Valencia as the anniversary of their insurrection against the intrusive
government. The ceremonies were characteristic of the times and of the
people. The festivities, as usual in Catholic countries, began on the
eve of the holiday; the city was illuminated on the preceding night,
the portraits of Ferdinand and his ally the King of Great Britain were
exhibited under the flags of the allied kingdoms; and the Valencians
displayed their national humour in caricatures of Murat, Buonaparte,
and Joseph. In the morning, the civil authorities, the new-raised
levies, and the city volunteers, went in procession to the Plaza of the
Cathedral, where a statue of Ferdinand had been erected upon a Grecian
column. The statue was concealed behind a silk curtain, so disposed as
to fall in tent-hangings and disclose it, when the Captain General,
D. Joseph Caro, asked the people in their own dialect if they wished
to see their King? At the same moment the music struck up, the bells
were rung, the guns fired, and the shouts of the multitude were heard
prevailing over all. They then proceeded to the Cathedral, where the
banners of the volunteers were blessed by the Archbishop at the high
altar, and afterwards delivered to them at the feet of the statue. The
display was in French taste, but it was sanctified by Spanish feeling.
The Valencians were reminded of their defeats as well as of their
triumphs; they were told that many of their countrymen who had assisted
in driving Moncey from their gates had fallen in the field of Tudela,
or lay buried under the ruins of Zaragoza.
♦CELEBRATION OF KING ST. FERDINAND’S DAY.♦
A week after the ceremony Blake reviewed his army at Caspe, on St.
Ferdinand’s day, which of all festivals in the year the Spaniards
then regarded with most feeling. The Romanists, instead of birthdays,
keep the festival of the saint from whom they take their names; this
therefore was especially sacred to a people who, measuring the virtues
of their captive King by their own loyalty, believed him to be all that
they desired, and all that he ought to have been. They were told by
their government that King St. Ferdinand, who had united in himself all
the virtues of a man, all the talents of a hero, and all the qualities
of a monarch, looked down from the heights of Heaven with complacent
eyes upon the defenders and avengers of one who, as he inherited his
throne and name, so also did he imitate and adore his virtues. An
annual service on this day was appointed to be held in all cathedral
and collegiate churches for evermore in remembrance of the sacred
war against the usurper; and the day following was to be kept as a
perpetual anniversary for the souls of all who fell in it. Blake’s army
had now been increased to 14,000 men: their late conduct had filled him
with what might have seemed a well-founded hope; and their appearance
and discipline were now so satisfactory, that as they filed before him,
he said, a few more such days as that of Alcañiz would open for them
the way to France. There were indeed at that time evident marks that
the French were dispirited: they had been weakened by the withdrawal
of Mortier’s division; and having in this last action for the first
time been beaten by a Spanish force, ♦1809. JUNE.♦ not superior to them
in number, and when the advantage of cavalry was on their side, it was
believed that they were preparing to retire from Zaragoza. Blake was
informed that their papers and baggage were already without the city,
ready to be removed; and that they had actually begun their march
toward Navarre, but returned in consequence of receiving dispatches on
the way. The news of Buonaparte’s failure at Essling arrived at this
time; and when Blake communicated it to the troops in general orders,
he observed that it had taken place on the day when they had defeated
another of his armies at Alcañiz.
♦EXECUTIONS IN BARCELONA.♦
While the hopes of the Spaniards in this quarter had thus been raised
by their own success, by the events in Germany, and by the news from
Portugal, circumstances occurred at Barcelona to heighten their
indignation against the oppressors of their country, and exasperate
♦MAY. 16.♦ the desire of vengeance. In conformity to a scheme
concerted with the inhabitants of that city, Coupigny had sent a body
of troops, who were to be admitted in the night, while the attention
of the garrison should be called off by the cannonade of a Spanish
frigate upon one of the batteries. The ship performed its part, and
the troops approached the gates; but no movement was made to favour
them. The French had obtained sufficient intelligence to put them upon
their guard, and render it impracticable, and several persons were
in consequence arrested. One of these, by name Pou, a doctor of laws
in the university of Cervera, being asked upon his trial before the
military tribunal whether he had not distributed fifty muskets, replied
yes, and that he would do so again if he had an opportunity, as they
were for the defence of his religion, his King, and his country. They
told him this could not be, for religion forbade the shedding of blood,
the King desired no such proceedings, and the country abhorred them:
he replied, that as they neither professed the Catholic religion, nor
acknowledged Ferdinand for King of Spain, nor belonged to that country,
it was to be expected that he and they should differ in opinion. They
asked him to whom the muskets had been distributed: his answer was, to
good and loyal Spaniards, whose names he would never disclose. A young
tradesman, who was tried before the same tribunal for endeavouring to
purchase ammunition for the same purpose, threw back the appellation
of traitor upon Duhesme, saying, “Your Excellency is the traitor, who,
under the cloak of friendship, took possession of our fortresses: I
only bought part of what you plundered from us.” This person, with two
others, was hanged, at the same time that Pou and the Prefect of S.
Cayetano were strangled, the Prefect administering the last offices of
religion at the place of execution to his fellow-sufferers.
These executions occasioned a strong feeling among the Catalans, and
it was heightened by a decree of Duhesme’s against the clergy, who
were at the head, he said, of all the conspiracies for assassinating
the French, and who made their churches and convents so many places
of meeting ♦BLAKE ADVANCES TOWARD ZARAGOZA.♦ for the conspirators.
All such buildings therefore were ordered to be closed at six in the
evening, and not opened till half after five in the morning. If any
person were found in a church or belfry between those hours, or in a
convent if he did not belong to it, he was immediately to be delivered
over to a military commission as a conspirator; and a secret agent
of the police was to be appointed, who was to watch every church and
convent, and be paid at its expense. The indignation of the Spaniards
made them more eager in their hopes and expectations of deliverance;
and the Valencians more especially expressed their confidence of fresh
victories, because of the appearance and temper of the troops who
marched from their city to join the army under Blake. That general’s
head-quarters were at Samper de Calanda, part of his troops being
stationed at Hijar and Puebla de Hijar. Having received intelligence
that a French corps, which was estimated at a third part of the force
under Suchet, had been detached to Carineña, and was committing its
usual excesses in the surrounding country, he formed a plan for
cutting off this corps, and then advancing upon Zaragoza, in the hope
of effecting the deliverance of that city, an exploit which, if it
were achieved, would of all possible successes produce the greatest
impression upon the public mind, not in Spain alone, but throughout
Europe. With this view he directed Areizaga to take post with his
division at Botorrita, while he with the rest of the army proceeded to
Villanueva de la Huerva. The artillery was to move behind Longares,
where it was expected that the enemy would pass on their retreat to
Zaragoza as soon as they knew the Spaniards were in motion. When
Areizaga reached Botorrita, he learned that the greater part of the
French had retired to their main body, about 1500 only remaining at
Puebla de Muel, and these moved off so quickly towards the Xalon, that
it was not possible to cut them off, ... only a convoy which they would
have escorted to Zaragoza was taken by the Spanish advance.
