by that craze for rhetoric which prevailed in the Athens of the last
years of his life,—that rhetoric which was to play such havoc with
the written history of a later age. He was probably too old to be
largely influenced by that which seemed to the older men of the time an
undesirable or, when they suffered from its exercise, even pernicious
fad, even though certain sides of it might appeal strongly to his
literary instinct. If contemporary writing did at all influence this
creator of literature in a new form, it is perhaps in the works of the
great dramatists that the source of such influence is to be sought. In
any case, it was not sufficiently strong to affect his reliability as
an historian. The reports of speeches in his work in what profess to be
the actual words of the speaker, in cases in which it is certain that
the actual words cannot have survived, is to be attributed to dramatic
rather than to rhetorical feeling; and the absence of the latter
influence in his work generally is shown by the conspicuous absence of
a fundamental canon of rhetoric,—the ordered arrangement of topic.
#SOURCES.#
◆Sources.◆
To discuss fully the possible sources of information to which Herodotus
had recourse in various parts of his work would in itself lake up
a volume, wherein much of the matter would be highly controversial.
It will be sufficient here to point out as briefly as possible those
sources which are indicated either clearly or with high probability as
lying behind his narrative of the war and its immediate prelude:—
1. The historian’s personal observation and personal inquiry;
2. Records, official and semi-official;
3. Tradition [some preserved in previous authors].
Under the heading of personal observations may be included—
(_a_) His topographical inquiries.
(_b_) His inquiries from persons who had taken part in or had
witnessed events.
Among records, the following sources may be suggested:—
(_a_) Inscriptions set up in various cities;
(_b_) (Probably) official lists other than inscriptions;
(_c_) Records of oracular responses.
The traditions, of which he manifestly made important use, are of great
variety of origin. Sometimes he mentions their source; more frequently
the nature of his information clearly indicates it.
(_a_) Pan-Hellenic, or Patriotic Greek;
(_b_) Athenian (Pan-Athenian; Aristocratic);
(_c_) Spartan (Official; Popular);
(_d_) Argive;
(_e_) Arcadian;
(_f_) Sicilian;
(_g_) Macedonian;
(_h_) Asiatic Dorian;
(_i_) Ionian;
(_k_) (Possibly) Persian sources;
(_l_) Delphic.
This list, long as it is, is absolutely confined to the sources for
the story of the war, and that, too, of its main incidents. Were the
sources for the history of Greece before the opening of the fifth
century, for the non-Hellenic history, or even for minor incidents of
the war, to be taken into consideration, their discussion would extend
to many chapters.
The most remarkable general characteristic about this aspect of his
work is the composite, sometimes extremely composite, nature of the
sources employed in drawing up the account of any single one of the
main incidents. A second characteristic, hardly less remarkable,
is that those parts of his work whose truth is most conspicuously
demonstrable originate in the majority of cases in the historian’s
personal observation and personal inquiry.
◆Autopsy, and the evidence of eye-witnesses.◆
The most noticeable examples of the accuracy of his personal
observation, and of the diligence and care of his inquiries from
persons who were present at events, is afforded by the correctness with
which he describes the topography of Thermopylæ and Platæa, and the
close agreement of the incidents of those battles as recorded by him
with the nature and accidents of the ground at the present day. There
is no single statement of pure fact in his accounts of those battles
upon which suspicion is thrown by a minute examination of the areas
within which they were fought. The majority of them are positively
capable of proof by the results of such an examination. The manifest
errors in these two accounts do not lie in statement of fact, but in
statement of motive, and are fully explicable by the circumstances
under which the story was told. In neither case does he produce any
evidence that he was able to get information as to the motives which
influenced those in command. The story of the fighting in both cases
is a soldier’s story. The details of the first two days of the defence
of Thermopylæ were derived from some one who was present at, or a
spectator of, the fight, of which there were many survivors. Those
of the final scene are of the same character, though in that case it
is more difficult to conjecture who was the informant. #AUTOPSY AND
TOPOGRAPHY.# From certain indications in the story, it seems that parts
of it at any rate may have been derived from some one who viewed it
from the Persian side, possibly some Malian who had been temporarily
impressed as a servant, and with whom Herodotus conversed when
he visited the spot in later years. Such are the details (vii. 208)
with regard to some of the Lacedæmonians being hidden from view of
the Persian scout by the interposition of the wall, and some of
the information given with reference to Epialtes (vii. 213). It is
quite beyond question that Herodotus had traversed the ground. His
topographical information can be followed in detail by any one who
visits the region at the present day.
The only uncertainty concerns the exact sites of one or two
places which he mentions outside the area of fighting, such as
the Amphiktyonic temple; but even these are identifiable with
high probability; and it is the use of the spade, not Herodotus’
information, which is wanting.
The rest of his information with regard to Thermopylæ, with the sole
exception of the copies of the inscriptions on the monuments, is
traditional in origin, emanating from Sparta.[232]
Artemisium he may have seen in the distance in the course of a land
journey from the north. The knowledge which he displays of Halos, in
his account of Xerxes’ visit to the place, renders it probable that he
had traversed the route which leads round the east end of Othrys on to
the Malian plain, and in going that way he would pass in full view of
Aphetæ and Artemisium. His topographical description of these places
is, in so far as it is called for, accurate enough. That is, however,
the only portion of the Artemisium story which can be set down to aught
of the nature of personal examination. Nor, indeed, can any part of
that story be safely attributed to the evidence of an eye-witness
of events. The list of the contingents of the Greek fleet may be taken
from official records of some sort; the rest of the story seems to be
drawn from tradition.
The tale of Salamis is, perhaps, the most extraordinary in the whole
of his history. There can be little doubt that when he wrote it he had
in his possession notes of information given him by some one who was
present at the battle. Probably he never compiled its history of the
battle until some years after he had taken the notes, at a time when
his informant was not within his reach, possibly dead and gone. He must
have known the topography of the strait; he could hardly have lived in
Athens without doing so.
How did he come to make the serious error which he undoubtedly did
make? There may be differences of opinion as to the nature of the
error, still more as to its cause; but as to the existence of it the
topographical evidence, as well as the contemporary account of the
eye-witness Æschylus, leave no reasonable doubt. The mistake does not
appear, in so far as can be judged, to have existed in his original
information. His account, despite the confusion inevitable to the
nature of his mistake, points to its being founded on evidence which
may have been in all essential particulars in accord with that of
Æschylus and Diodorus. The matter has already been discussed at length
in reference to the battle itself. Suffice it now to say that the most
probable explanation of it is that, using his notes of information some
time after they had been given him, he mistimed a movement mentioned in
them, and by so doing threw his narrative out of gear.
In the Salamis story, as elsewhere, the traditional element is present
in various forms. As in the case of Artemisium, the list of the ships
may be founded upon an official basis.
The story of Platæa is, perhaps, the most remarkable that he wrote.
How he ever arrived at the truth with regard to that scene of confused
fighting must excite the wonder of every student of history. #FACTS
AND JUDGMENTS.# It is plain that he was peculiarly well satisfied
with his evidence, for he was not in the habit of treating at length
incidents whose description rested on testimony with which he was
dissatisfied, however important these incidents might be. His account
of Marathon affords proof of that; and there other ominous silences
in his narrative which can only have been due to lack of reliable
information. His topographical evidence on Platæa is undoubtedly
due to autopsy. Not merely are his direct statements on the subject
marvellously correct; but the whole of the topography implied in his
account of the many incidents of the battle is marvellously correct
also. His information was manifestly derived from one who had fought at
Platæa; and the character of the story is such as to render it possible
that he not merely visited the scene of it himself, but visited in
company with one who had fought there. His account exemplifies in a
peculiar way both his excellences and his limitations as a military
historian. His own diligent inquiry led him to make the best use
possible of the evidence at his command; but that evidence was not
obtained from one who was conversant with the plans of those who
directed the operations, nor had the historian himself such knowledge
and experience as would enable him to form sound inductions as to the
nature of those plans from information of the kind which was at his
disposal.
The traditional element in his account of Platæa is probably far less
in proportion than that in any one of the longer sections of his
history. Of official record only the list of the Greek contingents
shows probable traces.
