputation for mercy at the expense of his
emperor's safety. Sabinus was naturally of a kindly disposition, but
easily changed under the influence of fear. Though it was not he who
was in danger, he was full of alarms, and hastened Dolabella's
impending ruin for fear of being supposed to have helped him.
Vitellius, accordingly, from motives both of suspicion and of 64
hatred (Dolabella had married his divorced wife Petronia), summoned
Dolabella by letter to avoid the crowded thoroughfare of the Flaminian
road and to turn off to Interamnium,[364] where he gave orders for his
murder. The assassin found the journey tedious; discovered his victim
sleeping on the floor at a wayside inn, and cut his throat. This gave
the new government a very bad name. People took it as a specimen of
what to expect. Triaria's shameless behaviour was further emphasized
by the exemplary behaviour of her relative Galeria, the emperor's
wife, who kept clear of these dreadful doings. Equally admirable was
the character of his mother, Sextilia, a woman of the old school. It
was even on record that when her son's first letters were read to her,
she said, 'It was no Germanicus,[365] but a Vitellius that I brought
into the world.' From that time neither the attractions of her high
station nor the unanimous flattery of Rome could win her over to
complacence. She only shared the sorrows of her house.
When Vitellius left Lugdunum, Cluvius Rufus[366] relinquished his 65
Spanish province and followed him. He knew that serious charges had
been made against him, and his smiling congratulations hid an anxious
heart. A freedman of the imperial court,[367] Hilarus by name, had
given evidence against him, alleging that, when Cluvius heard of the
rival claims of Otho and Vitellius, he had endeavoured to set up an
independent authority of his own in Spain, and to this end had issued
passports with no emperor's name at the head.[368] Certain phrases in
his speeches were also construed as damaging to Vitellius and as a bid
for his own popularity. However, Cluvius' influence carried the day,
and Vitellius even had his own freedman punished. Cluvius was given a
place at court, while still retaining Spain, of which he was absentee
governor, following the precedent of Lucius Arruntius. In his case,
however, Tiberius' motive had been suspicion, whereas Vitellius
detained Cluvius without any such qualms.[369] Trebellius Maximus[370]
was not allowed the same privilege. He had fled from Britain to escape
the fury of his troops. Vettius Bolanus, who was then about the court,
was sent out to take his place.
The soldiers of the defeated legions still gave Vitellius a good 66
deal of anxiety. Their spirit was by no means broken. They distributed
themselves all over Italy, mingling with the victors and talking
treason. The most uncompromising of all were the Fourteenth, who
refused to acknowledge their defeat. At Bedriacum, they argued, it was
only a detachment that had been beaten, the main strength of the
legion was not present.[371] It was decided to send them back to
Britain, whence Nero had summoned them, and meanwhile they were to
share their quarters with the Batavian irregulars, because of the
long-standing feud between them.[372] Quartered as they were under
arms, their mutual hatred soon broke out into disorder.
At Turin[373] one of the Batavians was cursing a workman for having
cheated him, when a legionary, who lodged with the workman, took his
part. Each quickly gathered his fellow soldiers round him, and from
abuse they came to bloodshed. Indeed, a fierce battle would have
broken out, unless two regiments of Guards had sided with the
Fourteenth, thus giving them confidence and frightening the Batavians.
Vitellius gave orders that the Batavians should be drafted into his
army, while the legion was to be marched over the Graian Alps[374] by
a détour which would avoid Vienne.[375] Its inhabitants were another
cause for alarm.[376] On the night on which the legion started they
left fires burning all over Turin, and part of the town was burnt
down. This disaster, like so many others in the civil war, has been
obliterated by the greater calamities which befell other cities. No
sooner were the Fourteenth across the Alps than the most mutinous
spirits started off to march for Vienne, but they were stopped by the
unanimous interference of the better men, and the legion was shipped
across to Britain.
Vitellius' next cause of anxiety was the Guards. At first they 67
were quartered apart, and then, appeased by an honourable
discharge,[377] they gave up their arms to their officers. But when
the news went round of the war with Vespasian, they enlisted again and
formed the main strength of the Flavian party.
The First legion of marines was sent to Spain to cultivate docility in
peace and quiet. The Eleventh and the Seventh were sent back to their
winter quarters.[378] The Thirteenth were set to work to build
amphitheatres. For Caecina at Cremona and Valens at Bononia were each
preparing to give a gladiatorial show. Vitellius never let his
anxieties interfere with his pleasures.
The losing party being thus dispersed by peaceful means, disorder 68
broke out in the victorious camp. It originated in sport, but the
number of deaths increased the feeling against Vitellius. He had
invited Verginius to dine with him at Ticinum, and they had just sat
down to table. The conduct of officers is always determined by the
behaviour of their generals; it depends on that whether they adopt the
simple life or indulge their taste for riotous living;[379] this again
determines whether the troops are smart or disorderly. In Vitellius'
army disorder and drunkenness were universal: it was more like a
midnight orgy[380] than a properly disciplined camp. So it happened
that two of the soldiers, one belonging to the Fifth legion, the other
to the Gallic auxiliaries, in a drunken frolic challenged each other
to wrestle. The legionary fell; and when the Gaul began to exult over
him, the soldiers who had gathered round took sides, and the
legionaries, breaking out against the auxiliaries with murderous
intent, actually cut to pieces a couple of cohorts. This commotion was
only cured by another. A cloud of dust and the glitter of arms
appeared on the horizon. Suddenly a cry arose that the Fourteenth had
turned back and were marching on them. However, it was their own
rear-guard bringing up the stragglers. This discovery quieted their
alarm. Meanwhile, coming across one of Verginius' slaves, they
charged him with intending to assassinate Vitellius, and rushed off
to the banquet clamouring for Verginius' head. No one really doubted
his innocence, not even Vitellius, who always quailed at a breath of
suspicion. Yet, though it was the death of an ex-consul, their own
former general, which they demanded, it was with difficulty that they
were quieted. No one was a target for these outbreaks so often as
Verginius. He still retained the admiration and esteem of the men, but
they hated him for disdaining their offer.[381]
On the next day Vitellius granted an audience to the deputation of 69
the senate, which he had told to await him at Ticinum. He then entered
the camp and spontaneously complimented the troops on their devotion
to him.[382] This made the auxiliaries grumble at the growing licence
and impunity allowed to the legions. So the Batavians, for fear of
some desperate outbreak, were sent back to Germany, where Fortune was
contriving for us a war that was at once both civil and foreign.[383]
The Gallic auxiliaries were also sent home. Their numbers were very
large, and had been used at the first outbreak of the rebellion for an
empty parade of force. Indeed, the imperial finances were already
embarrassed by the distribution of largess, to meet the expenses of
which Vitellius gave orders for depleting the strength of the legions
and auxiliaries. Recruiting was forbidden, and discharges offered
without restriction. This policy was disastrous for the country and
unpopular among the soldiers, who found that their turn for work and
danger came round all the more frequently, now that there were so few
to share the duties. Besides, their efficiency was demoralized by
luxury. Nothing was left of the old-fashioned discipline and the good
rules of our ancestors, who preferred to base the security of Rome on
character and not on money.