♦SUCHET ATTACKS THE SPANIARDS.♦
As this corps had not fallen back upon the main body, which it might
easily have done, but had passed on toward Alagon, Blake was confirmed
in his opinion that the French did not mean to defend Zaragoza if
it should be attacked. Nevertheless, reflecting that the country in
his rear was entirely open, and considering the general situation of
the Spanish armies, the importance of preserving his own, which was
in so promising a state, and the complicated and hazardous movements
of a retreat, in which he knew how little it could be trusted, he
deemed it by no means advisable to bring on a general action, and
therefore did not alter Areizaga’s position, looking upon Botorrita
as a strong post, where, in case of any reserve, the ♦JUNE 14.♦ enemy
might be detained. When he joined Areizaga there, the troops had
begun to skirmish; this had been brought on by that general’s making
a reconnoissance in considerable strength; and Blake was so well
satisfied with the behaviour of his troops, that he endeavoured to
surround the enemy, but they retired in time. Early on the following
morning Suchet drew out his whole force from Zaragoza to attack him.
The firing began at the advanced posts by five in the morning, and went
on increasing till the same hour in the afternoon, when the French
resolved to break the Spanish line, supposing that the men were weary
and the ammunition spent.
♦BLAKE RETREATS TO BELCHITE.♦
Blake’s advanced guard was at Maria, where the road from Zaragoza to
Madrid crosses the cordillera: the ground between him and the city
consisted of hills and vales, ridge behind ridge. His cavalry was
stationed in the high road, the rest of the line was formed by the
infantry and artillery. The Spaniards, fighting and retreating in good
order, fell back successively from one of these heights to another, but
when they reached the fourth, their cavalry had been worsted. Blake
then thought it necessary to fall back on Botorrita, which he did with
as much order as the nature of the ground would permit. A few guns
were spiked and abandoned; not from necessity, but because it was
more advantageous to fire them to the last than bring them off. The
two armies were near, and in sight of each other, when night closed.
Blake ♦JUNE 16.♦ expected to be attacked the next day; but as the enemy
manifested no such intention, he rightly concluded that they were
manœuvring either with a view to surround him, or to threaten his rear.
Accordingly he ascertained that 3000 French were posted at Torrecilla.
About two hours before nightfall a brisk fire was opened upon his left,
with the intent of making him change his position, in which case his
rear would have been exposed to this detachment. But the attack was
repulsed, as was a second which the enemy made upon the centre a little
before midnight. The Spanish general then retreated to Belchite in
perfect order, which he did without being molested. The next day the
enemy came again in sight, and Blake, who had hitherto had no reason
to distrust his troops, took a position in full expectation of being
attacked on the morrow, and in good hope of repelling the enemy as
completely as he had done before Alcañiz.
♦FLIGHT OF THE SPANIARDS.♦
Belchite, once the capital of a petty Moorish sovereignty, stands upon
the slope of some bending hills, which almost surround it: toward
Zaragoza the country is level, covered with gardens and olive-yards.
The position which Blake had taken was singularly advantageous; his
right was completely safe from the enemy’s cavalry, and protected by
a chapel, with a number of outbuildings and two large sheep-folds,
which were all pierced for musketry: to attack the centre, the enemy’s
horse must be exposed to a tremendous cross fire, and the left had
their retreat upon the strong post which was occupied by the other
wing. Blake’s arrangement was so made, that if the enemy, as he
expected, should make a great effort on his left, three columns might
be brought to attack them on that side; and if unsuccessful, they could
have fallen back upon the centre and the right flank, being meantime
assailable only in front, and protected the while by their artillery,
which also had its retreat secure to the same strong ♦JUNE 18.♦ post.
He had harangued his troops, and they made a thousand protestations
that they would do their duty. The attack was made, as he had expected,
on the left; four or five shot were fired on both sides, and the French
threw a few shells, which wounded four or five men. But upon one shell
falling into the middle of a regiment, the men were seized with a
sudden panic and fled; the panic instantly spread, ... a second and a
third regiment ran away without firing a gun, and in a few minutes the
generals were left with none but a few officers in the midst of the
position. With all their efforts they could not rally more than two
hundred men, and nothing was left for them but to make for the nearest
strong place, leaving artillery, baggage, and every thing to the enemy.
The defeat was in all its circumstances so thoroughly disgraceful, ...
so disheartening and hopeless in its consequences, that Blake almost
♦BLAKE OFFERS HIS RESIGNATION, WHICH IS NOT ACCEPTED.♦ sunk under it.
He told the government that he was incapable of entering into details,
but considered it due to the nation that a judicial inquiry should be
instituted into the conduct of a general under whose command an army
of from 13,000 to 14,000 effective men had been utterly routed and
dispersed. “He knew that he had not been culpable,” he said, “but after
so many proofs of his unhappy fortune, he wished not to be employed any
longer in command. As a Spaniard and a soldier he was still ready to
serve his country in an inferior station, and he requested only that
some portion of his present pay might be continued for the support
of his family, or a part of the _Encomienda_ which had recently been
conferred upon him, but which it was not fitting that so useless a
person should retain. The government, however, neither accepted his
proffered resignation, nor instituted any inquiry. The former would
have been unjust towards a brave and honourable officer whose conduct
was unimpeachable, and his character above suspicion; the latter must
have been altogether nugatory. The panic had been instantaneous and
general, and it was impossible to punish a whole army. All that could
be done was to publish the whole details, in no degree attempting to
disguise or palliate the injury and disgrace which had been brought on
the nation: to declare that the commander-in-chief and the generals
had done their duty, and retained the full confidence of the country,
and to brand the fugitives in a body, as men who were the opprobrium of
the Spanish name, and had rendered themselves objects of execration to
their countrymen.