Such are the major parts of his history in which the evidence of
autopsy on his part, or on the part of his sources of information, is
most strikingly displayed.
One minor passage, that relating to Xerxes’ visit to the vale of Tempe,
must be mentioned. The considerations on the physical geography of
Thessaly, which are put into the mouth of the Great King, are almost
certainly those of the historian himself, derived from his personal
knowledge of the region. This view is further supported by the remark
he makes on his own authority in reference to the withdrawal of the
Greek force from that region, that he believes it was due to the
discovery that Tempe was not the only pass into the country from the
north.
With regard to the other two great battle-grounds of this period,
the evidence of autopsy is doubtful Herodotus’ account of Marathon
makes it probable that he had not seen the ground. His account of
the battle, such as it is, is marked by certain mistaken deductions,
probably his own, resting on a basis of misinformation. The remainder
of it is obviously traditional in origin.
Whether Herodotus had ever seen the ground at Mykale is very doubtful.
He certainly had never examined it in detail. It is, however, quite
possible that some of his information with regard to it was drawn from
an eye-witness.
◆Oracles.◆
Mention has already been made of certain traces of the use of official
records of a secular origin. It now remains to consider those oracular
responses, whose actual wording in their official written form came
under his notice, whether at the place at which they were delivered,
or in the city to which they were given. The great difficulty is to
determine whether, in the individual cases in which he quotes oracles,
his quotation is drawn from an official version, or from a version
accepted by tradition. Positive cases of the latter mode of quotation
are more easy to recognize than positive cases of the former; though
in nearly all cases alike he gives what purports to be, and may be,
the actual wording of the response. Nevertheless, the two kinds of
quotation demand that the material quoted, even if identical in form,
should be regarded as coming under two different classes of evidence.
It must not be necessarily assumed that an oracle copied from an
official record at Delphi is better historical evidence than one
preserved in the memory of those to whom it was delivered. It is too
probable that the opposite is the case. There are many strong reasons
for the suspicion that in certain instances the hand of the editor
brought the record up to date by alterations and additions made in the
light of after-events. The oracles relative to Salamis are a case in
point. #ORACLES.# Delphi did no doubt possess sources of information
with regard to Greek politics generally, which rendered it able to give
very useful advice to those who consulted it; but it is impossible to
believe that either at Delphi, or anywhere else, the course of
the war could have been so far calculated before the actual struggle
began, as that the circumstances which made it so imperative to fight
at Salamis should have been foreseen.
It is in the history of the period at which apparently this oracle was
delivered, when the Greek states to which the council of defence had
appealed for help were making up their minds what attitude to adopt
in the coming war, that Herodotus makes most use of the evidence of
oracles. There is no reason, save in the case of the Salamis oracle
above mentioned, to suspect that those which he quotes are in aught but
their original form. They show that Delphi had a definite policy at the
time, founded upon the conviction that Athens, and Athens alone, was
the goal of the Persian expedition; and even after the war was over
Delphi might have argued with some show of reason, though not on the
solid basis of fact, that, had its advice been followed, its conviction
would have turned out true.
One other very important oracle quoted by Herodotus with reference to
the history of the war, is that which was alleged to have brought about
the self-sacrifice of Leonidas. From the way in which the historian
mentions it, it is obvious that he did not draw it from any source
independent of the tradition of the battle, to which, indeed, it
supplied the main motive.
◆Traditions.◆
It is often very difficult to trace with anything approaching certainty
the exact source of the various traditions which Herodotus followed
in different minor sections of his history. In some cases it is only
possible to make a guess at their origin; and a discussion of them,
not in itself very profitable, is but too apt to lead to even less
profitable results. It is quite certain, as has been already said, that
in many parts of his narrative he combined information of very diverse
origin and of very various value.
A statement in a sentence in the midst of a long passage oftentimes
shows that its origin differs from that of its context. It is not
proposed to deal with such variations of the general pattern, but
to seek rather to arrive at some definite conclusion as to the
“provenance” of the chief authorities lying behind the main sections of
the historian’s work.
The account of the Ionian revolt is, as it would appear, drawn largely
from traditional sources. It is, of course, probable that Herodotus
in his early years actually talked with men who had played a part in
it; but it is also probable, on the other hand, that he had not at
that period of his life any formed intention of writing his history.
The traditions which he followed were undoubtedly unfavourable to the
Ionians. They were also defective in information. Their origin must
certainly be attributed to the Asiatic coast of the Ægean; and this
fact, together with these two main characteristics above mentioned,
points to the Dorian Greeks of the cities of the Carian coast, of which
Halikarnassos, Herodotus’ birthplace, was one, as having been mainly
responsible for them.
The attitude of these Dorians at the time of the revolt would be only
too calculated to make them unfavourable to those who had taken part in
it. Such information as Herodotus could get from Ionian sources would
be coloured by mutual recriminations, and would not, consequently, be
calculated to disabuse his mind of its first impression.
Some few examples of the use of official records and inscriptions are
apparent, but they are few and far between.
The Marathon story seems to be almost wholly traditional, derived
from two Athenian sources of opposite tendency,—the one aristocratic,
wherein the services of the Miltiades were brought into prominence, the
other democratic, wherein the medizing tendencies of the Alkmæonidæ
were, in so far as possible, disguised and excused. These two versions,
with additions of his own, Herodotus has combined into his narrative;
but there must have been a large mass of matter in both traditions
which he has rejected as unreliable, probably owing to the absolute
impossibility of reconciling the statements in the one version with
those in the other.
#PARTIALITY OF GREEK TRADITION.#
The confused history of the wars between Athens and Ægina, one of which
falls within the decade between 490 and 480, is related on the
basis of an Athenian version, which the historian himself has probably
edited in certain parts: but the whole tradition was so confused that
he has evidently been able to make comparatively little out of it.
The sources for the period immediately preceding the war of 480 are, as
might be expected in the history of a time at which many of the less
prominent of the Greek states appear on the stage, of a very varied
character. To the employment of the records at Delphi in this part of
the historian’s work reference has been already made; but, in addition
to these official records, he appears to have made use of tradition
surviving at Delphi itself, especially with reference to the relations
of the oracle with Athens at that particular time.
The main basis of his account of the negotiations with Gelo and of
the events in Sicily in the period immediately succeeding them is a
tradition which was current throughout European Greece, whose manifest
tendency was to exclude the Sicilian tyrant from all participation,
direct or indirect, in the struggle for Hellenic freedom. He expressly
mentions, indeed, that there was a Sicilian version which differed from
it in certain respects; but he evidently attached but little importance
to it. That he made a mistake in his choice of authority there can be
little doubt; but, apart from the natural predisposition of one who
knew the tale of tyranny on the Asiatic coast, and had every reason to
dislike it, the Greek version had probably taken firm root by the time
at which he collected his materials. The Sicilian version, with its
probable exaggerations, is preserved in Diodorus.
In discussing the attitude of Argos at this time, he expressly
reproduces two traditions, giving his preference to that of local
Argive origin. The other was probably that which was carried current
among the Greeks who had been patriotic, though certain details in it
suggest that it was originally from an Athenian source; and part of it
originated more than thirty years after the war, at the time of the
negotiations which led to the mysterious Peace of Kallias.[233]
The tale of the negotiations with Corcyra, as well as of Corcyra’s
attitude at the time of Salamis, rests on a tradition which was in all
probability current among all the patriot Greeks. Corcyra was never
popular. The social Greek hated its individualism as a state in the
Hellenic world.
The tradition which Herodotus reproduces relating to the motives which
prompted the advice given by Themistocles to the Athenians regarding
the mines at Laurion is all part of that Themistocles legend which he
has consistently followed. Its origin has been already attributed to
the aristocratic party in Athens.
The absence of any attempt to tone down the picture drawn of the medism
of the Northern states points to the fact that the materials for it
were furnished by tradition current among the patriot Greeks.
The tale of Thermopylæ is one of the few stories of greater length in
the history in which the traditional element is homogeneous throughout.
The actual facts of the fighting were probably obtained from
examination of the ground, combined with the evidence of eye-witnesses.