Leaving Ticinum Vitellius turned off to Cremona. There he 70
witnessed Caecina's games and conceived a wish to stand upon the field
of Bedriacum, and to see the traces of the recent victory with his own
eyes. Within six weeks of the battle, it was a disgusting and horrible
sight; mangled bodies, mutilated limbs, rotting carcasses of men and
horses, the ground foul with clotted blood. Trees and crops all
trampled down: the country-side a miserable waste. No less revolting
to all human feeling was the stretch of road which the people of
Cremona had strewn with laurel-leaves and roses, erecting altars and
sacrificing victims as if in honour of an Oriental despot.[384] The
rejoicings of the moment soon turned to their destruction.[385] Valens
and Caecina were in attendance and showed Vitellius over the
battle-field: this was where their legions had charged: the cavalry
took the field from here: this was where the auxiliaries were
outflanked. The various officers[386] each praised their own exploits,
adding a few false or, at any rate, exaggerated touches. The common
soldiers, too, turned gaily shouting from the high road to inspect the
scene of their great struggle, gazing with wonder at the huge pile of
arms and heaps of bodies.[387] There were a few who reflected with
tears of pity on the shifting chances of life. But Vitellius never
took his eyes off the field: never shuddered at the sight of all these
thousands of Roman citizens lying unburied.[388] On the contrary, he
was very well pleased, and, unconscious of his own impending doom, he
offered a sacrifice to the local deities.
They next came to Bononia, where Fabius Valens gave a gladiatorial 71
show, for which he had all the apparatus brought from Rome. The nearer
they drew to the city, the greater became the disorder of the march,
which was now joined by troops of actors, eunuchs and the like, all in
the true spirit of Nero's court. For Vitellius always had a great
personal admiration for Nero. He used to follow him about to hear him
sing, not under compulsion--many a decent man suffered that fate--but
because he was the slave of his stomach, and had sold himself to
luxury.
To secure a few months of office for Valens and Caecina, the other
consuls of the year[389] had their terms shortened, while Martius
Macer's claim was ignored as belonging to Otho's party. Valerius
Marinus, who had been nominated by Galba, had his term postponed, not
for any offence, but because he was a mild creature and too lazy to
resent an injury. The name of Pedanius Costa was omitted altogether.
Vitellius had never forgiven him for rising against Nero and
instigating Verginius. However, he alleged other reasons. They all had
to observe the servile custom of the time, and offer their thanks to
Vitellius.
An imposture, received at first with great excitement, failed to 72
last more than a few days. A man had appeared who gave out that he was
Scribonianus Camerinus,[390] and that during Nero's reign he had taken
refuge in Histria, where the Crassi still had their old connexions and
estates, and their name was much respected. He accordingly took all
the rascals he could find and cast them for parts. The credulous mob
and some of the soldiers, who were either victims of the imposture or
anxious for a riot, eagerly flocked to join him. However, he was taken
before Vitellius and his identity examined. When it was found that
there was no truth in his pretensions, and that his master recognized
him as a runaway called Geta, he suffered the execution of a
slave.[391]
FOOTNOTES:
[329] i.e. the gladiators (cp. chap. 36).
[330] Modena.
[331] A famous orator and informer, who from small beginnings
acquired great wealth and influence under Nero. Best known as
the prosecutor of Thrasea (cp. iv. 6, &c.). He eventually
conspired against Vespasian and was forced to commit suicide.
[332] Bologna.
[333] They would entitle him to the use of post-horses, &c.,
as for public business.
[334] April 12-19.
[335] From this phrase it is not clear whether the actual news
of his suicide had arrived. It took place on April 17.
[336] Vespasian's brother (see i. 46).
[337] See note 70.
[338] Cp. i. 47.
[339] By this time no one except the emperor was expected to
address official letters referring to the general political
situation to the consuls or the senate. Valens' action was
therefore presumptuous (cp. iv. 4).
[340] The meaning seems to be that Caecina indulged the men in
order to win popularity, Valens in order to obtain licence for
his own dishonesty.
[341] He had depleted them by sending detachments forward with
Valens and Caecina (see i. 61).
[342] One of the vilest and most hated of imperial menials
(see chap. 95, and iv. 11). The gold ring was a token of
equestrian rank (cp. i. 13).
[343] Caesariensis (Fez) and Tingitana (Morocco). They had
been imperial provinces since A.D. 40.
[344] See i. 8.
[345] Gemina.
[346] The military titles here used have a technical meaning
which translation cannot convey. A senior centurion (cp. note
57) could rise to the command of an auxiliary cohort, like the
Festus and Scipio here mentioned (_praefecti cohortium_). The
next step would be to _tribunus legionis_, and from that again
to _praefectus alae_. This was Pollio's position, the highest
open to any but soldiers of senatorial rank.
[347] Saône.
[348] He was so poor, says Suetonius, that he had no money to
take him out to Germany, when appointed to that province. He
had to let his house and hire a garret for his wife and
family, and to pawn one of his mother's pearl ear-rings.
[349] Aged 6.
[350] Cp. i. 62.
[351] He was executed by Mucianus (iv. 80).
[352] He postponed the hearing of their case, and thus, as
accused persons, they had by custom to wear mourning.
[353] Cp. i. 77.
[354] Cp. i. 90. As Trachalus' gentile name was Galerius, she
was presumably a relative.
[355] Between the Loire and the Allier.
[356] Mariccus being a provincial 'of no family', Tacitus
hardly likes to mention him.
[357] The word _trahebat_ may here mean 'began to plunder',
but this seems less likely.
[358] This punishment seems to have been reserved,
appropriately enough, for those who stirred up popular
sedition.
[359] From Vitellius' point of view the Othonians were rebels,
since he had been declared emperor before Otho: or else as
rebels against Galba.
[360] Cp. i. 22.
[361] i.e. as gladiators. Juvenal says this is what the
spendthrifts come to: and also that they would do it for
money, without any Nero to compel them. On the whole the
bankrupt rich preferred 'knock-about comedy' to the very real
dangers of a combat.
[362] i. 88.
[363] Cp. i. 80.
[364] Terni.
[365] Cp. i. 62.
[366] See chap. 58.
[367] i.e. the property, not of Vitellius personally, but of
the imperial household.
[368] He would entertain some natural doubt as to who _was_
emperor. The incriminating suggestion is that he meant to
insert his own name.
[369] In the _Annals_ Tacitus mentions Tiberius' habit of
appointing provincial governors without any intention of
allowing them to leave Rome. See _Ann._ i. 80, vi. 27.
[370] See i. 60.
[371] See chap. 43.
[372] See i. 59, 64, ii. 27.
[373] _Augusta Taurinorum_.
[374] Little St. Bernard.
[375] See i. 65. The legions there might make common cause
with them.
[376] They had suffered once already (see i. 65, 66).
[377] This meant about £200 to every man who had done sixteen
years' service.
[378] i.e. the Eleventh to Dalmatia, the Seventh to Pannonia.
[379] Literally, enjoy dinner-parties beginning at an early
hour, i.e. before two o'clock. This was considered 'fast'.
[380] The word here used by Tacitus, _pervigilia_, properly
denotes all-night religious festivals. But--like Irish
wakes--such festivals tended to deteriorate, and the word
acquired a sinister sense.
[381] See i. 6 and 8.
[382] Because they had seized one of Verginius' slaves, as
described in the last chapter.
[383] The revolt of Civilis described in Book IV. His force
included Roman legionaries as well as Batavians, Gauls, and
Germans.
[384] The word 'rex' had still an 'unroman' sound.
[385] Cremona was sacked and burnt in the following October
(cp. iii. 32 f.).
[386] Literally, the tribunes of the legions and the prefects
of the auxiliaries.