The men who in their panic had thus lost all use of reason, as well
as all sense of honour and of duty, were not likely, when they found
themselves in safety, and recovered their senses, to be affected
by this denunciation. A religion which is contented to accept the
slightest degree of attrition, and keeps short reckonings with
conscience, had taught them to be upon easy terms with themselves;
... moreover the moral disease was so endemic, that it had ceased to
be disgraceful: the greater part of these men had behaved well at
Alcañiz and in the subsequent operations; and no doubt expected to
be more fortunate on a better occasion, for a report was raised that
the French had received so great a reinforcement at the moment of
commencing the action as to render resistance hopeless; and though
this was indignantly contradicted by Blake, the men found an excuse
for themselves in believing it. The disgrace was deeply felt by the
government, and by the general whose hopes were blasted by it in the
blossom; but the Spaniards were in no degree disheartened, not even
those upon whom it brought immediate danger; and when the French, in
the course of a few days, attempted to carry Mequinenza by a _coup de
main_, they were beaten off with considerable loss.
♦COMMENCEMENT OF THE GUERILLAS.♦
At this time also that system of warfare began which soon extended
throughout Spain, and occasioned greater losses to the French than
they suffered in all their pitched battles. The first adventurers who
attracted notice by collecting stragglers from their own dispersed
armies, deserters from the enemy, and men who, made desperate by the
ruin of their private affairs in the general wreck, were ready for
any service in which they could at the same time gratify their just
vengeance and find subsistence, were ♦PORLIER.♦ Juan Diaz Porlier in
Asturias, and Juan Martin Diaz in Old Castille, the latter better
known ♦THE EMPECINADO.♦ by his appellation of the[23] Empecinado.
A lawyer, by name Gil, commenced the same course in the Pyrenean
valleys of Navarre and Aragon. After a short career of some two months
he disappeared, and Egoaguerra, who renewed the attempt, withdrew
from that wilder way of life to engage in Doyle’s battalion. The
third adventurer who at this time raised the spirits of the Pyrenean
provinces, and for a while gave employment to the French in Navarre,
was that D. Mariano de Renovales by whom the Convent of S. Joseph
had been so gallantly defended ♦1809. MAY.♦ at the last siege of
Zaragoza. Having been ♦RENOVALES IN THE VALLEY OF RONCAL.♦ made
prisoner when the city surrendered, he had effected his escape on the
way to France, and collected in the valleys of Roncal and Anso a body
of men and officers, who, like himself, believed that the scandalous
manner in which the terms of capitulation had been violated by the
French released them from any obligation of observing it. They had
probably agreed to rendezvous in these valleys as many of them as could
escape, and his intention was to form them into a body, and rejoin
the army. But when it was known that they were collecting there, and
that the mountaineers, confiding in their presence, refused obedience
to the intrusive government, 600 men were ordered from the garrison
of Pamplona to enter the valleys at six points, and reduce them to
subjection.
♦HE DEFEATS A FRENCH DETACHMENT.
MAY 21.♦
Men who, like Renovales and his officers, had served at Zaragoza,
were neither to be lightly surprised nor easily taken. They were upon
the alert, the mountaineers were ready for their assailants, and
of the column which advanced against the little town of Anso not a
man escaped. The four columns which entered by Navasques, Uztarroz,
Salvatierra, and Fago, effected their junction; but the movements of
the Spaniards were concerted and executed with as much precision; and
after two days’ fighting the French were driven to the foot of a high
rock called Undari, where all that survived, seventy-eight in number,
with their commander, the chef de bataillon, Puisalis, were taken
prisoners: ♦1809. JUNE.♦ the sixth column was not engaged, forty men
having deserted from it before they entered the valleys; the others
thought it imprudent to proceed, and thus they were preserved from
suffering a like fate with their companions. Puisalis, being severely
wounded, was lodged by Renovales in his own quarters, and treated with
the utmost care. The other prisoners were sent with a guard of forty
men to be delivered to General Blake, but the ruffian, Buruchuri by
name, who had charge of the escort, when he had advanced far enough to
be under no control, massacred them all; ... a crime which he appears
to have committed with impunity. Puisalis was more fortunate; as soon
as his wounds were healed, he was sent with five other prisoners to
Blake, and reaching him a little before the rout at Belchite, recovered
his liberty at that time.
♦A SECOND PARTY DEFEATED.♦
This intelligence cheered the Aragonese and the Catalans after that
most disgraceful dispersion, and both Lazan and Blake took measures
for assisting and encouraging the mountaineers. Ammunition was sent
from Lerida; Renovales himself was indefatigable in his exertions: he
collected arms from all the villages within reach, sent for armourers
from Eybar and Placencia, and set up an armoury in Roncal. A second
force was dispatched to crush the growing insurrection. The valley
of Roncal was the part which they attacked; the Spaniards were driven
♦JUNE 15.♦ from the point of Yso, where their advance was stationed;
but Renovales arrived in time with 200 men of the vale, and as many
more from that of Anso; he drove the enemy out, and pursued them as
far as Lumbier, with the loss of more than forty killed; and twice
that number of wounded were removed on the following day to Pamplona.
This second defeat had so weakened the garrison of that city, that the
Spaniards now cut off their communication both with Aragon and with
France; they scoured the roads in all directions; not a day passed in
which some party of the invaders, who hitherto had travelled in safety
in those parts, was not intercepted and cut off, and sometimes the
enemy were pursued to the very gates.
♦PROCLAMATION OF THE DUQUE DE MAHON.♦
The Duque de Mahon, one of those traitors to their country who had
sided with the Intruder, in full confidence that they were taking
the safe part, was at that time Viceroy of Navarre: and he addressed
a proclamation to the inhabitants of Roncal, affecting to believe
that they had taken no share in the insurrection; calling upon them
to unite with the French troops for the purpose of apprehending and
punishing the disturbers of the peace; and assuring them that the
present struggle was excited solely by the personal resentment of
certain individuals, whose interests were opposed to those of the
nation, of the clergy, and of the nobles. If they should be seduced
by these deceivers, the result could only be, the loss, if not of
their lives, yet certainly of their liberty, and of that happiness
which they had hitherto enjoyed. But, on the contrary, if they proved
themselves worthy of the King’s favour, by their obedience to his
government and their cordiality with the allied French troops, it was
his intention and that of the French commandant at Pamplona, General
D’Agoult, to represent their good behaviour to the throne; that when
the arms of the Emperor, now victorious at Vienna and throughout all
Italy, should expel the enemies of public order from Spain, they might
partake in the benefits which were to be expected from so wise and
humane a prince. This proclamation was answered by Renovales with
the bitterest ♦JUNE 28.♦ scorn. He addressed the viceroy as Ex-Duque
de Mahon, telling him, if he disliked that style, that the person
who used it was a Spaniard, and one who respected the orders of his
sovereign; which sovereign, acting through the Supreme Central Junta,
had proscribed him as a traitor, and therefore he had now no title.