But the whole motive of the story—the causes, that is to say, which
produced these facts—was drawn from a tradition, one and indivisible,
and that tradition was of Lacedæmonian origin. It was more than
that; it was no popular tale, but an official version of events. It
became pan-Hellenic, for the very good reason that the extraordinary
circumstances of the battle did not render the existence of any other
version possible. It would be mere repetition of a long argument
to recapitulate the reasons for this view: they have been already
stated in dealing with the account of the battle itself. The oracular
element contained in it was quite sufficient to prejudice Herodotus
in its favour; but even he does not seem to have been satisfied with
the reasons put forward for leaving Leonidas to his fate; and he was
evidently in doubt as to the true facts of what occurred on the last
day of the defence of the pass.
The tale of Artemisium would appear to have been drawn from
two sources, both of them Athenian. #PERSIAN SOURCES.# The
Themistocles legend of aristocratic origin is interwoven with a
pan-Athenian version, whose object was to emphasize in every possible
way the services of Athens to the national cause at this period of the
war, and the many difficulties she encountered in combating the fatal
policy of withdrawal to the Isthmus.
The same pan-Athenian tradition, combined with the Themistocles legend,
shows itself in the account of the events between Artemisium and the
actual fighting at Salamis.
Alike in the accounts of Thermopylæ and Salamis, descriptions are given
of events which occurred on the Persian side; even discussions which
took place in the Persian Council of War are reported in what profess
to be the actual words used. The latter may be dismissed with the
remark that they are instances in which the dramatic instinct got the
better of the historical sense of the historian. But it is impossible
to say that the matter in the description and discussions is wholly
unhistorical. The prominence of Artemisia in one of them suggests
that it is founded on a Halikarnassian tradition of his own day. The
remainder may rest partly on traditions carried back to Asia by Greeks
who were with Xerxes’ army. Herodotus himself, who had relations with
Persians in high positions in later times, may have derived incidental
information from them. But these Persian tales in his history of the
war must be regarded as indicating only the drift of the truth.
The tale of Salamis, in so far as it is not founded on notes from a
personal narrative, suggests an origin in pan-Hellenic tradition. The
credit given to the Æginetan on the one side, and to the Ionians on the
other, can only have been the outcome of general consent. No doubt, the
more or less personal details of the fighting are drawn from a variety
of sources, Ionian, Halikarnassian, Athenian, and what not; and the
tale of the would-be Corinthian cowardice shows unmistakably the traces
of the cloven foot of later Athenian enmity.
The comparative briefness of the tale of Mykale suggests that Herodotus
had not the opportunity of getting much information with regard to
that important battle. As it stands, it presents no certain trace of
origin, but is probably the version of the story which was generally
current in Greece. Despite its brevity, it is, in contrast with the
story of Marathon, one which raises no difficulties. The evidence
was not evidently large in quantity; but, such as it is, it has all
the appearance of having been sound. It affords, moreover, another
example of that fact, to which reference has been already made on
several occasions, that Herodotus did not write history on the basis of
testimony with which he was not satisfied.
The view adopted in this volume on the right use of Herodotus’ work
as a basis for history is not likely to commend itself to extremists.
It is perhaps due to the strong personality of the old historian that
his critics have at all times shown a tendency to divide themselves
into two camps, one of which champions not merely his honesty, but his
absolute accuracy, while the other bitterly assails both. In a work so
great and so extensive as his, it is almost inevitable that the amount
of accuracy obtained in various parts of it should vary very greatly.
The multiplicity, too, of his sources of information would necessarily
promote the same tendency.
As an historian he has suffered alike from his admirers and detractors.
He has been credited with a kind of inspiration. He has been decried
as a forger of history. It would be waste of time to discuss views so
extreme. Any one acquainted with the conditions under which his history
must have been composed will understand the ♠impossibility of attaining
complete accuracy under such circumstances. Any one who takes the
trouble to examine the proofs of the charges of forgery brought against
him will know that they have often been founded on mistaken premisses,
and are in no single instance convincing.
♠ “impossibilty” replaced with “impossibility”
But there is an intermediate attitude taken towards his work by a
certain section of the learned world, about which a few words must
be said. #MODERN CRITICISM.# There is a widespread tendency to adopt
the view that, whatever the inaccuracies contained in his writings,
they represent the high-watermark of knowledge attainable at the
present day concerning the period of Greek history of which he
wrote; and that, therefore, fertile criticism of his work aiming at
any reconstruction of the story is impossible. Such reconstructions
are, moreover, frequently stigmatized as attempts to read the ideas
of the nineteenth century after Christ into the history of the fifth
century before Christ. A charge, of the kind can only be founded on the
assumption that Herodotus was qualified not merely to record the acts
of the men of the period of which he wrote, but to appreciate to the
full the ideas and motives which produced the acts of those who were
presumably the most skilled men of their day in special departments of
life.
The evidence which is given in this volume, with respect at least
to the military history of this period, does not support such an
assumption. Putting aside detail, the general conclusions to which it
points are three in number:—
1. The extraordinary accuracy of statements of fact in Herodotus;
2. His lack of information as to the motives of those in command;
3. His lack of experience such as might have enabled him to form
deductions as to those motives.
If the evidence on which the first of these conclusions is founded be
held to justify it, it is not too much to assert that the modern world
is provided with the means of forming a sound judgment as to the causes
underlying the history of the most critical years of the fifth century.
The debt of civilization to Herodotus does not require exaggeration.
INDEX.
A
Abæ, 349, 436
Abdera, 220
Abydos, 110, 213 _n._, 214 ff., 217, 253, 272, 418, 430, 530 f.
Acarnania, 241
Achæans, 226, 229 _n._
Achæmenes, 344
Achæmenids (family of), 33, 38, 41, 83
Achaia, 379
Achaia, Phthiotis, 259, 279
Acilius Glabrio, 260 _n._, 264 _n._
Adeimantos, 328, 329, 364 f., 368, 405
Adramyttion, 217
Æakes, 129 f., 134
Ægaleos, Mt., 372, 375, 385, 392, 398 _n._, 452
Ægina, Æginetans (wars with Athens), 53, 77, 154 ff., 158 _n._, 202,
204, 205, 240, 320, 353, 354 and _n._, 355 _n._, 362, 365 f., 367 f.,
373, 376, 378, 388, 389, 393, 397, 400, 401, 405, 406, 431, 433,
469 _n._, 514–516 and _n._, 562, 577
Ægospotami, 532
Ægosthena, 446
Ænianians, 226, 229 _n._
Ænos, 218
Æolian Greeks, 51, 91, 137, 140, 218, 219
Æschines, 162
Æschylus, 354 _n._, 369 ff., 377 and rest of chap. ix. _passim_,
especially 391, 392, 394, 397, 570
Ætolia, 241, 260 _n._, and 262 _n._, 263 _n._
Africa. African, 425
Agathyrsi, 58
Agora, 218
Agrieliki, Mt., 163 ff., 174
Akanthos, 152, 220, 221
Akragas [Agrigentum], 246, 254, 423, 427 f.
Alamana Bridge, 279 f., 284 f.
Aleuadæ, 207, 227 f., 230 _n._, 252
Alexander (of Macedonia), 68, 231, 257, 436 ff., 476 and _n._, 488, 546
Alexander the Great, 426
Alkmæonidæ, 23, 77, 157, 166 ff., 175, chap. iv. _passim_, 201 _n._,
202, 307, 574
Alpenos (oi), 290 f., 300, 303, 311 _n._, 312
Alyattes, 14, 18, 19
Amanus, Mt., 426
Amasis, 36
Amathus, 101 ff.
Ambrakiots, 354 _n._, 469 _n._
Amompharetos, 487, 492, 499, 504, 510, 516, 520
Amorges, 115
Amphictyony, 262, 284 f., 569
Amphipolis, 66, 116
Amphissa, 348 ff.
Amyntas, 68
Anaktorians, 469 _n._
Anaua, 213
Anaxandros, 295
Anaxilas, 254 _n._
Androkrates, Temenos of, 464, 465 ff.; site, 466 _n._, 470, 497
Andros, 374, 412 ff., 417, 419, 562
Anopæa, 268, 269 _n._, 271 _n._, chap. vii. _passim_ (descn., 300 ff.),
542
Antandros, 56, 69, 217
Anthele, 280–284, 296 _n._
Anticyra, 280 f.