[387] A friend told Plutarch that he had seen on this
battle-field a pile of corpses so high that they reached the
pediment of an ancient temple which stood there.
[388] Suetonius attributes to him the remark, 'A dead enemy
smells good, a dead Roman better.'
[389] Their names are given i. 77.
[390] Dio tells us that he and his father were murdered by
Nero's slave Helios. He was probably related to M. Licinius
Crassus Frugi, who was convicted of treason against Nero (see
note 79), and to Piso, Galba's adopted successor.
THE REVOLT OF VESPASIAN
When once his couriers brought news from Syria and Judaea that the 73
East had sworn allegiance to him, Vitellius' vanity and indolence
reached a pitch which is almost incredible. For already, though the
rumours were still vague and unreliable, Vespasian's name was in
everybody's mouth, and the mention of him often roused Vitellius to
alarm. Still, he and his army seemed to reck of no rival: they at once
broke out into the unbridled cruelty, debauchery and oppression of
some outlandish court.
Vespasian, on the other hand, was meditating war and reckoning all 74
his forces both distant and near at hand. He had so much attached his
troops to himself, that when he dictated to them the oath of
allegiance and prayed that 'all might be well' with Vitellius, they
listened in silence. Mucianus' feelings were not hostile to him, and
were strongly sympathetic to Titus. Tiberius Alexander,[392] the
Governor of Egypt, had made common cause with him. The Third
legion,[393] since it had crossed from Syria into Moesia, he could
reckon as his own, and there was good hope that the other legions of
Illyria would follow its lead.[394] The whole army, indeed, was
incensed at the arrogance of Vitellius' soldiers: truculent in
appearance and rough of tongue, they scoffed at all the other troops
as their inferiors. But a war of such magnitude demands delay. High as
were his hopes, Vespasian often calculated his risks. He realized that
it would be a critical day for him when he committed his sixty summers
and his two young sons to the chances of war. In his private ambitions
a man may feel his way and take less or more from fortune's hands
according as he feels inclined, but when one covets a throne there is
no alternative between the zenith of success and headlong ruin.
Moreover, he always kept in view the strength of the German army, 75
which, as a soldier, he realized. His own legions, he knew, had no
experience of civil war, while Vitellius' troops were fresh from
victory: and the defeated party were richer in grievances than in
troops. Civil strife had undermined the loyalty of the troops: there
was danger in each single man. What would be the good of all his horse
and foot, if one or two traitors should seek the reward the enemy
offered and assassinate him then and there? It was thus that
Scribonianus[395] had been killed in Claudius' reign, and his
murderer, Volaginius, raised from a common soldier to the highest
rank. It is easier to move men in the mass than to take precautions
against them singly.
These anxieties made Vespasian hesitate. Meanwhile the other 76
generals and his friends continued to encourage him. At last Mucianus
after several private interviews went so far as to address him in
public. 'Everybody,' he said, 'who plans some great exploit is bound
to consider whether his enterprise serves both the public interest and
his own reputation, and whether it is easily practicable or, at any
rate, not impossible. He must also weigh the advice which he gets. Are
those who offer it ready to run the risk themselves? And, if fortune
favours, who gains the glory? I myself, Vespasian, call you to the
throne. How much that may benefit the country and make you famous it
lies with you--under Providence--to decide. You need not be afraid
that I may seem to flatter you. It is more of an insult than a
compliment to be chosen to succeed Vitellius. It is not against the
powerful intellect of the sainted Augustus that we are in revolt; not
against the cautious prudence of the old Tiberius; nor even against a
long-established imperial family like that of Caligula, Claudius or
Nero. You even gave way to Galba's ancient lineage. To remain inactive
any longer, to leave your country to ruin and disgrace, that would be
sheer sloth and cowardice, even if such slavery were as safe for you
as it would be dishonourable. The time is long past when you could be
merely _suspected_ of ambition: the throne is now your only refuge.
Have you forgotten Corbulo's murder?[396] He was a man of better
family than we, I admit, but so was Nero more nobly born than
Vitellius. A man who is feared always seems illustrious enough to
those who fear him. That an army can make an emperor Vitellius himself
has proved. He had neither experience nor military reputation, but
merely rose on Galba's unpopularity. Even Otho fell not by the
strategy or strength of his opponent, but by his own precipitate
despair. And to-day he seems a great and desirable emperor, when
Vitellius is disbanding his legions, disarming his Guards, and daily
sowing fresh seeds of civil war. Why, any spirit or enthusiasm which
his army had is being dissipated in drunken debauches: for they
imitate their master. But you, in Judaea, in Syria, in Egypt, you have
nine fresh legions. War has not weakened nor mutiny demoralized them.
The men are trained to discipline and have already won a foreign
war.[397] Besides these, you can rely on the strength of your
fleet,[398] and of your auxiliaries both horse and foot, on the
faithful allegiance of foreign princes,[399] and on your own
unparalleled experience.
'For ourselves I make but one claim. Let us not rank below Valens 77
and Caecina. Nor must you despise my help because you do not encounter
my rivalry. I prefer myself to Vitellius and you to myself. Your house
has received the insignia of a triumph.[400] You have two young sons,
one of whom is already old enough to fill the throne, and in his first
years of service made a name for himself in the German army.[401] It
would be absurd for me not to give way to one whose son I should
adopt, were I emperor myself. Apart from this, we shall stand on a
different footing in success and in failure, for if we succeed I shall
have such honour as you grant me: of the risk and the dangers we shall
share the burden equally. Or rather, do what is better still. Dispose
your armies yourself and leave me the conduct of the war, and the
uncertainties of battle.
'At this moment the defeated are far more strictly disciplined than
their conquerors. Indignation, hatred, the passion for revenge, all
serve to steel our courage. Theirs is dulled by pride and mutiny. The
course of the war will soon bring to light the hidden weakness of
their party, and reopen all its festering sores. I rely on your
vigilance, your economy, your wisdom, and still more on the indolence,
ignorance, and cruelty of Vitellius. Above all, our cause is far safer
in war than in peace, for those who plan rebellion have rebelled
already.'
At the end of Mucianus' speech the others all pressed round with 78
new confidence, offering their encouragement and quoting the answers
of soothsayers and the movements of the stars. Nor was Vespasian
uninfluenced by superstition. In later days, when he was master of
the world, he made no secret of keeping a soothsayer called Seleucus
to help him by his advice and prophecy. Early omens began to recur to
his memory. A tall and conspicuous cypress on his estate had once
suddenly collapsed: on the next day it had risen again on the same
spot to grow taller and broader than ever. The soothsayers had agreed
that this was an omen of great success, and augured the height of fame
for the still youthful Vespasian. At first his triumphal honours, his
consulship, and the name he won by his Jewish victory seemed to have
fulfilled the promise of this omen. But having achieved all this, he
began to believe that it portended his rise to the throne.
On the frontier of Judaea and Syria[402] lies a hill called Carmel. A
god of the same name is there worshipped according to ancient ritual.
There is no image or temple: only an altar where they reverently
worship. Once when Vespasian was sacrificing on this altar, brooding
on his secret ambition, the priest, Basilides, after a minute
inspection of the omens said to him: 'Whatever it is which you have in
mind, Vespasian, whether it is to build a house or to enlarge your
estate, or to increase the number of your slaves, there is granted to
you a great habitation, vast acres, and a multitude of men.' Rumour
had immediately seized on this riddle and now began to solve it.
Nothing was more talked of, especially in Vespasian's presence: such
conversation is the food of hope.