He reproached him with ingratitude towards the house of Bourbon, with
disgracing his ancestors, with sacrificing his religion, his king,
his country, and his honour. He told him that the people of Roncal,
like those of Anso, were attached to their own institutions, and true
to their lawful king; that they had fought for him with a spirit
like that of their ancestors; that the magistracy had encouraged the
enthusiasm of the people; and that he, unworthy as he was, had enjoyed
the honour of leading them to victory. They despised his favour, and
they despised his threats; and if he would march out at the head of
a French division, and fix time and place where the question between
them might be put to the decision of the sword, he, Renovales, would
meet him there, a true Spaniard in the cause of a rightful though an
oppressed king, against a false one in the cause of a potentate whom
his followers impiously called almighty; and if the Ex-Duque would
appoint this meeting, that almightiness should be tried.
♦EXECUTIONS AND REPRISALS.♦
Five persons who were charged with having joined the insurgents of
Roncal were put to death at Pamplona upon the Intruder’s law of
extermination against all who should take arms against him. The gallows
was erected without the gate of S. Nicholas, and the sufferers were
executed with their faces toward Roncal, and left hanging there. The
proclamation which announced their punishment, declared, that for
every person, whether soldier or countryman, who should be murdered
by the banditti, a prisoner who had belonged to them should be put to
death. This was answered by an act of retaliation. Renovales seized
five persons who were acting under the intrusive government, beheaded
them, and exposed their bodies on the high road, with an inscription
on their shoulders, saying they were agents of the French robbers,
who had been thus punished by Spanish justice. He declared, that, for
every Spaniard whom the French should put to death, he would behead
two French prisoners; and that if the commandant of Jaca continued to
plunder the people and the churches, and burn the houses, as he had
begun, he would, for every house that should be burnt, set a village on
fire on the French side of the Pyrenees, instead of promoting peace and
friendly intercourse, as he had hitherto done, between the peasants on
the frontier.
♦ATTEMPTS TO WIN OVER RENOVALES.♦
General D’Agoult tried what might be done with Renovales by
conciliatory means. He thanked him for his treatment of Puisalis, and
of those prisoners whom Buruchuri had butchered; a crime of which he
entirely acquitted the Spanish officer. He applied to him now, he
said, by General Suchet’s orders; and joined his own entreaties to
that General’s offers. First he requested him to send back twenty-five
artillerymen who had been captured by his people on the road from
Tafalla, and who he understood were well treated. Renovales, he
observed, owed him this in consideration of the manner in which his
prisoners were used, though more than six and thirty officers had
broken their parole, beginning with the Camp-Marshal Villava. After
experiencing every kindness, he had found means to escape by a bribe
of 4000 livres, and was said to be now in ♦1809 AUGUST.♦ Roncal, having
thus dishonoured himself. If Renovales also had broken his word by
escaping when he was a prisoner of war, there had been something in
his conduct which justified it; and if he would now pacificate Roncal
and the valleys of Aragon, and restore order there, he would entitle
himself to esteem and to the King’s favour. “You are supporting a
chimera,” said the French commander; “your troops are routed on all
sides. You reckon upon the English. I know them better than you do;
and if you desire the good of your country, take the advice of an old
soldier, who went through the Revolution as a royalist, and joined the
present government when he saw that the only man capable of supporting
it had appeared. You are in a like position. The Bourbons exist no
longer upon the throne. The Emperor and his family have superseded
them. Let us be his faithful friends and allies, and render our country
happy, instead of contributing to its ruin.”
Renovales answered, the artillerymen were his prisoners, thought
themselves fortunate in being so, and would have entered among the
troops if he would have allowed them. Villava was not in Roncal, nor
in the district under his command; wherever he was, he would be able
to answer for his own conduct in making his escape. “If I did the
same,” said he, “on the way to Pamplona, it was because the French had
violated a solemn capitulation. I was the first person whom General
Morlot, in contempt both of his word and honour, and in breach of the
terms, plundered of horse and baggage; and if a French general may be
allowed thus to disregard so sacred a right, I know not why a Spanish
prisoner should be withheld from attempting to escape. Wonder not at
seeing me at the head of the Spaniards, since I have seen General Junot
in Zaragoza at the head of the French, after his[24] capitulation in
Portugal.” To all the offers which were held out to him, he replied,
that he was and would continue true to his legitimate King, whose
faithful subjects would freely shed their blood in his cause, and would
yet reverse the scene, and re-establish him upon his rightful throne.
“I know,” said he, “that your Excellency feels the injustice of the
cause which France is supporting; ... that you hear the voice of honour
in your heart, and that you know what is the right path.” General
Plique, commander of the citadel at Zaragoza, endeavoured also to bring
over Renovales to the Intruder’s service, representing to him that the
Austrian army was destroyed, that Russia had given the most public
proofs of its connexion with France, and that the French had obtained
a most decisive victory[25] in S. Domingo. No efforts, no combination
of events could now prevent the complete establishment of King Joseph.
The blow which had ruined Austria had destroyed all the hopes of the
Spaniards. “Insurrection,” said the Frenchman, imitating the style of
his Emperor, “insurrection passes away; madness rages and destroys, and
then becomes calm; the good alone is permanent. Secure for yourself
the glory and the delight of saving a country which ought to be dear
to you; join the cause of a good King, who desires not, by a terrible
and necessary execution, to reign over ruins and carcasses; and I am
authorized to offer you the rank in his armies which you hold among the
insurgents.”
♦TROOPS SENT FROM ZARAGOZA AGAINST THE VALLEYS.♦
The answer was such as became a man who had done his duty at Zaragoza.
“Till the moral strength of the Spaniards and of their government
were destroyed,” he said, “it was in vain to think of ruining their
armies. Neither the supposed victories upon the Danube and in S.