Antigonus, 263 _n._
Antiochus, 264 _n._
Aphetæ, 320 _n._, 326 ff., 342, 343, 569
Apidanos, R., 259
Apollonia, 51
Apotripi Springs, 454, 465 ff., 470, 478 _n_., 505, 506
Aráchova, 350
♠ “Arachova” replaced with “Aráchova”
Arcadia, 273, 306, 444, 567
Arderikka, 192
Ardys, 12
Argilos, 220
Argiopian country, 494 ff., 499
Argos, Argolis, 226, 235, 237, 240, 243 f., 250 _n._, 253, 351, 353,
379, 444, 545, 565, 567, 575
Ariamnes, 404
Aristagoras, 47, 78, chap. iii. _passim_, 159, 299
Aristides, 202, 386, 388 ff., 403, 461, 470, 496, 547
Aristocratic traditions, 170, 175, 203
Aristodemos, 274 f., 312
Aristomenes, 12
Aristophanes, 170, 179 _n._, 523, 563
Aristotle, 175, 177 f., 255, 358, 420
Artabanos, 209, 217 f.
Artabazos, 428 ff., 475, 476 _n._, 508, 514, 518, 546
Artaphernes, 42, 69, 74, 76, 78 ff., chap. iii. _passim_, 147 ff., 159,
201 _n._
Artaphernes (younger), 160, chap. iv. _passim_, 200
Artauktes, 531 ff.
Artemisia, 113 _n._, 220, 374, 402 f., 410, 577
Artemisium, 265 f., 270, 271, 276, 298, chap. viii. _passim_, 351,
353 f., 355, 358, 359, 374, 383, 404, 441 _n._, 538, 541, 562, 569,
576 f.
Artybios, 105
Asea, 444
Asia Minor, Geographical, 7, 13
Asopos, R., Bœotia, 448 and chap. xi. _passim_, especially 470 and
_n._, 473
Asopos, R., Malis, 260 ff., 277 ff., 299 ff., 345 f., 348
Assyria, 8 f., 10, 12, 14–16, 39
Astyages, 16, 17
Atalanta, 261, 279, 309, 346, 349
Atarneus, 140 f., 217
Athens, Athenians,
Ægina, 53, 98, 154 f., 158 _n._, 202, 240, 562, 574 f.
Army, 431, 461, 468, 469 _n._, at Platæa, 500 ff., 503 ff., 519; at
Mykale, 527, 529–532
Constitutional, 174 ff., 389, 431
Fleet, 93, 198,
203 ff., 237, 265, 270 f., 320, 337, 351, 354, 355, 365, 368, 393,
405, 552 f.
General, Delphi, 232, 240, 262 _n._; siege, 356 ff., 436 ff., 530, 545
Internal politics, 76 f., 166 ff., 199, 201 ff., 388, 416, 419, 563
Ionian revolt, 92–98, 133, 167
Persia, 72, 74, 76, 77 f., 81, chap. iv., 214, 224 ff., 232, 241 f.,
357, 546
Strategy, 270 f., 275, 359 f., 523, 549, 550 f.
Trade, 367
Athenian sources, 54, 98, 155, chap. iv., 319, chap. viii. _passim_,
321, 324, 340, 341, 405, 477, 491 f., 508 _n._, 510, 563, 567, 574,
575, 576
Athos, Mt., 151, 153, 212, 221
Atossa, 72
Attaginos, 517
Attica, 159, 162, 234 f., 353, 355, 356, 358, 372, 444, 445, 526, 549
Atyadæ, 6
Avlona (valley), 164 f., 174, and chap. iv. _passim_
Axios, R., 221
B
Bactrians, 418
Bakchylides, 28
Bithynia, 18, 60
Bœotia, Bœotians, 77, 228, 229 and _n._, 231, 252, 257, 262 _n._, 275,
346 f.; routes, 346, 347, 350, 374, 407, 410, 439, 440, 445, and chap.
xi. _passim_ (especially 452, 455, 471, 477, 498, 505, 507, 512, 513,
519 ff.), 527, 544, 547, 549
Bosphorus, 50, 115
Boudenitza 265, 276, 346
Branchidæ [Temple of the], 22, 89
Brennus, 262 _n._, 265, 268 _n._, 281
Brygi, 150 f.
Bury, Prof., 357 _n._, 389, 390 _n._
Busolt, 155 _n._
Byzantion, 49, 50 _n._, 51 _n._, 56, 69, 99, 120 f., 135, 145, 518
C
Cadmus, 254 _n._
Cambunian Mts., 231, 257
Cambyses, 36 f., 55, 255, 538
Cappadocia, 213
Caria, 18, 29, 31, 91, 99 ff., chap. iii. _passim_, 219, 338
Carrhæ, 426
Carthage, Carthaginians, 131, 245 ff., 254 ff. _n._, 355, 421–428, 523,
540
Cenchrea, 379
Chabrias, 456 _n._
Chæronea, 347, 544
Chalkidike, 151, 429
Chalkis, 77, 134, 162, 265, 277, 320, 323 ff., 331, 332 and _n._,
342 f.; route, 347, 354 _n._, 469 _n._
Charadra, 163 f. and chap. iv. _passim_
Charopinos, 94
Chileos, 442
Chilon, 344
Chios, 30, 83, 118, 120, 125, 129, 136 ff., 433, 530
Chronology, 107 f., 111, 114; revolt, chap. iii. _passim_, and 142–144,
151, 172 f., 197 _n._, 198, 203 _n._, 229, 235, 237, 239, 240, 250,
251, 253 _n._, 271 f., 272 _n._, 319 f., 320 _n._, 330 f., 332 and _n._,
342, 343, 377, 388, 390 _n._, 417, 427, 448
Cilicia, Cilicians, 106, 123, 148, 160, 219, 336 _n._, 343, 393, 402
Cimmerians, 10, 12
Clinton (Fasti), 203 _n._
Constantine, 515
Constantinople, 515
Corcyra, 240 ff., 355 and _n._, 369 _n._, 576
Corinth, 21, 37, 77, 78, 205, 241, 270, 273, 306, 320, 328, 329, 339,
354 _n._, 355, 364 f., 367 f., 389 f., 398 _n._, 405, 469 _n._; at
Platæa, 506, 517, 528, 535, 543, 563 f.
Cornelius Nepos, 184 _n._
Corsica, 131
Creasy, Sir Edward, 407
Crete, Cretans, 235, 237, 240, 242
Crœsus, 18–28, 55, 97, 214, 349
Croiset, 362
Cyaxares, 15
Cyclades, 82
Cyprus, 36, 99 _n._, 100 ff., 123, 125, 219, 393, 402
Cyrene, 74, 75
Cyrus, 16, 17, 33
D
Dardanos, 110, 217
Darius (special references), organization, 39 ff.; policy, 58, 148 f.,
160, 201 _n._; last years and death, 200, 201, 205, 206, 362
Daskylian satrapy, 428
Datis, 160 ff., chap. iv. _passim_, 200
Daulis, 349
Daurises, 110 ff., 115
Dekeleia, 448, 449
Delbrück, 210 _n._, 267 _n._
Delian League, 530
Delos, 161, 433, 524, 529
Delphi, Delphic Oracle, 11, 14, 22, 25–27, 77, 197; war, 232–240, 242,
243, 244, 246 f., 262, 305, 307, 347, 348; topography, 349 f., 353,
356, 419, 514, 515, 567, 572 f., 575
Demaratos, 77, 154 f., 220, 296, 344 f.
Demarete, 428
Demokedes, 72 f.