Having come to a definite decision they departed, Mucianus to Antioch,
Vespasian to Caesarea. The former is the capital of Syria, the latter
of Judaea.[403]
The first offer of the throne to Vespasian was made at Alexandria, 79
where Tiberius Alexander with great promptitude administered the oath
of allegiance to his troops on the first of July. This was usually
celebrated as his day of accession, although it was not until the
third that the Jewish army took the oath in his presence. So eager was
their enthusiasm that they would not even wait for the arrival of
Titus, who was on his way back from Syria, where he had been
conducting the negotiations between his father and Mucianus.
What happened was all due to the impulse of the soldiers: there was no
set speech, no formal assembly of the troops. They were still 80
discussing the time and the place, and trying to decide the hardest
point of all, who should speak first, and while their minds were still
busy with hopes and fears, reasons and chances, Vespasian happened to
come out of his quarters. A few of the soldiers, forming up in the
usual way to salute their general, saluted him as emperor. The others
promptly rushed up calling him Caesar and Augustus, and heaping on him
all the imperial titles. Their fears at once gave way to confidence.
Vespasian himself, unchanged by the change of fortune, showed no sign
of vanity or arrogance. As soon as he had recovered from the dazzling
shock of his sudden elevation, he addressed them in simple soldier
fashion, and received a shower of congratulations from every quarter.
Mucianus, who had been waiting for this, administered the oath of
allegiance to his eager troops, and then entered the theatre at
Antioch, where the Greeks ordinarily hold their debates. There, as the
fawning crowd came flocking in, he addressed them in their own tongue.
For he could speak elegant Greek, and had the art of making the most
of all he said or did. What most served to inflame the excitement of
the province and of the army, was his statement that Vitellius had
determined to transfer the German legions to peaceful service in the
rich province of Syria, and to send the Syrian legions to endure the
toil and rigours of a winter in Germany. The provincials were
accustomed to the soldiers' company and liked to have them quartered
there, and many were bound to them by ties of intimacy and kinship,
while the soldiers in their long term of service had come to know and
love their old camp like a home.
Before the 15th of July the whole of Syria had sworn allegiance. 81
The party also gained the support of Sohaemus,[404] with all the
resources of his kingdom and a considerable force, and of
Antiochus,[404] the richest of the subject princes, who owed his
importance to his ancestral treasures. Before long Agrippa, too,
received a secret summons from his friends at home, and leaving
Rome[405] without the knowledge of Vitellius, sailed as fast as he
could to join Vespasian. His sister Berenice[406] showed equal
enthusiasm for the cause. She was then in the flower of her youth and
beauty, and her munificent gifts to Vespasian quite won the old man's
heart. Indeed, every province on the seaboard as far as Asia and
Achaia, and inland to Pontus and Armenia swore allegiance to
Vespasian, but their governors were without troops, for as yet no
legions had been assigned to Cappadocia.[407]
A meeting was held at Berytus[408] to discuss the general situation.
To this came Mucianus with all his officers and the most distinguished
of his centurions and soldiers, besides the elite of the Jewish army
in full uniform. All these cavalry and infantry, and the pageant of
the subject princes, vying with each other in splendour, gave the
meeting an air of imperial grandeur.
The first step was to levy new troops and to recall the veterans 82
to the standards. Some of the strongest towns were told off to
manufacture arms. New gold and silver were coined at Antioch. All
these works were promptly carried out, each in the proper place, by
competent officials. Vespasian came and inspected them himself,
encouraging good work by his praises and rousing the inefficient
rather by example than compulsion, always more ready to see the merits
than the faults of his friends. Many were rewarded by receiving
commands in the auxiliary forces or posts as imperial agents.[409]
Still more were raised to senatorial rank. They were mostly men of
distinction who soon rose high, and with others success atoned for any
lack of merit. A donation for the troops had been mentioned by
Mucianus in his first speech, but in very guarded terms. Even
Vespasian offered for the civil war a lower figure than others gave in
time of peace, for he had set his face with admirable firmness against
largess to the soldiers, and his army was none the worse for it.
Envoys were dispatched to Parthia and Armenia to secure that the
legions, while engaged in the civil war, should not be exposed to
attack in the rear.[410] It was arranged that Titus should carry on
the war in Judaea, while Vespasian held the keys of Egypt.[411]
Against Vitellius it seemed sufficient to send a part of their forces
under the command of Mucianus. He would have Vespasian's name behind
him and the irresistible force of destiny. Letters were written to
all the armies and their generals with instructions that they should
try to win over those of the Guards who were hostile to Vitellius by
promising them renewal of service.
Meanwhile, Mucianus, who acted the part more of a partner than a 83
subordinate, moved forward without the encumbrance of baggage, neither
marching so slowly as to look like holding back, nor so rapidly as not
to allow time for rumours to spread. He realized that his force was
small, and that the less people saw the more they would believe of it.
However, he had a solid column following in support, composed of the
Sixth legion and some picked detachments numbering 13,000 men.[412] He
had ordered the fleet to move from Pontus to Byzantium, for he was
half-minded to leave Moesia and with his whole force to hold
Dyrrachium, at the same time using his fleet to dominate the Italian
sea. He would thus secure Greece and Asia in his rear, which would
otherwise be at the mercy of Vitellius, unless furnished with troops.
Vitellius also would himself be in doubt what points of the Italian
coast to defend, if Mucianus with his ships threatened both Brundisium
and Tarentum and the whole coastline of Calabria and Lucania.
Thus the provinces rang from end to end with the preparations for 84
ships, soldiers and arms. But the heaviest burden was the raising of
money. 'Funds,' said Mucianus, 'are the sinews of war,'[413] and in
his investigations he cared for neither justice nor equity, but solely
for the amount of the sum. Informers abounded, and pounced on every
rich man as their prey. This intolerable oppression, excused by the
necessities of war, was allowed to continue even in peace. It was not
so much that Vespasian at the beginning of his reign had made up his
mind to maintain unjust decisions, but fortune spoilt him; he had
learnt in a bad school and made a bold use of his lessons. Mucianus
also contributed from his private means, of which he was generous, as
he hoped to get a high rate of interest out of the country. Others
followed his example, but very few had his opportunity of recovering
their money.
In the meantime Vespasian's progress was accelerated by the 85
enthusiasm with which the Illyrian army[414] espoused his cause. The
Third set the example to the other legions of Moesia, the Eighth and
the Seventh Claudian, both strongly attached to Otho, although they
had not been present at the battle. On their arrival at Aquileia[415]
they had mobbed the couriers who brought the news of Otho's fall, and
torn to pieces the standards bearing Vitellius' name, finally looting
the camp-chest and dividing the money among themselves. These were
hostile acts. Alarmed at what they had done they began to reflect
that, while their conduct needed excuse before Vitellius, they could
make a merit of it with Vespasian. Accordingly, the three Moesian
legions addressed letters to the Pannonian army,[416] inviting their
co-operation, and meanwhile prepared to meet refusal with force.
Aponius Saturninus, the Governor of Moesia, took this opportunity to
attempt an abominable crime. He sent a centurion to murder Tettius
Julianus,[417] who commanded the Seventh legion, alleging the
interests of his party as a cloak for a personal quarrel. Julianus
heard of his danger and, taking some guides who knew the country,
escaped into the wilds of Moesia and got as far as Mount Haemus.[418]
After that he meddled no more in civil war. Starting to join
Vespasian, he prolonged his journey by various expedients, retarding
or hastening his pace according to the nature of the news he received.