Domingo, nor the adhesion of the Emperor Alexander, nor the immense
forces which were said to be at Napoleon’s command, would break the
spirit of Spain or of England, actuated as those countries were by
principles of justice and high-minded rectitude.” The hope of seducing
Renovales being now no longer entertained, 5000 men were sent against
him from Zaragoza; 2000 of these, being reinforced with 500 more at
Jaca, proceeded against S. Juan de la Peña; and having, after a long
resistance, driven D. Miguel Sarasa from that post, advanced ♦AUG.
21.♦ upon the valley of Anso. Plique, with the other 3000, occupied
the positions of Salvatierra, Castella Nuevo, and Navascues: 800 from
Orbayceta and Pamplona united in the valley of Salazar, and 450 from
Lumbier at Zavalza. Their numbers enabled them to move upon more
points than the Spaniards could ♦AUG. 27.♦ guard; and having entered
Salvatierra, where the advanced parties were driven before them,
they proceeded next day in four columns, two on the right attacking
the heights of Sasi and Virgen de la Peña, the centre by the strait
called La Foz, and the left by the heights of Mayhia, which divide the
jurisdictions of Salvatierra, Navascues, and Burgui. These positions
were attacked by 3000 men, and defended only by 600; they were
maintained from six in the morning till two hours after mid-day; the
French then on the right gained the height at Sasi; and this success
would have enabled them to come upon the rear of the Spaniards at the
other point. Renovales therefore fell back to the bridge and town of
Burgui, from which he was compelled to withdraw as evening began to
close, and the enemy then entered and set fire to it. The town of Anso
was entered the same day by the first division of the French, after a
brave resistance.
♦AUG. 29. RENOVALES CAPITULATES FOR THE VALLEYS.♦
From Burgui, on the following morning, the French in three divisions
attacked the Spaniards, the right and left on the heights of Mendivelza
and Odieta, the centre upon Bochuela. At all these points they were
three times repulsed, some Russian deserters distinguishing themselves
greatly on the Spanish side. The mountaineers thought the day their
own, till, at noon, they were apprised that the French division from
Anso was coming by Garde upon their rear, and already occupied the
heights of Puyeta and Muga de Roncal. Renovales then fell back in good
order upon the town of Roncal, took up a position there, and maintained
it till evening closed. But as the ground there was open enough to give
the enemy room for manœuvring, he fell back to the strong ground about
Urzainqui, the position where he had before determined that in case
of necessity the last stand was to be made. During the night, he was
apprised that 4000 men were marching from Oloron upon those valleys,
and 800 by way of Salazar. Many of his people had dispersed; those who
remained were well nigh exhausted; ... but he was enabled to demand
terms, and capitulate for the valleys, as for a fortified town, in a
manner of which there had been no other example during the war, and to
withdraw with those who chose to follow him, for other opportunities of
serving their country; ... more fortunate their future services might
be; they could not be more honourable.
The French are said to have lost 500 killed and 800 wounded in these
latter actions, and this by their own account. Among the Spanish
officers who distinguished themselves were D. Miguel Sarasa, and D.
Gregorio Cruchaga, names soon connected with that of Mina, which now
first began to be known.
♦XAVIER MINA.♦
Xavier Mina[26], the son of a landholder who cultivated his own estate,
and was deputy for one of the valleys of Navarre, was a student at
Pamplona when the revolution began. He was then in the eighteenth year
of his age, and during the earlier part of the war had been confined
to his father’s house by a severe illness, from which he recovered
just after Renovales had been compelled to withdraw from Roncal. A
French commander, whose corps was encamped in the neighbourhood, sent
a serjeant requiring the father in his capacity as deputy to provide
rations for his[27] men. The serjeant disappeared on the road, and
in consequence the house was surrounded at midnight by a detachment
of infantry, who had orders to arrest the elder Mina, and bring
him to head quarters. The son, however, had time enough to secure
his father’s escape, and then in his name presented himself to the
officer. The French General before whom he was carried threatened him
with death, unless the serjeant were produced; but as every thing in
that quarter was to be arranged by means of money, Mina obtained his
liberty after being detained three days. The party who arrested him had
plundered his father’s house. This usage, the danger he had escaped,
and the injustice of the whole proceeding, roused into full action
those feelings which had only been suspended by disease and languor.
He provided himself with a musket and cartridge-box, and in that trim
presented himself in his own village, and offered to take the command
of as many Spaniards as would engage with him in the good work of
avenging their country upon its invaders. Twelve adventurers joined
him; they took to the near mountains, and there, while they waited an
opportunity of action, maintained themselves on his father’s sheep.
His first adventure was to surprise a party of seven artillerymen, who
were escorting two pieces of cannon and a quantity of ammunition from
Zaragoza to Pamplona. This success procured him twenty volunteers.
He sent off his prisoners to Lerida, retired again to the mountains,
and being informed that a general officer was on the road, travelling
with an escort of thirty-four foot and twelve horsemen, he laid an
ambuscade for them, in so favourable a spot, that a volley was fired
upon the French with sure effect before they had any apprehension
of danger. The general was shot in his carriage, some of the escort
were made prisoners, and some money fell into Mina’s hands. This he
immediately distributed among his men, recommending them to send part
of it to their families, and retain no more than would be necessary
to defray the expenses of their own interment, exposed as they must
now continually be to death. The men were thus raised in their own
esteem and in that of their countrymen where-ever this was told; and
volunteers now presented themselves in abundance, attracted by a
success which was reported every where, with such exaggerations as
such tales gather in their way. He received however none but those who
brought arms, or whom he could supply with the spoils already taken
from the enemy. His party amounted now to about threescore persons,
distinguished by a red riband in their hats, and a red collar to their
jackets.
He proceeded now toward the frontiers of Aragon, where a band of fifty
robbers were adding to the miseries of that afflicted country. These he
succeeded in surprising; the greater number were killed on the spot,
the rest he sent prisoners to Tarragona. Twelve horses were taken from
the party, on which he mounted some of his men, and armed them with
lances; ♦1809. SEPTEMBER.♦ and every day added now to his numbers
and his reputation. Rations were voluntarily provided for his people
wherever they were expected, and given as freely at one time, as they
were paid for at another from the spoils of the enemy. He levied a duty
on the passes, where a considerable trade in colonial produce was then
carried on; the clergy also assisted him from their funds, and with
these resources he paid and equipped his men, and kept in pay also a
sufficient number of intelligencers. It was in vain that the French
made repeated efforts to crush this enterprising enemy; if his troops
dispersed upon the appearance or the attack of a formidable detachment,
it was only to reunite, and by striking a blow in some weak point or
distant quarter, render themselves more formidable than before. General
D’Agoult was accused of secretly favouring this young adventurer, and
sending convoys under weak escort, with the intent that he should
intercept them. Perhaps this suspicion was entertained only because
♦TWO MINAS, P. 16.♦ he had been a royalist, and therefore may have
been supposed to abhor at heart the service wherein he was engaged. An
inquiry into his conduct was instituted, and before it was concluded he
put an end to his life by poison.