Demophilos, 306
Demosthenes, 262 _n._
Diodorus, 27, 228 ff. _n._, 244, 250; sources, 250 _n._; 251, 255 f.,
272, 275, 294, 329, 330 _nn._, 334, 336 _n._, 337, 357, 369 ff.;
sources, 373, 377, chap. ix., 378 onwards _passim_ (especially 388,
392, 393, 394, 404, 406, 421–428), 498; on Platæa (518, 519 _n._), 570,
575
Dionysios (of Phokæa), 31, 126 ff., 334 _n._
Dionysios (of Halikarnassos), 203
Dirphys, Mt., 453
Dolonki, 145
Dolopians, 226, 229 _n._
Dorians (of Asia), 18, 29, 31, 99, 219, 220, 561, 574
Doris, Dorians, 257, 261, 264 _n._, 267 _n._, 302, 345 f., 348 and _n._,
374, 567
Doriskos, 212, 218, 220
Drakospilia (old), 301, 303
Drakospilia (new), 303–305, 307, 309 f., 312 _n._
Dryoskephalæ, 356, 447–449 452, and chap. xi. _passim_ (especially 475,
493 _n._)., 538
Dyras, R., 278 ff., 281
E
Eclipses, 15, 217 and _n._, 443 _n._
Egypt, Egyptians, 24, 32, 35, 36, 46, 74, 75, 123, 201 f., 205, 209,
211, 214, 219, 381 and _n._, 387, 523, 538
Eion, 212, 220, 419
Elatæa, 265, 276, 346
Eleusinian Demeter, temple of, site, 494 ff., 503, 507, 508, 520
Eleusis, 352, 371, 375, 385, 391, 447, 452 and _n._, 549
Eleutheræ, 447, 452 _n._, 456 _n._, 465 _n._
Elis, Eleians, 513, 514
Enneahodoi, 220
Epaminondas, 195
Ephesus, 14, 94, 98, 101, 108, 122, 125, 130, 535
Ephoros, 197 _n._, 249, 250 _n._, 254 _n._ f., 294 f., 518 _n._
Epialtes, 268, 299 f., 310, 569
Epidaurus, 320, 354 _n._, 469 _n._
Epirus, 241
Eretria, 72, 94, 98, 142 ff. (_i.e._ chap. iv. _passim_), 320,
336 _n._, 354 _n._. 434, 469 _n._
Eryihræ (Asia), 125
Erythræ (Bœotia), 447, 449 _n._; site, 458 and _n._, 459 ff., 465 _n._,
467 _n._, 512, 518 _n._
Ethiopia, 38
Eubœa, 82, 161 f., 183, 257, 263 _n._, 265, 318, and chap. viii.
_passim_; “Hollows,” 335 and _n._, 343, 374, 384, 453, 538
Euesperides, 74
Euphrates, 426
Euripus, 162, 228, 261, 264, 265, 269, 276, 277, chap. viii. _passim_,
347, 542
Eurybiades, 320, 328 ff., 355, 362 ff., 376, 389, 413, 543, 545 f.
Euxine (colonies), 54, 56, 57
Euxine (Sea), 58, 120, 145, 215 _n._
Evænetos, 229, 231
Evalkides, 98
G
Gargaphia Spring, 454, 463, 465 ff.; site, 465 _n._; 470, 478 and _n._,
480, 485, 489, 499
Gauls, 262 _n._, 267 _n._, 281, 288
Gaumata, 38
Gelo, 240, 244–256, 355, 421–428, 575
Geraneia, Mt., 369, 375, 378, 446
Getæ, 51, 59
Giona, Mt., 260
Goodwin, Professor, 370 ff.
Gorgo, 92
Gorgos, 101 f.
Gourgo-Potamo, 278 f., 282
Greeks of Asia, character, 45 ff., 85, 118; literature, 133
Greek legend in history, 32, 48
Grote, 371, 373, 385
Gyges, 10 ff.
H
Hæmus, 51
Haliartos, 544
Halikarnassos, 113 _n._, 220, 402, 561, 577
Halos, 228, 231, 259, 279, 567
Halys, 12, 13, 15, 23, 96 f., 213
Hamilcar, 254 _n._, 421–428
Harpagos, 31, 140 f., 148
Hauvette, 155 _n._, 187 _n._, 278, 362
Head [Hist. Numm.], 428
Hebros, R., 218, 221
Hecatæus, 89, 91, 116
Hegesistratos, 524
Helicon, Mt., 347, 452, 544
Hellespont [region], 18, 56, 57, 64, 83, chap. iii. _passim_, 145 and
219, 527, 530 ff.
Hellespont, 7, 212; bridge, 214 ff. and _n._, 250 _n._; wind, 324, 408,
412, 414, 418, 562
Heraklea Trachinia, 261, 263 _n._, 264 _n._, 268 _n._, 282 f., 430, 525
Herakles, Precinct of, 164, 174, 179, 181 ff., 190
Hermionians, 354 _n._, 469 _n._
_Herodotus_,
Anachronisms, 127, 156, 333 _n._
Autopsy. 213, 220, 277 ff., 313, 436, 457, 472, 569, 571 f.
Fact and motive, 85, 291 ff., 293, 306, 308, 323, 326, 338, 568
Historical element in fiction, 102 ff., 208, 218, 433 f.
Influence of his contemporaries, 292, 294, 328, 334 _n._, 345, 360,
369 _n._ 444, 515, 516, 557, 559, 563 f.
Judgments, 93, 101, 103, 125, 129, 132, 231, 244, 431, 441 _n._, 518,
529, 561, 566
Omissions, 79 f., 156, 256, 451, 538, 549 f., 559 f.
Prejudice, 80, 86, 89, 104, 115, 116, 126 ff., 137, 328, 329 _n._,
340 f., 358, 360, 362, 400, 401, 411 f., 413 f., 490 f., 501 _n._,
506, 510, 511, 516 _n._, 536, 560, 561 ff., 564
Rationalization, 16
Religion and philosophy, 55, 195 f., 209, 226, 247 f., 274, 293,
306 f., 338, 358, 562, 565
Sources of information, 53, 65, 69, 70, 80, 98, 104, 113, 125, 127
and _n._, 128 f., 146 _n._, 162 _n._, 167, 175, 197, 198, 203, 206,
210 _n._, 213, 214, 218, 219, 232, 245, 249, 254 _n._, 266 f., 273,
314, 318 f., 321, 324, 332 _n._, 344 f., 360, 373, 374, 414, 417,
428 f., 436, 457, 472, 477, 501 _n._, 508 _n._, 509, 510, 514, 516
and _n._, 560 and chap. xiv. _passim_ (especially 564 ff.)
Topography, 216, 223, 267, 277 f., 291 f., 335 _n._, 457, 468, 506 f.,
559, 568
Treatment of evidence, 89, 110, 156 f., 169, 180 f., 184, 189, 190 f.,
193 f., 267, 273, 332 _n._, 340 f., 373, 374, 377, 382, 383, 386, 405,
428, 457, 458, 558, 565, 567
Himera, 246, 251, 254 _n._, 422 ff.
Hipparchos, 168
Hippias, 49 _n._, 74, 77 f., 81, 92, 159, 166, 168 f., 173
Histiæa, 339, 374
Histiæotis, 257
Histiæus, 54 f., 66, 68 f., chap. iii. _passim_; character, 141–2
Hogarth, 262 _n._
Hunt, Irving, 520 _n._
Hyampolis, 262 _n._, 346, 349
Hydarnes, 196, 269 _n._, 299 f., 309, 311 _n._, 313, 317, 419
Hymeës, 110, 115
Hypata, 278
Hysiæ, 456, 459 _n._, 463, 464; site, 464 _n._, 467 _n._, 497
I
Iatragoras, 91
Ida, Mt, 216, 217 and _n._
Ilium, 217
Imbros, 69
India, Indians, 32, 418
Ionian Greeks, 51, 54 f., 102 f., 119, 124 ff., 137, 147, 148 ff., 159,
208, 213, 218, 219, 338, 339, 385, 393, 401 f., 405 f., 408, 414 _n._,
433 ff., 517, 522, 525 ff., 535, 560 f.; sources, 567, 577
Ionian revolt, 47, 48, 53, chap. iii., 146, 147, 199, 210, 242, 434,
528, 560 f., 574
Ionian Sea, 247
Isagoras, 74, 166
“Island” at Platæa. _Vide_ Nesos
Ister, 51 ff.