In Pannonia the Thirteenth legion and the Seventh Galbian had not 86
forgotten their feelings after the battle of Bedriacum. They lost no
time in joining Vespasian's cause, being chiefly instigated by
Antonius Primus. This man was a criminal who had been convicted of
fraud[419] during Nero's reign. Among the many evils of the war was
his recovery of senatorial rank. Galba gave him command of the
Seventh legion, and he was believed to have written repeatedly to Otho
offering his services as general to the party. But, as Otho took no
notice of him, he was without employment in the war. When Vitellius'
cause began to decline, he joined Vespasian and proved an acquisition.
He was a man of great physical energy and a ready tongue; an artist in
calumny, invaluable in riots and sedition. Light-fingered and
free-handed, he was intolerable in peace, but by no means contemptible
in war. The union of the Moesian and Pannonian armies soon attracted
the troops in Dalmatia to the cause. Tampius Flavianus and Pompeius
Silvanus, the two ex-consuls who governed respectively Pannonia and
Dalmatia,[420] were wealthy old gentlemen who had no thought of
rising. But the imperial agent in Pannonia, Cornelius Fuscus, was a
vigorous young man of good family. In his early youth a desire to make
money[421] had led him to resign his senatorial rank. He had headed
the townsmen of his colony in declaring for Galba, and his services
had won him a position as imperial agent.[422] Then he joined
Vespasian's party, giving a keen stimulus to the war; for, being
attracted more by danger itself than by its prizes, he always disliked
what was certain and long established, preferring everything that was
new and dangerous and doubtful. So the Vespasian party used all their
efforts to fan every spark of discontent throughout the empire.
Letters were sent to the Fourteenth in Britain and to the First in
Spain,[423] since both these legions had stood for Otho against
Vitellius. In Gaul, too, letters were scattered broadcast. All in an
instant the war was in full flame. The armies of Illyricum openly
revolted, and all the others were ready to follow the first sign of
success.
FOOTNOTES:
[391] i.e. he was crucified.
[392] See note 30.
[393] Cp. i. 79.
[394] This hope was fulfilled (chap. 85).
[395] See i. 89.
[396] Under Nero, after brilliant service in Armenia and
Parthia. Nero was jealous and afraid of him. So is Vitellius
jealous of Vespasian.
[397] Against the Jews.
[398] From the Pontus. Cp. ii. 83.
[399] See note 216; and cp. chap. 81.
[400] For his victories in Britain under the auspices of
Claudius, who nominally shared with him the command of the
expedition, A.D. 43.
[401] Titus, who was now thirty, had served as _Tribunus
militum_ under his father in Germany and in Britain.
[402] More exactly of Galilee and Phoenicia.
[403] This is of course from the Roman point of view. Caesarea
was the seat of the procurator. That Jerusalem was the
national capital Tacitus recognizes in Book V.
[404] See note 216.
[405] He had started for Rome with Titus (chap. 1), and
continued his journey when Titus turned back.
[406] See note 205.
[407] Cappadocia was under a procurator of equestrian rank
until Vespasian some years later was forced to send out troops
and a military governor.
[408] Beyrut.
[409] _Procuratio_ covers the governorship of an imperial
province such as Judaea, the post of financial agent in an
imperial province where there was a military governor
(_legatus Caesaris_), and the position of collector of
imperial taxes in a senatorial province. _Praefectura_, may
mean either a command in the auxiliary infantry or the
governorship of certain imperial provinces. Here the former
seems the more probable sense.
[410] They would treat with Vologaeses, king of Parthia, and
Tiridates of Armenia, and keep an eye on them. This they did
with such success that Vologaeses offered Vespasian 40,000
cavalry.
[411] Alexandria and Pelusium.
[412] i.e. besides the Sixth Ferrata he had detachments from
the other two legions in Syria, and from the three in Judaea.
Cp. notes 163 and 164.
[413] Borrowing this platitude from Cicero, who got it from
the Greek.
[414] i.e. the legions in Moesia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia (cp.
note 3).
[415] Cp. note 286.
[416] XIII Gemina and VII Galbiana (see below).
[417] See i. 79.
[418] The Balkan range.
[419] He was concerned in the forgery of a will: see _Ann._
xiv. 40, where he is called 'a man of ready daring'.
[420] These were imperial provinces, each governed by a
_legatus Caesaris_ and a _procurator_, the former a military,
the latter a financial officer.
[421] Reading _quaestus cupidine_ (Grotius). The reading of
the Medicean manuscript is _quietis cupidine_. But Fuscus, as
the sequel shows, had little taste for a quiet life. It is
more likely that his motives were mercenary, since both law
and custom still imposed some restrictions upon a senator's
participation in 'business'. In the _Annals_ (xvi. 17) Tacitus
says that Annaeus Mela abstained from seeking public office,
because he 'hoped to find a shorter road to wealth' by
entering, as Fuscus did, the imperial civil service. The
statement that Fuscus loved danger better than money does not
imply any rooted antipathy to the latter.
[422] i.e. in Pannonia.
[423] Cp. chaps. 66 and 67.
VITELLIUS IN ROME
While[424] Vespasian and his generals were showing such activity 87
in the provinces, Vitellius grew more contemptible and indolent every
day. Halting at every town or country house that offered any
attractions, he made his way to Rome with a heavy marching column of
sixty thousand troops, demoralized by loose discipline, and an even
greater number of menials as well as those camp-followers who are more
troublesome than any slaves. Besides these he had the vast retinue of
his generals and friends, which not even the strictest discipline
could have kept under control. This mob was further encumbered by
senators and knights, who came from Rome to meet him, some from fear,
some from servility; and gradually all the others followed, so as not
to be left behind by themselves. There flocked in, too, a crowd of
low-bred buffoons, actors and chariot-drivers, who had gained
Vitellius' acquaintance by various dishonest services. He delighted in
such discreditable connexions. To furnish supplies for this host not
only were the colonies and country towns laid under contribution, but
the farmers as well. The crops were just ripe and the fields were
ravaged like an enemy's country.
Many murderous affrays took place among the soldiers, for after 88
the mutiny at Ticinum[425] there were ceaseless quarrels between the
legions and the auxiliaries. They only united to harry the villagers.
The worst bloodshed took place at the seventh milestone from Rome.
Here Vitellius had ready-cooked food served to each of the soldiers,
as is done with gladiators in training, and the common people flocked
out from Rome and wandered all over the camp. Some of these visitors
indulged in a cockney practical joke,[426] and stole some of the
soldiers' swords, quietly cutting their belts while their attention
was diverted. Then they kept asking them, 'Have you got your sword
on?' The troops were not used to being laughed at, and refused to
tolerate it. They charged the defenceless crowd. Amongst others the
father of one of the soldiers was killed while in his son's company.
When it was discovered who he was, and the news spread, they shed no
more innocent blood. Still there was some panic in the city as the
first soldiers arrived and began to roam the streets. They mostly made
for the Forum, anxious to see the spot where Galba had fallen.[427]
They themselves were a sufficiently alarming sight with their rough
skin coats and long pikes. Unused to towns, they failed to pick their
way in the crowd; or they would slip on the greasy streets, or collide
with some one and tumble down, whereupon they took to abuse and before
long to violence. Their officers, too, terrified the city by sweeping
along the streets with their bands of armed men.
After crossing the Mulvian bridge, Vitellius himself had been 89
riding on a conspicuous horse, wearing his sword and general's
uniform, with the senate and people trooping in front of him. However,
as this looked too much like an entry into a captured city, his
friends persuaded him to change into civilian dress and walk on foot.