♦SIEGE OF GERONA COMMENCED.♦
St. Cyr meantime was informed that Marshal Augereau had been appointed
to supersede him in Catalonia, and that General Verdier, who had been
an old aide-de-camp of Augereau, had already arrived in the Ampurdan to
take the command in place of General Reille, and commence the siege
of Gerona. The rout at Belchite enabled the enemy to make all their
preliminary movements with little other molestation than what the
insufficient garrison of that city could give them; and when Verdier
encamped before the place, St. Cyr removed from Vich, and took up a
position to cover the siege.
END OF VOL. III.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFRIARS.
FOOTNOTES
[1] St. Cyr (p. 50) reproaches the English for this, and says,
‘_Nous n’avions jamais espéré prendre à la vue, et sous le canon de
l’escadre, une garnison forte encore d’environ 3000 hommes. Il aurait
été possible aux Anglais, en plein jour, et sur-tout facile durant
la nuit, d’embarquer la garnison, et de la transporter, en quelques
heures, sur la rive droite de la Fluvia, en laissant seulement un
faible detachement pour remettre la forteresse; comme cela s’était
pratiqué, en Février, 1795, quand une escadre Espagnole occupait la
baie._’ But in that siege the enemy were not masters of the town, and
they had now established a battery in it to cut off the communication
between the citadel and the ships, which was done so effectually, that
five days before the surrender Captain Bennett found it impossible to
land a single messenger there. M. St. Cyr adds, that when the prisoners
defiled along the shore the English ships opened a brisk fire upon
them, and that the Spaniards would never be persuaded that this was
done in mistake. The Marshal was not upon the spot himself; if he had,
this statement would not have appeared in his Journal.
[2] The officers were so aware of their danger, that Cabañes heard
one of the staff say they should certainly have believed it was their
General’s intention to betray them to the enemy, ... if they had
not had the most entire confidence in him. It seems indeed probable
that Buonaparte, not foreseeing what the consequences of a defeat in
Catalonia would be, would have thought the disgrace or destruction of a
general whom he disliked a compensation for the loss of this army.
General Duhesme perished in the flight from Waterloo: the stain of his
blood was pointed out to me on the threshold of the inn at Genap, where
he was cut down by a Brunswicker.
[3] M. Gouvion St. Cyr, who renders justice in other respects to
General Reding, represents him as full of confidence at this time, and
dreaming of a second affair of Baylen. It is upon the most indisputable
authority, confirmed too by his own dispatches, that I have delineated
his state of mind so differently.
[4] Baron Rogniat also in his relation of the siege says, _le Maréchal
exigea que la ville se rendît à discretion_ (p. 44), and omits to say
that terms of capitulation were required and granted. Baron Rogniat
declares that one of his motives for publishing this relation, which
he was not permitted to do during the reign of Buonaparte, was to
celebrate the glory of his comrades. For a man of honour and humanity
to have been in the course of military service involuntarily engaged in
effecting such a conquest, would be the greatest of all misfortunes;
but to look back upon it with complacency, and record it as glorious,
is a crime.
[5] The veracious historian of Marshal Soult asserts that Romana had
compelled the Bishop to withdraw, knowing how much the example of his
submission would influence the Galicians; as if he thought that to
make a man sacrifice any thing to a sense of patriotism and of duty
compulsion was necessary! and as if he were utterly ignorant of the
part which that excellent Prelate sustained throughout these troubles.
See vol. i. p. 409, for the character of the man who is thus traduced.
[6] Marshal Soult’s historian represents this affair as of great
importance, because it removed the impression which their failure
in crossing the Minho had made upon the army. What is more curious,
he finds in it a justification for their invasion of Portugal! _Les
Portugais avaient fait trois lieues sur les terres d’Espagne pour
venir attaquer l’armée Française engagée avec les Espagnols, mouvement
hostile concerté avec la Romana pour faciliter sa retraite, et qui
justifiait l’entrée que nous allions faire en Portugal._--P. 106.
If any thing can be more detestable than the avowed and exultant
profligacy of these men during their season of triumph, it is the
manner in which they have afterwards attempted to gloze over actions
which public opinion (and still more the event) has made them feel are
too nefarious to be openly defended.
[7] Marshal Soult’s historian expresses himself upon this subject in a
manner altogether worthy of such a writer: “_Le Français, si passionné
pour la beauté, sacrifia ses plaisirs à l’honneur de protéger les
femmes qui réclamèrent son appui._”
I believe that no other portion of history was ever so entirely and
audaciously falsified as that of the peninsular war has been by the
French. This writer asserts that few days have been so brilliant for
the French arms as that on which Porto was taken; that they were
astonished at their own success when they saw how many obstacles they
had overcome; for that _des officiers du genie Portugais et Anglais
s’étaient occupés à reunir à l’avantage de la position, tout ce que
l’art a inventé pour la defense d’un camp_; and that these formidable
works were manned by 70,000 men determined to defend them to the last
extremity. Pp. 159–60–77.
There is another statement of this writer’s which deserves notice.
He says that the former campaign in Portugal had been distinguished
by cruelties on the part of the inhabitants (p. 56); and that in the
present “_pour_ _animer le peuple contre les Français, on avait répandu
les bruits les plus absurdes. La haine les peignait aux yeux de la
superstition et de la crédulité, comme des hérétiques qui foulaient
aux pieds tous les principes religieux, commes des barbares qui au
mépris des lois divines et humaines, dévoraient les enfans, livraient
le sexe à tous les outrages, et envoyaient les hommes dans le nord pour
renforcer leurs armées._”--(P. 119.) The charges against which this
contemptuous indignation is affected are true to the very letter, with
the exception of that of eating the children, which, be it remembered,
was never made. They did not _eat_ children; ... they only butchered
them sometimes, and sometimes (as will be shown hereafter) let them die
of hunger before their eyes.