Isthmus (of Corinth), 226, 228, 238; defence, 253, 257, 270, 272–275,
295, 298, 351, 352, 353, 355 ff., 369, and chap. ix., _passim_
(especially 404), 440 ff., 446, 449, 451, 452, 506, 515, 541, 544,
546, 549
Italiot Greeks, 131, 255, 355, 421
Italy, 365
J
Jason (of Pheræ), 227
Justin, 184
K
Kaïkos, R., 140, 217
Kalamoi, 524
Kalauria, 353
Kalchedon, 50, 58 _n._, 56, 69, 145
Kale Akte, 134
Kallatebos, 214
Kallias, 243, 575
Kallidromos, Mt., 261, 286, 289, 312
Kallimachos, 174 ff., and chap. iv. _passim_
Kalyndos, 402
Kandili, Mt., 324; 325 _n._
Kane, 217
Kardia, 218
Karystos, 161 f., 374, 416, 417
Kasthanea, 322
Kaukasa, 83
Kaunos, 99
Kelænæ, 213
Keos, Keians, 320, 354 _n._
Keos (Salamis), 383 ff.
Kephallenia, 469 _n._
Kephisia, 164
Kephissos, R., 348
Kimon (elder), 49
Kimon (younger), 105, 198, 524, 552
Kissians, 297
Kithæron, Mt., 252, 351, 410, 443 _n._; passes of Kithæron-Parnes,
445–448, 449 _n._, 451, 453 f., chap. xi. _passim_, 527
Klazomenæ, 14, 115
Kleidemos, 519
Kleisthenes, 74, 166, 175, 177
Kleisthenes (of Sikyon), 166
Kleombrotos, 379, 443 and _n._
Kleombrotos (younger), 456 _n._
Kleomenes, 74, 76, 77, 91 ff., 154 f., 243, 253, 299
Knemis, Mt., 261
Koës, 52, 66, 91
Kokla, 484
Kolophon, 11, 14
Kolossæ, 213
Konvelo, 283
Kopais, L., 347, 351, 452, 544
Koresos, 94
Koronea, 347
Kotroni, Mt., 180
Kourion, 106
Krannon, 227, 258
Kreusis, 347, 446
Kriekouki, 446 _n._, 454, and chap. xi. _passim_
♠ “Kreikouki” replaced with “Kriekouki”
Kritalla, 213
Kroton, 73, 133 f. 354 _n._, 355
Ktesias, 52, 56, 409 _n._
Kybebe, 97
Kydrara, 214
Kyme, 14, 30, 115, 430
Kynosura (Marathon), 163, 180, 384
Kynosura (Salamis), 371, 375, 383 ff., 392 ff., 403
Kythera, 128, 344 f.
Kytinion, 349 f.
Kythnians, 354 _n._
L
Labraunda, 113 f.
Labynetos, 15
Ladé, 50 _n._, 122 _n._, 124 ff., 135, 151, 334 _n._, 406
Lamia, 258 f., 277, 279, 347
Lampon, 514
Lamponium, 56, 69
Lampsakos, 110
Larisa, 207, 258, 347
Laurion, 203, 205, 368, 562
Leake, Preface, 281 ff., 285, 291, 301 f., 310 _n._, 449 _n._,
456 _n._, 458 _n._, 466 _n._, 471 _n._. 481, 482 f., 484, 498, 520
Lebadeia, 436
Lechæum, 379
Lemnos, 69
Leonidas, 272 _n._, and chap. vii. _passim_, 329, 514, 544, 573
Leontiades, 295
Lepreans, 469 _n._
Leras, 116
Lesbos (Mytilene), 66, 69, 91, 120 f., 125, 130, 135, 137, 140 f., 530
Leukadians, 354 _n._, 469 _n._
Leuke Akte, 212
Leuktra, 195, 471 _n._, 481
Leutychides, 155, 431, chap. xii. _passim_, 548
Libya, Libyans, 38, 254 _n._, 422
Ligyes-Ligurians, 254 _n._
Limni, 325 _n._
Livy, 260 _n._, 264 _n._, 279, 335 _n._
Locri (Opuntii), 229 _n._, 231, 232, 257, 273 ff., 293, 300 and _n._,
306, 313, 320, 354 _n._, 374
Lolling, 165
Lycia, 31, 219, 393, 402
Lydia, Lydians, 5 ff., 28, 29–31, 95, 97, 166, 214, 529
Lykides, 440
Lykos, 213
Lysagoras, 196
M
Macan, Herodotus, iv., v., vi., 65 _nn._, chap. iii. various notes,
155 _n._, 161 _n._
Macedonia, 65, 70, 145 ff., 207, 212, 221, 226, 262 _n._, 268 _n._,
279, 450, 523, 533, 555, 567
Mæandrios, 37
Magna Græcia, 367
Magnesia (near Sardes), 11, 31, 37
Magnesia, Magnetes (Thessaly), 226, 229 _n._, 320 _n._, 322, 326
Malea, Cape, 355 _n._
Malene, 140
Malis, Malians, 226, 229 _n._, 257, 264 _n._, 267 _n._, 277 ff., 299,
300, 303, 320 _n._, 348 _n._, 354 _n._, 551
Mantinea, Mantineans, 273, 306, 493 _n._, 513, 514
Marathon, 50 _n._, 53, 72, 79, 145, chap. iv. _passim_; topography,
155 _n._, 204; legend, 224 f., 353, 362, 389, 407, 415, 476, 511, 535,
560, 574
Mardonius [expedition of 492], 48, 148 ff., 159, 206–208, 211, 219,
407, 409 f., chap. x. _passim_, chap. xi. _passim_; death, 502, 503,
515, 545 ff., 549 ff.
Marengo, 513
Marsyas, R., 113 and _n._ f.
Masistios, 461 f., 488, 519
Mausolos, 113 _n._
Mavra-neria, 278, 282
Mazares, 30, 31
Media, Medes, 15, 219, 297, 418, 426
Medism, 166 ff., 201, 207, 226 ff., 270, 272, 275 f., 294, 347 f.,
439 f., 444, 450, 505, 516 f., 530, 547 f., 550
Megabates, 83 ff.
Megabazos 64 ff.
Megara, Megareans, 262 _n._, 320, 354 _n._, 365, 366, 368, 378, 387,
393, 445, 446, 448, 449, 456, 461, 469 _n._, 507, 519, 564
Megistios, 306, 313
Mekistos, Mt., 324 _n._, 453
Melas, R., 218
Melas, R. (Malis), 278 f., 293
Mesembria, 51
Mesembria (on N. Ægean), 220
Messenia, 442 _n._
Metiochos, 146
Miletus, 14, 29, 37, 54, 80, chap. iii. _passim_, 168, 526, 528
Miltiades, 49, 52 f. (trial), 55, 56, 145, chap. iv. _passim_, 195–199,
204
Mnesiphilos, 363 ff., 562
Moloeis, R., 494 ff., 499
Munro, 155 _n._, 172 _n._
Munychia, 385, 395 _n._
Murmex, 324 f.
Mykale, 124, 130, 163 f., 184 _n._, 267, chap. xii. first part
_passim_, 551, 555, 561, 572, 577 f.
Mykenæ, 273, 306, 469 _n._
Mykonos, 197 _n._
Mylassa, 113, 115
Myrkinos, 66, 68 f., 116 f.
Mysia, 18, 115, 217
Mytilene. _Vide_ Lesbos
Myus, 125
N
Nabonidus, 16, 24, 27, 32
Naxos, 47, 69, 81–89, 158, 161, 354 _n._
Nebuchadrezzar, 15, 16
Neokles, 456 _n._
“Nesos” at Platæa, 466 _n._, 472, 479; site, 480–487, 488, and rest of
chap. xi. _passim_ (especially 507, 519)
Nicæa, 262 _n._
Nikias, 345
O
Oarus, 52
Œroë, R., 450, 454, 455 _n._, 467, 480, 481, 484 ff.
Œta, Mt., 226, 227, 232, 252, chap. vii. _passim_; description,
257 ff., 345 f., 452, 542, 551
Œtæans, 261, 264 _n._, 300 _n._, 348 _n._
Olympia, 514, 515
Olympos, Mt., 221, 228; passes, 231
Olynthos, 429 f.