At the head of his column were carried the eagles of four legions,
surrounded by the colours belonging to the detachments of four other
legions.[428] Next came the standards of twelve regiments of
auxiliary horse, then the files of infantry and the cavalry behind
them. Then came thirty-four cohorts of auxiliaries, arranged according
to their nationality or the nature of their weapons. In front of the
eagles came the camp prefects and tribunes, and the senior
centurions,[429] all dressed in white. The other centurions marched
each at the head of his company, glittering with their armour and
decorations. Gaily, too, shone the soldiers' medals[430] and their
chains of honour. It was a noble spectacle, an army worthy of a better
emperor. Thus Vitellius entered the Capitol, where he embraced his
mother and conferred on her the title of Augusta.
On the following day Vitellius delivered a grandiloquent eulogy on 90
his own merits. He might have been addressing the senate and people of
some other state, for he extolled his own industry and self-control,
although each member of his audience had seen his infamy for himself,
and the whole of Italy had witnessed during his march the shameful
spectacle of his sloth and luxury. However, the thoughtless crowd
could not discriminate between truth and falsehood. They had learnt
the usual flatteries by heart and chimed in with loud shouts of
applause. They insisted in the face of his protests that he should
take the title of Augustus. But neither his refusal nor their
insistence made much difference.[431]
In Rome nothing passes without comment, and it was regarded as a 91
fatal omen that Vitellius took office as high priest, and issued his
encyclical on public worship on the 18th of July, which, as the
anniversary of the disasters on the Cremera and the Allia,[432] had
long been considered an unlucky day. But his ignorance of all civil
and religious precedent was only equalled by the incapacity of his
freedmen and friends. He seemed to live in a society of drunkards.
However, at the consular elections he canvassed for his candidates
like a common citizen.[433] In everything he courted the favour of the
lowest classes, attending performances in the theatre and backing his
favourite at the races. This would undoubtedly have made him popular
had his motives been good, but the memory of his former life made his
conduct seem cheap and discreditable. He constantly attended the
senate, even when the debates were on trivial matters. It once
happened that Helvidius Priscus,[434] then praetor-elect, opposed
Vitellius' policy. At first the emperor showed annoyance, but was
content to appeal to the tribunes of the people to come to the rescue
of his slighted authority. Afterwards, when his friends, fearing that
his resentment might be deep-seated, tried to smooth matters, he
replied that there was nothing strange in two senators disagreeing on
a question of public policy: he himself had often opposed even such a
man as Thrasea. Most people laughed at the impudence of this
comparison; others were gratified that he had selected Thrasea, and
not some court favourite, as an example of real distinction.[435]
Vitellius had given the command of the Guards to Publilius 92
Sabinus, who had commanded an auxiliary cohort,[436] and Julius
Priscus, hitherto only a centurion. Priscus owed his rise to Valens'
support, Sabinus to that of Caecina. The rivalry between Valens and
Caecina left Vitellius no authority at all. They managed the
government between them. They had long felt the strain of mutual
dislike. During the war they had concealed it. Lately it had been
fanned by dishonest friends and by life in the city, which so easily
breeds quarrels. They were constant rivals, comparing their respective
popularity, the number of their retinue, the size of the crowds that
came to wait upon them. Meanwhile Vitellius let his favour alternate
between them, for personal influence is not to be trusted beyond a
certain limit. Meanwhile, they both feared and despised the emperor
himself, who thus veered between sudden brusqueness and unseasonable
flattery. However, they were not in the least deterred from seizing on
the houses, gardens, and funds in the emperor's patronage, while the
crowd of miserable and needy nobles, whom Galba had recalled from
exile with their children, derived no assistance from the emperor's
liberality. He earned the approval both of the upper classes and of
the people by granting to the restored full rights over their
freedmen.[437] But the freed slaves with characteristic meanness did
all they could to invalidate the edict. They would hide their money
with some obscure friend or in a rich patron's safe. Some, indeed, had
passed into the imperial household and become more influential than
their masters.
As for the soldiers, the Guards' barracks were crowded, and the 93
overflow spread through the city, finding shelter in colonnades and
temples. They ceased to recognize any head-quarters, to go on guard,
or to keep themselves in training, but fell victims to the attractions
of city life and its unmentionable vices, until they deteriorated both
physically and morally through idleness and debauchery. A number of
them even imperilled their lives by settling in the pestilent Vatican
quarter, thus increasing the rate of mortality. They were close to the
Tiber, and the Germans and Gauls, who were peculiarly liable to
disease and could ill stand the heat, ruined their constitutions by
their immoderate use of the river.[438] Moreover, the generals, either
for bribes or to earn popularity, tampered with the rules of the
service, enrolling sixteen regiments of Guards[439] and four for the
city garrison, each composed of a thousand men. In enlisting these
troops Valens put himself forward as superior to Caecina, whose life
he claimed to have saved. It is true, indeed, that his arrival had
consolidated the party, and by his successful engagement he had
silenced the current criticism of their slow marching. Besides which
the whole of the army of Lower Germany was attached to Valens, and
this is said to be the reason why Caecina's loyalty first wavered.
Whatever indulgence Vitellius showed to his generals, he allowed 94
still more licence to the troops. Each man chose his service. However
unfit, he might enlist in the Guards, if he preferred it. On the
other hand, good soldiers were allowed, if they wished, to remain in
the legions or the auxiliary cavalry. Many wished to do this who
suffered from ill health and complained of the climate. However, the
best soldiers were thus withdrawn from the legions and from the
cavalry; and the Guards were robbed of their prestige when twenty
thousand men were thus not so much selected for service with them as
drafted at random from the whole army.
While Vitellius was addressing the troops, they demanded the execution
of three Gallic chieftains, Asiaticus, Flavus, and Rufinus, on the
ground that they had fought for Vindex.[440] Vitellius never checked
these outcries. For, apart from the innate cowardice of his nature, he
knew that his donation to the soldiers was nearly due, and that he had
no money for it; so he freely granted all their other demands. The
imperial freedmen were forced to contribute a sort of tax,
proportionate to the number of their slaves. Meanwhile, his one
serious occupation was extravagance. He built stables for
chariot-drivers, filled the arena with gorgeous shows of gladiators
and wild beasts, and fooled away his money as though he had more than
he wanted.
Moreover, Valens and Caecina celebrated Vitellius' birthday[441] 95
by holding gladiatorial shows in every quarter of Rome on a scale of
magnificence hitherto unknown. Vitellius then gratified the rabble and
scandalized all decent people by building altars in the Martian Plain,
and holding a funeral service in honour of Nero. Victims were killed
and burnt in public: the torch was applied by the Augustales, members
of the college which Tiberius Caesar had founded in honour of the
Julian family, just as Romulus similarly commemorated King Tatius.
It was not yet four months since Vitellius' victory, and yet his
freedman Asiaticus was as bad as a Polyclitus or a Patrobius,[442] or
any of the favourites whose names were hated in earlier days. At this
court no one strove to rise by honesty or capacity. There was only one
road to power. By lavish banquets, costly profusion, and feats of
gastronomy, you had to try and satisfy Vitellius' insatiable gluttony.