[8] The matter is of more importance than may be immediately perceived
by a protestant. For more than three of these nails are shown as relics
in different churches; and, therefore, if only three, according to the
prevailing opinion, were used, the fourth must be spurious, and thus,
as all cannot be genuine, a doubt would be cast upon the authenticity
of each.
[9] This is the substance of a declaration upon oath by one of the
eye-witnesses.
[10] It is said that there were some articles of very great value in
the baggage, particularly some jewels of which General Lahoussaye had
possessed himself at the Escurial, and which Chalot was supposed to
have secreted.--Campaign of 1809, p. 20.
[11] _Que la perdida de la batalla nada importaba._ The French used to
say that the best General in Spain was the General _no importa_.
[12] When Clarkson wanted evidence respecting the manner in which
slaves were obtained up the rivers Calabar and Bonny, he heard, by
accident, that there was one person who could give it, but he neither
could obtain his name, nor learn the place of his abode: ... all that
was known was, that he belonged to some ship of war in ordinary. That
indefatigable and admirable man immediately set out in search of him:
he went on board every ship in ordinary at Deptford, Woolwich, Chatham,
and Sheerness, ... above an hundred and sixty vessels, ... but in vain.
He boarded above an hundred more at Portsmouth, equally in vain, and
fifty-six at Plymouth, with as little success. In the fifty-seventh he
found his man, after a labour of three weeks; obtained the knowledge
which he wanted; and established by that evidence a point of main
importance to the abolition of the slave trade.
[13] While the Americans carried over ready-built houses for sale; and
the French sent a frigate, by which the _Grand Monarque_ expressed his
condolence for what had happened, and requested to know if he could be
of any use.
[14] M. de Naylies says (p. 120), _J’ai vu compromettre le salut d’une
troupe, pour sauver le fruit des concussions et du pillage_.
[15] It is curious to observe in how many points this secret society
resembled the system of the monastic orders. The person who was
admitted to the higher grades changed his name, and was bound to keep
a journal of all his actions, that the _Censeur_ might at any time
see what his moral conduct had been in all its details. _L’homme
qui y était admis cessait d’être autre chose, au moins quant à ceux
de ses devoirs particuliers qui auraient contrarié les devoirs
de l’institution. Il sortait de la société générale pour devenir
l’instrument aveugle de la société spéciale à laquelle il s’était
dévoué, et cet engagement étendait son obligation bien au-delà de
l’obligation de la vie. On ne crut pas pouvoir isoler le Philadelphe
de ce grade par trop de moyens divers; et le seul de ces moyens que je
puisse écrire fut l’abnégation de nom. Il fallait un nouveau baptême
pour un dévouement de sang. L’influence de ces noms était si puissante,
qu’elle s’étendait visiblement sur la vie privée. Caton, Themistocles,
et Cassius sont morts par le suicide comme leurs patrons._--Hist. des
Sociétés Secrètes de l’Armée, pp. 36–8.
The author of this singular history (who is no common writer) has a
very proper note upon this part of the statement. _Il y a quelque chose
d’effrayante dans cette idée, qui jette un homme hors de toute la
société, et qui le depouille, jusqu’à un certain point, non-seulement
de son existence civile, mais encore de son propre caractère, et de
son identité morale, pour le modeler sur la vie d’un autre. Il ne me
serait pas difficile de donner des exemples très-remarquables de la
singulière influence que cette métamorphose exerçait sur l’esprit
ardent de quelques adeptes, dans lesquels on voyait s’opérer une
véritable métempsycose historique. Mais il est naturel de conclure
aussi, de ces simples aperçus, qu’une institution pareille entraînerait
quelques inconvénients dans l’état ordinaire et naturel de la société.
Tout ce que tend à isoler les citoyens de l’ordre des choses dans
lequel le hasard de leur naissance les a placés, pour les transporter
dans un ordre factice et idéal, ne saurait être évité avec trop de
soin._--Hist. des Soc. Sec. &c., p. 180.
The founder and chief of the Philadelphes was Colonel Jacques Joseph
Oudet, a native of the Jura, ... _homme de vingt-cinq ans, ivre de
jeunesse, fou de plaisir, inconsequent dans ses manières,_ _frivole
dans ses goûts, créature légère, inconstante, mobile, qui paraissait ne
devoir exciter d’autres soupçons que ceux d’un père sage ou d’un mari
defiant, et qui tenait d’une main le fil des intrigues les plus vaines,
et de l’autre celui des conjurations les plus serieuses._--(P. 33.)
The description of this person is so characteristic, that no language
except its own could do justice to it. _La nature, en le formant,
le destinait à tout ce qu’il y a de bon et de beau. Il aurait été à
son choix poète, orateur, tacticien, magistrat: l’armée entière l’a
proclamé brave; personne ne l’a égalé en éloquence; il faudrait l’âme
d’une ange pour se faire une idée de sa bonté, si on ne l’avait pas
connu. Jamais on n’a rassemblé des qualités si contrastées et cependant
si naturelles; il avait la naïveté d’un enfant, et l’aisance d’un homme
du monde; de l’abandon comme une jeune fille sensible, de la fermeté
comme un vieux Romain: de la candeur et de l’héroïsme. C’était le
plus actif, et le plus insouciant des hommes; paresseux avec délices,
infatigable dans ses entreprises, immuable dans ses resolutions;
doux et sévère, folâtre et sérieux, tendre et terrible, Alcibiade et
Marcus_.--(P. 13.) _Oudet aimait les femmes avec fureur, les aimait
toutes, les trompait toutes, et n’en abandonnait aucune de pensée, de
souvenir, d’affection. Son cœur était devenu un abime de tendresse,
où se fondaient les sentimens les plus contradictoires. Il n’y avait
pas un moment de sa vie où l’on ne pût lui tirer des larmes pour la
première femme qu’il avait trahie; pas un où il ne méditât, peut-être
malgré lui, d’en séduire une autre. Il était né Werther, et le monde
l’avait fait Lovelace._--(P. 17.)
The writer more than insinuates that Oudet, who was killed on the
night after the battle of Wagram, fell, not by the Austrians, but by a
premeditated act of Buonaparte. The fact is likely, and the fate not
an unfitting one, ... where life was the stake, and the game Catch who
can. _Ses funerailles resemblerent à celles d’Othon_, for some of his
fellow-soldiers killed themselves.