Onesilos, 101 f.
Onomakritos, 206
Orchomenos [Arcadia], 273, 469 _n._
Orchomenos [Bœotia], 346
Orestheion, 442 _n._, 444, 452
Orœtes, 37, 39
Oropos, 162
Ossa, Mt., 221
Otanes, 65, 69 f., 71, 76, 83, 110, 115, 148, 219
Othrys, Mt., 258, 303
P
Pæeonians, 66 ff., 93
Pagæ, 446, 448
Pagasætic Gulf, 228, 321 ff.
Paisos, 110
Paktyas, 30
Pallene, 429
Pamphylia, 100, 109, 125, 219, 393, 402
Pan, Cave of, 190
Panakton, 445, 447
Pangæus, Mt., 70, 220
Panormos, 422
Panopeus, 356
Parapotamii, 346, 349, 356
Parasopia, 449 _n._, 455
Parnassus, Mt., 348 ff., 452, 471
Parnes, Mt., 351, _Vide_ Kithæron
Paros, 196 ff., 201, 205, 416 f.
Pausanias (Sparta), 105, 443, and chap. xi. _passim_, 548, 555
Pausanias (author), 165, 190, 192 and _n._, 262, 265, 267 _n._, 281,
286, 288, 306, 312, 355 _n._, 448, 449 _n._, 456 _n._, 459 _n._,
463 _n._, 465 _n._, 485, 496, 497, 515, 520
Pedasos, 114 ff., 119, 123, 134
Peisistratidæ, 158, 201, 206, 307
Peisistratos, 166, 168
Peloponnesus, Peloponnesians, strategy, 232; hegemony, 243;
strategy, 270 ff., 298, 321, 329, 344, 351, 359, 379, 391, 514, 530
Peloponnesian League, 78, 154 _n._, 544
Peloponnesian War, 273, 334 _n._, 345
Peneius, R., 221, 231, 321
Perikles, 157, 176
Perinthos, 65, 145, 212
Perkote, 110
Perrhæbi, 226, 229 _n._
Persia, Persians, 16; civilization, 33–35; organization, 39 ff., 82,
147, 211, 222, 249; army, 44, 49, 50, 109, 113, 121, 160 (Marathon),
184 _n._, 186, 200 (B.C. 480), 210 f., 211 _n._, 217, 218 f.; policy,
58 f., 64, 66, 146 and _n._, 147 ff., 153, 158, 208, 218, 232 ff., 249,
411; fleet, 50, 101, 151, 153 f., 160, 204 (B.C. 480), 218 ff., 222,
276, 374, 406, 430, 524; strategy, 368, 406, 409 f., 451, 471, 540;
army, 222, 374, 554; policy, 449 ff., 535; fleet, 538; organization,
537 f.; sources, 577
Phalæcus, 262 _n._
Phalara, 259
Phaleron, 186, 190 ff., 374, 376 ff., 404, 412, 545
Philaid family, 146
Philip of Macedon, 262 _n._, 268 _n._
Philip of Macedon (younger), 263 _n._
Philippides, 172, 173
Philius, 273, 306, 469 _n._, 507
Phocis, Phocians, 257, 262 _n._, 265, 273, 274 ff.; wall, 287–289, 293,
299 ff., 345 ff., 347 f., 450, 471, 477, 508
Phœnicia, Phœnicians, 35, 36, 99 ff., 119, 129, 131 ff., 145 f., 214,
219, 249, 250, 254, 255 f., 373, 385, 393, 397, 400, 402, 405 f., 523,
524, 525
Phœnix, R., 280–284
Phokæa, 31, 125, 126 ff.
Phormio, 395, 398 _n._
Phrygia, 6, 7, 10, 213
Phrynichos, 133, 167
Phyle, 447
Pieria, 220, 272, 292
Pindar, 167, 249, 254 _n._
Pindus, Mt., 241, 258
Piræus, 371, 374, 375, 385
Platæa, 163, 179 ff., 184 _n._, 211, 230, 267, 320, 356, 407, 410, 418,
427, chap. xi. _passim_ (especially 469 _n._, site of town, 489 _n._),
526, 527, 537, 538, 554 f., 568, 579 f.
Pliny, 525
Plutarch, 95, 100, 173 _n._, 204, 205, 294 f., 358, 362, 369 ff., 388,
392, 398, 467 _n._, 468 _n._, 496, 497 f., 519, 520 _n._, 521
Pogon, 353 _n._
Poikilé Stoa, 190
♠ “Poikile” replaced with “Poikilé”
Polichne, 137
Polybius, 216, 263 _nn_.
Polykrates, 35–37, 55, 72
Potidæa, 429 ff., 469 _n._
Potniæ, 496
Prasias, Lake, 67 and _n._, 68
Priene, 14, 31, 125
Propontis, 64, 70, 99, 107, 214
Pseudo-Smerdis, 38, 148
Psyttaleia, 372 ff., 375, 382, 384, 385, 392 ff., 403
Pteria, 15, 27
Ptoon, Mt., 436, 453
Pythios, 213
R
Rawlinson, 282
Rhegion, 254 _n._
Rheitoi, 452
Rhodope, Mt., 220
Rhoetion, 217
Romans, 268 _n._
Routes, Ephesus to Sardes, 94; Ægean, 35, 153; Marathon, 164 f.,
174; Asia Minor, 213 ff.; Thrace, 220, 221; North Greece, 221 f.;
Thessaly, 231; North Greece, 232; Greece to Sicily, 241; Mount
Othrys, 258 f.; Thessaly, 258 f.; Mount Œta, 260, 261; Delphi, 262;
road through Thermopylæ, 288–289; Thermopylæ to Thebes, 345 f.;
Thermopylæ to Delphi, 349, 350; Schiste, 349; Thermopylæ-Phocis,
349 _n._; Bœotia, 356; Geraneia, 378; Ægean, 431; North Ægean,
437; Lakonia, 442 _n._; Peloponnese, 444; Attica and Bœotia,
445–448; Kreusis to Isthmus and Megara, 446; Platæa-Megara, 446
and _n._; Platæa-Athens, 446 f.; Thebes-Eleusis-Athens, 447;
Thebes-Phyle-Athens, 447 f.; Athens-Dekeleia-Bœotia, 448; South
Bœotia, 448; Eleutheræ-Eleusis-Athens, 452 _n._; Platæa-Athens,
456 _n._; Platæa-Megara, 456 _n._; Thespiæ-Dryoskephalæ, 460;
Dryoskephalæ-Thebes, 462; Platæa-Thebes, 467 _n._; Leuktra to
Dryoskephalæ, 505; Platæa-Megara, 515
S
Sakæ, 57, 189, 219, 418
Salamis (Cyprus), 101 ff., 577
Salamis (Attica), 205, 236, 238 f., 251, 267, 352, chap. ix. _passim_;
topography, 375 ff., 408–412, 419, 431, 434, 440, 441 _n._, 443 _n._,
452, 508, 516, 518, 522; general strategy, 544 ff., 561, 570
Salmydessos, 51
Samos, Samians, 31, 35–37, 51 _n._, 81, 106, 125 ff., 161, 401, 430,
433, 522 f., 534 f., 529, 530
Samothrace, 218, 220, 400, 406
Sandokes, 327
Sardes, 25, 27, 30, 68, 69 f., 70, 74, 82, 94 f., 108, 213 f., 228,
240, 535, 537
Sardinia, 116, 118, 254 _n._, 422
Saromata, Mt., 303
Saronic Gulf, 253, 352, 538, 545
Sarpedon, 218
Salræ, 220
Scythians, 10, 57, 145
Scythian expedition, 48 ff., 70, 72, 75, 85, 146 _n._, 209, 210, 415,
535
Selinus, 424
Selymbria, 145
Sepias, 322, 323 ff., 342, 374
Seriphians, 354 _n._
Sestos, 56, 215, 218, chap. xii. latter part. 538, 551
Sicily, 131, 134, 244–256, 321, 355, 367, 421–428, 540, 567, 575
Sideroporto, 263 _n._, 264, 268 _n._, 282
Sidon, 73, 219
Sigeon, 49 _n._, 78
Sikinnos, 379
Sikyon, 320, 354 _n._, 469 _n._, 528
Simonides, 313
Siphnians, 354 _n._
Siris, 365, 369 _n._
Sisimakes, 115
Skiathos, 318, 321 f., 331, 335 _n._, 342, 384
Skione, 429
Skironid Way, 378
Skolopœis, 525
Skolos, 449 and _n._, 463, 496
Skopadæ, 227
Skyllias, 331, 343
Smerdomenes, 219
Smyrna, 14
Soli, 106
Soros (at Marathon), 165 ff.