He himself, without thought for the morrow, was well content to enjoy
the present. It is believed that he squandered nine hundred million
sesterces[443] in these brief months. Truly it shows Rome's greatness
and misfortune, that she endured Otho and Vitellius both in the same
year, and suffered humiliation of every kind at the hands of men like
Vinius and Fabius,[444] Icelus and Asiaticus, until at last they gave
way to Mucianus and Marcellus--a change of men but not of manners.
The first news of rebellion which reached Vitellius came from 96
Aponius Saturninus,[445] who, before himself going over to Vespasian's
side, wrote to announce the desertion of the Third legion. But a
sudden crisis makes a man nervous: Aponius did not tell the whole
story. So the emperor's flattering friends began to explain it all
away: what was the defection of a single legion, while the loyalty of
the other armies remained unshaken? Vitellius himself used the same
language to the soldiers. He accused the men, who had been recently
discharged from the Guards,[446] of spreading false rumours, and kept
assuring them there was no fear of civil war. All mention of Vespasian
was suppressed, and soldiers were sent round the city to frighten
people into silence, which, of course, did more than anything else to
make them talk.
Vitellius, nevertheless, sent for reinforcements from Germany, 97
Britain, and the Spanish provinces, though with a lack of urgency
which was intended to conceal his straits. The provinces and their
governors showed the same want of enthusiasm. Hordeonius Flaccus,[447]
who had suspicions of the Batavi, was distracted with a war of his
own,[448] while Vettius Bolanus[449] never had Britain under complete
control: nor was the loyally of either beyond doubt. The Spanish
provinces, where there was at the time no consular governor,[450] were
equally slow. The three officers in command of the legions held an
equal authority, and if Vitellius' cause had prospered, would have
each outbid the other for his favour: but they all shared the resolve
to leave his misfortunes alone. In Africa the legion and auxiliaries
enlisted by Clodius Macer, and subsequently disbanded by Galba,[451]
took service again at Vitellius' orders, and at the same time all the
young men of the province eagerly enlisted. Vitellius had been an
honest and popular pro-consul in Africa, while Vespasian had been
distrusted and disliked. The provincials took this as an earnest of
their reigns; but experience proved them wrong.
The military legate Valerius Festus[452] at first loyally seconded 98
the enthusiasm of the province. After a while he began to waver. In
his official letters and edicts he still acknowledged Vitellius, while
in secret communication with Vespasian and ready to support whichever
party proved successful. In Raetia and the Gallic provinces some
centurions and men carrying letters and edicts from Vespasian were
taken prisoners and sent to Vitellius, who had them executed. But most
of these envoys escaped capture either by their own ingenuity or the
loyal help of friends. Thus, while Vitellius' plans were known,
Vespasian's were for the most part still a secret. This was partly due
to Vitellius' negligence, but also to the fact that the garrisons on
the Pannonian Alps stopped all messengers. By sea, too, the
Etesian[453] winds from the north-west favoured ships sailing
eastward, but hindered the voyage from the East.
Terrified at last by the imminence of invasion and the alarming 99
news that reached him from all quarters, Vitellius instructed Caecina
and Valens to prepare for war. Caecina was sent on ahead, Valens, who
was just recovering from a serious illness, being delayed by his weak
state of health. Great, indeed, was the change in the appearance of
the German army as it marched out of Rome. There was neither energy in
their muscles nor fire in their hearts. Slowly the column straggled
on, their horses spiritless, their arms neglected. The men grumbled at
the sun, the dust, the weather, and were as ready to quarrel as they
were unwilling to work. To these disadvantages were added Caecina's
inveterate self-seeking and his newly-acquired indolence. An overdose
of success had made him slack and self-indulgent, or, if he was
plotting treachery, this may have been one of his devices for
demoralizing the army. It has often been believed that it was Flavius
Sabinus[454] who, using Rubrius Gallus as his agent, tampered with
Caecina's loyalty by promising that, if he came over, Vespasian would
ratify any conditions. It may have occurred also to Caecina to
remember his quarrels and rivalry with Valens, and to consider that,
as he did not stand first with Vitellius, he had better acquire credit
and influence with the new emperor.
After taking an affectionate and respectful farewell of Vitellius, 100
Caecina dispatched a body of cavalry to occupy Cremona. He soon
followed with the detachments of the First, Fourth, Fifteenth, and
Sixteenth legions in the van. The centre was composed of the Fifth and
Twenty-second, and in the rear of the column came the Twenty-first
Rapax and the First Italian legion, with detachments from the three
legions of Britain and a select force of auxiliaries. When Caecina had
started, Valens wrote instructions to the legions belonging to his old
command[455] to await him on the march, saying that he and Caecina had
arranged this. Caecina, however, took advantage of being on the spot,
and pretended that this plan had been altered so as to enable them to
meet the first outbreak of the war with their full strength. So some
legions were hurried forward to Cremona[456] and part of the force was
directed upon Hostilia.[457] Caecina himself turned aside to Ravenna
on the pretext of giving instructions to the fleet. Thence he
proceeded to Patavium[458] to secure secrecy for his treacherous
designs. For Lucilius Bassus, whom Vitellius, from a prefect of
auxiliary cavalry had raised to the supreme command of the two fleets
at Ravenna and Misenum, felt aggrieved at not being immediately given
the praefecture of the Guards, and sought in dastardly treachery the
remedy for his unjustifiable annoyance. It can never be known whether
he influenced Caecina or whether one was as dishonest as the other.
There is seldom much to choose between rascals. The historians[459] 101
who compiled the records of this war in the days of the Flavian
dynasty were led by flattery into adducing as the causes of the
rebellion patriotism and the interests of peace. We cannot think them
right. Apart from the innate disloyalty of the rebels and the loss
of character after Galba's betrayal, they seem to have been led by
jealousy and rivalry into sacrificing Vitellius himself for fear that
they might lose the first place in his favour. Thus when Caecina
joined his army,[460] he used every device to undermine the staunch
fidelity of the centurions and soldiers to Vitellius. Bassus found
the same task less difficult, for the fleet remembered that they had
lately been in Otho's service, and were therefore already on the
brink of rebellion.
FOOTNOTES:
[424] The narrative is here resumed from chap. 72.
[425] See chap. 68.
[426] The word 'cockney' may perhaps be admitted here to
express that which is characteristic of the metropolitan
masses. Similarly Petronius speaks of a man as 'a fountain of
cockney humour' (_urbanitatis vernaculae fontem_).
[427] They were cast for the part of Galba's avengers.
[428] Only detachments of these latter four were present, so
they had not got their eagles.
[429] Under the empire there were six tribunes to each legion,
and they took command on the march and on the field, acting
under the orders of the _legatus legionis_. The ten centurions
of the _pilani_ or front rank each commanded his cohort.
[430] See note 107.
[431] The end was so near.
[432] At Cremera, near Veii, the Fabii died like heroes, 477 B.C.,
and on the Allia the Gauls won their victory over Rome,
390 B.C. The day was called Alliensis, and no work was to be
done on it (Livy, vi. 1).
[433] See chap. 71. At this time the emperor had in theory
only the right of nominating candidates for the consulships,
but it was obviously unnecessary for him to do more. The
alliteration in this sentence is Tacitus'.
[434] See iv. 4 f.
[435] Thrasea, Helvidius' father-in-law, was an honoured
member of the Stoic opposition who had been executed by Nero
A.D. 66. Here Vitellius is posing as an ordinary senator. If
he had opposed so distinguished a man as Thrasea, why should
not Helvidius oppose him? Thrasea's end gives the remark a
slightly sinister tone.
[436] See note 346.
[437] A patron apparently could claim support from his
freedmen if he was in want, as these restored exiles certainly
were, since their property had been confiscated and was
irrecoverable. In exile they had of course lost their rights.
[438] This probably includes bathing as well as drinking.
[439] Since Tiberius there had been only nine, and Vespasian
restored that number.
[440] See i. 6.
[441] Probably September 24. He was 54.
[442] Cp. i. 37, 49.
[443] About nine million pounds. Not to be taken too literally.
[444] Valens.
[445] Governor of Moesia (see chap. 85).
[446] See chap. 67.
[447] He had been left to guard the Rhine.
[448] See chap. 57. The revolt of Civilis was soon to break out.
[449] See chap. 65.
[450] Cluvius Rufus was governing the Tarragona division from
Rome (chap. 65). Lusitania was under a praetorian legate.
Baetica was a senatorial province with no troops.
[451] See i. 7 and 11.
[452] He had succeeded Clodius Macer in command of the Third
Augusta, and in virtue of that command governed Numidia (see
i. 7).
[453] These 'annual' winds blew steadily and gently from July
20 for a month.
[454] Vespasian's brother.
[455] In Lower Germany.
[456] Only two legions went to Cremona (see iii. 14).
[457] Ostiglia.
[458] Padua.
[459] e.g. Cluvius Rufus (cp. i. 8), the elder Pliny (cp. iii. 28),
and Vipstanus Messala (cp. iii, 9, 25, 28).
[460] i.e. at Hostilia, coming back from Padua.
Oxford: Horace Hart, Printer to the University
* * * * *
TACITUS
THE HISTORIES
TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
W. HAMILTON FYFE
FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME II
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1912
HENRY FROWDE
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK
TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
SUMMARY OF CHIEF EVENTS
I. THE FIGHT FOR THE THRONE
A.D. 69.
_September_
Antonius surprises a Vitellian detachment at Forum Alieni.
At Padua the Pannonian legions arrive.
He fortifies Verona. The Moesian legions arrive.
Caecina holds Cremona with Legs. I Italica and XXI Rapax and
cavalry.
He encamps with the rest of his force near Hostilia on the
Tartaro.
Valens dawdles northward with three praetorian cohorts.
_October_
The fleet at Ravenna declares for Vespasian.
Caecina attempts treachery and is imprisoned by his army, which
starts on a forced march to Cremona.
Antonius starts from Verona to intercept them.
27. Second Battle of Bedriacum. Legs. I Italica and XXI Rapax sally
from Cremona and are driven back by Antonius.
The six legions from Hostilia reach Cremona.
The united Vitellian army makes a night sally from Cremona and
is defeated.
28. Sack of Cremona.
Surrender of Vitellian army.
_November_
Valens, having reached Ariminum, flies to Monaco, and is captured
in the Stoechades Islands.
Spain, Gaul, and Britain declare for Vespasian.
Antonius advances via Ariminum to Fanum Fortunae.
Vitellius holds the Apennines at Mevania with fourteen praetorian
cohorts, a new legion of marines, and cavalry.
Mutiny of the fleet at Misenum. Tarracina seized.
Vitellius returns to Rome with seven cohorts and part of the
cavalry.
The remaining cohorts are moved back from Mevania to Narnia.
L. Vitellius with six cohorts and cavalry besieges Tarracina.
_December_
Antonius crosses the Apennines and halts at Carsulae.
Varus wins a cavalry skirmish at Interamna.
Valens beheaded at Urbino: his head flung into camp at Narnia.
Surrender of Vitellians at Narnia.
Antonius marches as far as Ocriculum, sending Cerialis forward
to Rome with 1,000 cavalry.
17. Vitellius, wishing to abdicate, is prevented by troops and mob.
18. They besiege Flavius Sabinus in the Capitol.
19. Capitol stormed. Temple of Jupiter burnt.
Sabinus caught and killed.
L. Vitellius takes Tarracina.
20. Cerialis defeated outside Rome.
20. Antonius makes a forced march along Via Flaminia.
21. Capture of Rome. Murder of Vitellius. Domitian installed as
'Caesar'.
A.D. 70.
_January_
L. Vitellius surrenders in Campania. Mucianus arrives in Rome
as regent.
II. THE REBELLION ON THE RHINE
A.D. 69.
_Autumn_
Revolt of Civilis and Batavians, at first ostensibly in support
of Vespasian.
Revolt supported by Canninefates, Frisii, Marsaci, Cugerni.
Civilis routs Gallic auxiliaries and captures the Rhine flotilla
in 'The Island'.
Munius Lupercus advances from Vetera with remnant of Legs. V
Alaudae and XV Primigenia, supported by Ubian, Treviran, and
Batavian auxiliaries.
Civilis drives him back into Vetera.
The eight Batavian cohorts at Mainz march off to join Civilis,
and defeat Leg. I Germanica at Bonn.
Bructeri and Tencteri join revolt.
Civilis blockades Vetera.
Vocula advances to relieve Vetera with detachments of Legs. IV
Macedonica, XXII Primigenia, and I Germanica.
Vocula encamps at Gelduba. Flaccus makes head-quarters at
Novaesium.
Civilis' assault on Vetera repulsed.
Vocula with difficulty repulses attack on Gelduba.
Relief of Vetera. Vocula then retires to Novaesium.
Civilis takes Gelduba and wins skirmish outside Novaesium.
Mutiny in Novaesium. Flaccus murdered.
Civilis renews blockade of Vetera.
Chatti, Mattiaci, and Usipi threaten Mainz.
Vocula relieves Mainz and winters there.
A.D. 70.
_January_ (?)
Revolt of Gallic tribes, Ubii, Tungri, Treviri, Lingones, headed
by Classicus, Tutor, and Sabinus.
Vocula advances to save Vetera, but is driven back to Novaesium
by mutiny of Gallic auxiliaries, and there murdered.
His army swears allegiance to 'Empire of Gaul'.
Tutor takes Cologne and Mainz.
Vetera surrenders to Classicus. Garrison massacred.
The Baetasii, Nervii, and Tungri join revolt.
_Spring_
Mucianus and Domitian start from Rome with reinforcements.
Cerialis, with Legs. XXI Rapax and II Adjutrix, is to operate on
Lower Rhine.
Annius Gallus, with Legs. VII Claudia, VIII Augusta, XI Claudia,
is to operate on Upper Rhine.
The Sequani, still loyal, defeat Sabinus and Lingones.
The Remi, also loyal, summon a Gallic Council, which votes for
peace, but the Treviri and Lingones hold out under Classicus,
Tutor, and Valentinus.
The Roman mutineers return to their allegiance.
_Summer_
Sextilius Felix routs Tutor near Bingen. Cerialis defeats
Valentinus and occupies Trier.
The Germans surprise the Romans in Trier, but Cerialis drives
them out and storms their camp.
Massacre of Germans at Cologne. Cohort of Chauci and Frisii
entrapped and burnt.
Leg. XIV Gemina arrives from Britain and receives submission of
Nervii and Tungri.
Legs. I Adjutrix and VI Victrix arrive from Spain.
_Autumn_
Civilis defeats Cerialis near Vetera, but is routed on the next
day and retires into The Island.
Hard fighting on the Waal.
Germans capture Roman flotilla.
Civilis retires northwards over the Rhine.
Cerialis occupies The Island.
Civilis makes overtures of peace.
NOTE
The text followed is that of C.D. Fisher _(Oxford Classical Texts)_.
Departures from it are mentioned in the notes.