But the most extraordinary part of the book is its brave assertion that
the army never was the passive instrument of Buonaparte (which indeed
in one sense is true, for it was always an active one); that it always
detested his tyranny, and was the only body which restrained it; that
the love of liberty and of legitimate rights always was cherished in
it; and that the restoration of the Bourbons was owing to it: _Je ne
sortirai pas de cette question sans rappeler que c’est encore à l’armée
que le bienfait de la restauration est dû, puisqu’elle l’a appelée par
ses vœux, secondée par ses efforts, par le concours des supérieurs,
par le bon esprit des soldats, et quelle l’aurait opérée d’elle-même
quelques jours plus tard. Il n’y à pas un officier Français qui en
doute._--(P. 43.)
[16] He was sent to England, and there with commendable humanity
provided for by the Government; but soon venturing over to France
for the purpose of bringing back his wife and children, he was
apprehended, and shot. Nothing could be drawn from him to criminate
any of his confederates, but he affirmed that Marshal Soult was
engaged in the design; and this he had determined to do in case he
should be discovered. It cannot be doubted that the intentions of
this unfortunate officer were good; and that he was a man of good and
generous feelings was proved both by his conduct at Porto, and by the
motive which induced him to venture into his own country, under the
certainty of being put to death if he should be recognized there. And
yet he made a false accusation, and persisted in it at his death. The
best and purest intentions will not preserve a man from guilt, if
he engages in one of those secret societies where he is required to
deliver his conscience out of his own keeping.
[17] The historian of Marshal Soult’s campaigns in 1809 describes
Romana’s _land journey_ from the Asturias (p. 276) with a precision
worthy of notice ... because it shows what credit is due to such a
writer. My statement is taken from Romana’s own letters.
[18] The writer of Marshal Soult’s campaigns loses no opportunity of
displaying this temper. According to him (p. 290) Marshal Ney concealed
the fact of his defeat at S. Payo, and assured Soult that he found the
position of the enemy too strong to think of attempting it. He has so
represented this as to conceal the fact himself, his book not giving
the slightest intimation of an action that effected the deliverance of
Galicia.
[19] What he saw erected was a wooden model of what was afterwards to
be executed in marble, with this inscription:
A LA GLORIA
DEL
EX^{MO}. S^{R}. D. JUAN MOORE, GEN^{L}. DEL EX^{TO}. INGLES,
Y A LA DE SUS VALIENTES COMPATRIOTAS
LA
ESPANA AGRADECIDA.
On the other side:
BATALLA DE CORUÑA A 18 DE ENERO,
ANO 1809.
Marshal Soult also ordered the following inscription to be engraved
upon a rock near the spot where Sir John Moore fell:
HIC CECIDIT JOHANNES MOORE, DUX EXERCITUS,
IN PUGNA JANUARII XVI. 1809,
CONTRA GALLOS A DUCE DALMATIÆ DUCTOS.
[20] M. St. Cyr (p. 118) represents Reding as seeking this action by
General Doyle’s advice; but it is certain that his intention was not
to risk one. The French Commander renders justice to this brave and
unfortunate General in all respects, except that he always imputes
to him a presumptuous confidence, which Reding never felt. The
constitution of his mind disposed him to the very opposite error. This
is not asserted speculatively, but upon his own statements and other
equally incontestable documents. M. St. Cyr says that Reding escaped in
the ensuing action from the hands of a young officer only because that
officer had the generosity not to kill him, as he might easily have
done, when a pistol shot put an end to his own life. The condition in
which Reding escaped does not seem to show that there was much desire
of sparing him.
[21] It is said by M. St. Cyr that they acted by Reding’s advice, and
that by so advising them he saved the city from inevitable destruction.
But this does not accord with Reding’s own language, for in a part of
his dispatch to the Central Junta which was not published, he mentions
this conduct of the Cabildo with indignation.
[22] Marshal St. Cyr speaks of this as _un petit événement heureux_.
(165.) Comparatively small as the numbers were on either side, and
uninfluential as it was upon the issue of the war, it was a well-fought
battle, in which the French, under one of their ablest generals, were
fairly defeated.
[23] Various explanations have been offered of this name. One account
says, that upon finding his family murdered by the French, he smeared
his face with pitch, and made a vow of vengeance. Another, that he was
so called because of his swarthy complexion. But in the account of his
life it is said that all the inhabitants of Castrillo de Duero, where
he was born, have this nickname indiscriminately given them by their
neighbours, in consequence of a black mud, called _pecina_, deposited
by a little stream which runs through the place; and the appellation
became peculiar to him from his celebrity.
[24] Renovales evidently did not know the terms of that capitulation.
[25] There could be no intention of deceiving Renovales, nor was a
victory in S. Domingo likely to have any effect in determining his
conduct. But this mention of one may show how little the French
officers knew of public events; nothing in fact but what their own
government chose to let them know, ... and that government gave them
always as much falsehood as truth.
[26] This account of Xavier Mina differs materially from that which
has been published under the title of The Two Minas and the Spanish
Guerillas, as extracted from the work of a German officer, Captain
H. Von Brandt. The German officer, who collected his information
in the country, acknowledges that the accounts given upon the spot
differ essentially from each other. My statement was derived from Mina
himself during his short abode in England. Certainly I have never
seen any person whom, from his countenance and manners, I should deem
less likely to be given to such company and such courses as in that
publication are imputed to him.
[27] They were to be a pound and a half of bread, ten ounces of meat,
and a bottle of wine per day for every man.
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant
preference was found in this book. Simple typographical errors were
corrected and some unbalanced quotation marks were remedied. Other
errors of these types were not changed because the corrections were not
obvious to the Transcriber.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained; occurrences
of inconsistent hyphenation have been changed only when there was a
predominant preference throughout the book.
The source book used many Sidenotes, printed in italics. Most match
entries in the Table of Contents, but some are either dates or
citations. To preserve proximity with the original text, if they were
printed mid-paragraph, that is where they appear here. Depending on
the format in which you are reading this eBook, Sidenotes may be
distinguished from regular text by being shown in some combination
of italics, boldface, UPPER-CASE, enclosed in ♦DIAMOND SYMBOLS♦,
being offset into the left-margin, or in a rectangular area within
the regular text. Due to limitations of some eReaders, some sidenotes
may appear next to or below each other, depending on the width of the
screen.
The original Table of Contents used “ib.” when the page number was the
same as the one in the previous entry. This eBook uses the actual page
numbers.
Pages 118 and 509: Missing closing quotation mark.
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