Spaniards, 425
Sparta, 25, 29, 37, 76, 91 ff., 154 f. and _n._, 159, 168, 172 f.,
182, 193, 220, 225 f.; Tempe 229, 231, 237, 240; Argos, 243; Sicily,
245, 252; Argos, 253; Sicily, 254 _n._; strategy, 271; Thermopylæ,
chap. vii. _passim_; people and government, 315; fleet, 320, 344, and
North Greece, 348 _n._; fleet, 354 and _n._, 385, 401, 420, 433, 438;
policy, 440 ff.; army, 442 and _n._, 443, 456, 469 _n._; at Platæa,
492 ff.; army, 493; at Platæa, 498 ff., 508, 512 ff.; at Mykale,
527 ff.; characteristic, 530, 531, 541; strategy, 549; sources, 567,
569 _n._, 576
Spercheios, R., 258, 263 _n._, chap. vii. _passim_
Sphendale, 449
Stagiros, 220
Stamata, 164
Stein, 282, 389, 443 _n._
Stentoris, Lake, 218
Stesenor, 106
Stesilaos, 190
St. George Island, 371 f., 375, 384, 386, 405
Strabo, 23, 52, 106 _n._, 113, 215, 283, 335 _n._, 525
Strategic questions, Artemisium, 318, 331 f.
Attica. 440, 445
Bœotia, 544
Cyprus, 105
Eubœa, 265
General, 113, 124, 153, 157, 266 f., 267 _n._, 298 f., 321, 351,
359 ff., 365, 406, 409 f., 413, 415, 416, 422, 432, 437, 449 ff.,
462, 522, 524, chap. xiii. _passim_
Greece, 159, 171 f. (Marathon), 178, 179 ff., 185, 193, 226
Hellespont, 530
Isthmus, 378
Kithæron-Parnes, 445–448, 450, 451
North Greece, 268
Œne, 447
Peloponnesian, 270 ff.
Peloponnesus, 345, 444
Persian, 344 f.
Platæa, 473 ff., 476 _n._, 488, 492, 510, 511
Platæa town, 446
Salamis, 352, 380 f., 386
Thebes, 347
Thermopylæ, 263 ff., 269, 298, 316
Thermopylæ and Artemisium, 543
Thessaly, 230 _n._, 232, 541
Thracian Chersonese, 531
West Asia, 7, 13, 90, 96, 105, 112
Strattis, 433
Stryme, 220
Strymon, 66 ff., 72, 120, 136, 139, 212, 220, 221
Stylida, 259, 327 _n._
Styreans, 320, 354 _n._, 469 _n._
Suidas, 179 _n._, 183 _n._, 184 _n._
Sunium, Cape, 181 ff., 190, 376
Susa, 69, 72, 75, 76, 102 f., 109, 121, 141, 149, 243, 537
Sybaris, 133 f., 369 _n._
Syloson, 37
Synetos, 229 _n._
Syracuse, 244 ff., 421–428
Syria, 219
Syrtis, Greater, 255
T
Tabalos, 30
Tacitus, 62, 63, 149 _n._
Tactics and equipment, 92, 126, 129 f.; Marathon, 183 ff., 193, 195,
208, 269 _n._, 270 f., 297, 299, 322, 334 and _n._; Salamis, 386, 394,
396, 399, 400, 425–427, 437, 441, 442, 462, 473 ff., 477, 478, 500,
501, 502, 508, 510, 512 ff., 525, 528, chap. xiii. _passim_
Tanagra, 448, 449, 451 _n._
Tanais, 52
Tarentum, 73
Taurus Mountains, 7 f., 12, 15, 24, 426
Tearos, 51
Tegea, Tegeans, 273, 306, 468, 469 _n._, 471, 494, 500, 502, 509
Tempe, Vale of, 221, 228 and _n._ and ff., 231 f., 235, 252, 253 ff.,
257, 271 _n._, 279, 294, 541, 571
Tenedos, 141, 146
Tenos, 161, 374, 389
Teos, 125
Terillos, 246, 254 _n._
Thasos, 137, 139, 141, 152, 220
Thaumaki, 258 f., 279, 298, 453
Thebes, 179, 273, 293; attitude at Thermopylæ, 294–296, 306, 308 f.,
313, 314, 347, 356, 439, 445, 447, 448, 451, 456, chap. xi. _passim_
(especially 476, 505, 512, 516 ff., 518 _n._), 527, 546
Thebes in Pthiotis, 258, 279
Themistocles, 203 ff., 229 _n._, 231, 236, 238 f., 270, 328 ff.,
337 ff., 343, 352 and rest of chap. ix. _passim_ (especially 358,
359 ff., 368, 369 _n._, 391). 411 ff., 417, 419 f., 431, 543 ff.,
561 ff.
Theomestor, 401
Theopompos, 156
Therma, town sand gulf, 151, 221, 228, 319, 320 _n._, 321 f., 327 _n._,
331
Thermopylæ, 128, 163, 223, 227, 229, 232, chap. vii. _passim_;
description, 277 ff., 318 ff., 320 _n._, 323, 328 f., chap. viii.
_passim_. 345 ff., 351, 374, 441, 514, 516, 541 ff., 568; sources,
569 _n._, 576
Thero, 246, 254 _n._, 423
Thespiæ, 273, 293, 306, 308 f., 313, 314, 356, 460
Thesprotis, 287
Thessaly, 207, 221, 223, 226 f., 229 _n._, 239, 252, 257 f., 271, 272,
276, 287, 298, 299, 346 ff., 347 f., 359, 369, 384, 410, 417, 419, 437,
439, 450, 453, 472, 516 f., 518, 541, 546, 566
Thirlwall. 55
Thrace, Thracians, 50, 60, 64 ff., 69, 93 f., 118, 120, 136, 141,
145 ff., 218–220, 418, 450, 532, 551
Thracian Chersonese, 49, 54, 65, 145 f., 218, 531
Thriasian Plain, 166, 441, 447, 452 _n._
Thucydides, 116, 161 _n._, 174 _n._, 241, 261, 264 _n._, 273, 298,
333 _n._, 345, 360 ff., 459 _n._, 460 _n._, 465, 466 _n._, 493 _n._,
498, 555
Thurii, 369 _n._
Thyreatic Plain, 444
Tigranes, 525
Timegenides, 475, 517
Timo, 197
Timodemos, 420
Timon, 236
Tithorea, 348
Tmolos, Mt., 94
Torone, 429
Trachis, 260, 264 _n._, 277 ff., 280; site, 281 f., 286, 293, 300,
348 _n._
Trade questions, 53, 94, 97 _n._., 105, 120, 134, 198, 241, 249, 367,
369 _n._, 434, 435, 523, 529, 530, 552
Trœzen, 320, 321, 353 and _n._, 354 _n._, 469 _n._, 528
Tyrants (Greek), 52, 54 ff., 86, 87, 91, 124 ff., 148, 169, 202,
247 f., 252
Tyras, 52
Tyrodiza, 212
Tyrrhenians, 131
V
Valerius Maximus, 335 _n._
Vergutiani Spring, 456, 472, 485, 520
Villa, 446 _n._
Vischer, 481 ff., 487
Vrana, 164
W
War, the great, issues, 1 ff., 21
Woodhouse, W. J., 467 _n._
X
Xanthippos, 198, 431 f., 531 ff., 548 f., 551 f.
Xenophon, 188 _n._, 297, 299, 446, 487, 542
Xerxes (special references), 205 f., 214, 398, 403, 408, 509
Z
Zanklé, 134
♠ “Zankle” replaced with “Zanklé”
THE END.
* * * * *
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES.