The emperor eagerly obeyed the vision, and built a city equal to

Rome; alleging that the emperor ought not to reign in Rome, where the

martyred apostles, from the time of Christ, held dominion. He built

in it two churches, one of which was dedicated to peace; the other to

the apostles; bringing thither numerous bodies of saints, who might

conciliate the assistance of God against the incursions of its enemies.

He placed in the circus, for the admiration and ornament of the city,

the statues of triumphal heroes, brought from Rome, and the tripods

from Delphi; and the images of heathen deities to excite the contempt

of the beholders. They relate that it was highly gratifying to the mind

of the emperor, to receive a mandate from heaven, to found a city in

that place, where the fruitfulness of the soil, and the temperature

of the atmosphere conduced to the health of its inhabitants: for as

he was born in Britain,[408] he could not endure the burning heat of

the sun. But Thracia is a province of Europe, as the poets observe,

extremely cool, “From Hebrus’ ice, and the Bistonian north;” and near

to Mœsia, where, as Virgil remarks, “With wonder Gargara the harvest

sees.”[409] Constantinople, then, washed by the sea, obtains the

mingled temperature both of Europe and of Asia; because, from a short

distance, the Asiatic east tempers the severity of the northern blast.

The city is surrounded by a vast extent of walls, yet the influx of

strangers is so great, as to make it crowded. In consequence they

form a mole in the sea, by throwing in masses of rock, and loads of

sand; and the space obtained by this new device, straitens the ancient

waters. The sea wonders to see fields unknown before, amid its glassy

waves; and surrounds and supplies its city with all the conveniences of

the earth. The town is encompassed on every side, except the north, by

the ocean, and is full of angles in the circuit of its walls, where it

corresponds with the windings of the sea; which walls contain a space

of twenty miles in circumference. The Danube,[410] which is likewise

called the Ister, flows in hidden channels under ground, into the city;

and on certain days being let out by the removal of a plug, it carries

off the filth of the streets into the sea. All vied with the emperor in

noble zeal to give splendour to this city, each thinking he was bound

to advance the work in hand: one contributing holy relics, another

riches, Constantine all things.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1097.] EMPERORS OF CONSTANTINOPLE.]

After Constantine the Great, the following emperors reigned here.

Constantine his son; Julian the Apostate; Jovinian, Valens, Theodosius

the Great; Arcadius, Theodosius the Younger; Marchianus, Leo the First;

Zeno, Anastasius, Justin the Great; Justinian, who, famed for his

literature and his wars, built a church in Constantinople to Divine

Wisdom; that is, to the Lord Jesus Christ, which he called Hagia

Sophia; a work, as they report, surpassing every other edifice in

the world, and where ocular inspection proves it superior to its most

pompous descriptions: Justin the Younger; Tiberius, Mauricius, the

first Greek; Focas, Heraclius, Heracleonas, Constans, Constantine, the

son of Heraclius; who, coming to Rome, and purloining all the remains

of ancient decoration, stripped the churches even of their brazen

tiles, anxiously wishing for triumphal honours, at Constantinople,

even from such spoils as these; his covetousness, however, turned out

unfortunately for him, for being shortly after killed at Syracuse, he

left all these honourable spoils to be conveyed to Alexandria by the

Saracens; Constantine, Leo the Second; Justinian, again Justinian,

Tiberius, Anastasius, Philippicus, Theodosius, Leo the Third; all

these reigned both at Constantinople and at Rome: the following in

Constantinople only; Constantine, Leo, Constantine, Nicephorus,

Stauratius, Michael, Theophilus, Michael, Basilius, Leo, Alexander,

Constantine, two Romanuses, Nicephorus, Focas, Johannes, Basilius,

Romanus, Michael, Constantine, Theodora the empress, Michael, Sachius,

Constantine, Romanus, Diogenes, Nicephorus, Buthanus, Michael;[411]

who, driven from the empire by Alexius, secretly fled to Guiscard

in Apulia, and surrendering to him his power, imagined he had done

something prejudicial to Alexius: hence Guiscard’s ambition conceived

greater designs; falsely persuading himself that he might acquire by

industry, what the other had lost by inactivity: how far he succeeded,

the preceding book hath explained. In the same city is the cross of

our Saviour, brought by Helena from Jerusalem. There too rest the

apostles, Andrew, James the brother of our Lord; Matthias: the prophets

Elizeus, Daniel, Samuel, and many others: Luke the Evangelist: martyrs

innumerable: confessors, Johannes Chrysostom, Basilius, Gregorious

Nazianzen, Spiridion: virgins, Agatha, Lucia; and lastly all the saints

whose bodies the emperors were able to collect thither out of every

country.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1097.] SIEGE OF NICE.]

The earls, then, of Normandy and Blois, did homage to the Greek. For

the earl of Flanders had already passed on, disdaining to perform this

ceremony, from the recollection that he was freely born and educated.

The others, giving and receiving promises of fidelity, proceeded in

the first week of June to Nice, which the rest had already besieged

from the middle of May. Uniting, therefore, their forces, much carnage

ensued on either side; since every kind of weapon could easily be

hurled by the townsmen on those who were beneath them; and the arm

even of the weakest had effect on persons crowded together. Moreover

the Turks dragged up, with iron hooks, numberless dead bodies of our

people, to mangle them in mockery; or to cast them down again when

stripped of their raiment. The Franks were grieved at this: nor did

they cease venting their rage by slaughter, till the Turks, wearied by

extremity of suffering, on the day of the summer solstice, surrendered

themselves to the emperor by means of secret messengers. He, who knew

only how to consult his own advantage, gave orders to the Franks to

depart: choosing rather, that the city should be reserved for the

undisguised disloyalty of the Turks, than the distrusted power of

the Franks. He ordered, however, silver and gold to be distributed

to the chiefs, and copper coin to those of inferior rank, lest they

should complain of being unrewarded. Thus the Turks, who, passing

the Euphrates, had now for the space of fifty years been possessed

of Bithynia, which is a part of Asia Minor that is called Romania,

betook themselves to flight to the eastward. Nevertheless, when the

siege was ended, they attempted, at the instigation of Soliman,[412]

who had been sovereign of all Romania, to harass the army on its

advance. This man collecting, as is computed, three hundred and sixty

thousand archers, attacked our people, expecting anything rather than

hostility, with such violence, that overwhelmed with an iron shower

of arrows, they were terrified and turned their backs. At that time,

by chance, duke Godfrey and Hugh the Great, and Raimund, had taken

another route, that they might plunder the enemies’ country to a wider

extent, and obtain forage with more facility. But the Norman, sensible

of his extreme danger, by means of expeditious messengers on a safe

track, acquainted Godfrey and the rest of the approach of the Turks.

They without a moment’s delay, turned against the enemy, and delivered

their associates from danger. For these were now indiscriminately

slaughtered in their tents, unprepared for resistance, and filling

the air with prayers and lamentations. Nor did the enemy take any

particular aim, but trusting his arrows to the wind, he never, from

the thickness of the ranks, drew his bow in vain. What alone retarded

destruction was, that the attack took place near a thicket of canes,

which prevented the Turks from riding full speed. At length, however,

perceiving the advanced guard of the approaching chiefs, the Christians

left the thicket, and shouting the military watch-word, “It is the

will of God,”[413] they attack the scattered ranks of the enemy,

making a signal to their companions, at the same time to assail them

in the rear. Thus the Turks, pressed on either side, forthwith fled,

shrieking with a dreadful cry, and raising a yell which reached the

clouds. Nor had they recourse to their customary practice of a flying

battle, but throwing down their bows, they manifested, by a flight of

three successive days, something greater than mere human apprehension.

Nor was there, indeed, any person to follow them; for our horses,

scarce able to support life on the barren turf, were unequal to a

vigorous pursuit: showing immediately their want of strength by their

panting sides. Asia was formerly, it is true, a land most fruitful

in corn; but, both in distant and in recent times, it had been so

plundered by the savage Turks, that it could scarcely suffice for the

maintenance of a small army, much less of a multitude, so vast as to

threaten devouring whole harvests and drinking rivers dry. For, when

they departed from Nice, they were still estimated at seven hundred

thousand: of the remainder, part had been wasted by the sword, part by

sickness, and still more had deserted to their homes.

Thence, then, they arrived at Heraclea by the route of Antioch and

Iconium, cities of Pisidia. Here they beheld in the sky a portent

fashioned like a flaming sword; the point of which extended towards the

east. All the period from the kalends of July, when they left Nice,

till the nones of October, had elapsed when they arrived at Antioch

in Syria. The situation of this city, I should describe, had not my

wish in this respect been anticipated by the eloquence of Ambrosius in

Hegesippus:[414] were I not also fearful, that I may be blamed for the

perpetual digressions of my narrative. Still, however, I will relate so

much as the labour I have undertaken seems to require.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1097.] SIEGE OF ANTIOCH.]

Antioch, which was named after his father, Antiochus, by Seleucus,

king of Asia, is surrounded with a vast wall, which even contains a

mountain within it. Next to Rome, and Constantinople, and Alexandria,

it obtains precedence over the cities of the world. It is secure

by its walls, lofty from its situation; and if ever taken, must be

gained more by ingenuity than force. The nearest river to it, which

I learn is now called Fervus, though originally Orontes, falls into

the sea twelve miles from the city; its tide impetuous, and growing

colder from its violence, ministers to the health of the inhabitants

by its effect on the atmosphere. Capable too of receiving supplies by

shipping for the service of its citizens, it can at all times mock the

perseverance of its besiegers. Here the venerable title of Christian

was first conceived: hence, first St. Paul, the spring and spur of this

religion, went forth to preach; here the first pontific seat was filled

by St. Peter; in honour to whom the church there founded remained

uninjured through the whole domination of the Turks: and equally also

did another, consecrated in honour of St. Mary, strike the eyes of

beholders with its beauty, exciting wonder that they should reverence

the church of him whose faith they persecuted.

This city, then, the Franks invested from October till June;[415]

pitching their tents around the walls after they had passed the river.

Foreseeing, however, the difficulty of taking it, and judging it

expedient to provide against the cowardice of certain of their party,

the chiefs, in common, took an oath, that they would not desist from

the siege till the city should be taken by force or by stratagem. And,

that they might more easily complete their design, they built many

fortresses on this side of the river, in which soldiers were placed to

keep guard. Aoxianus, too, the governor of the city, observing that the

Franks acted neither jestingly nor coldly, but set heartily to besiege

it, sent his son Sansadol to the Sultan, emperor of Persia, to make

known the boldness of the Franks, and to implore assistance. Sultan

among the Persians implies the same as Augustus among the Romans:

Commander of all the Saracens, and of the whole east. I imagine this

empire has continued so long, and still increases, because the people,

as I have related, are unwarlike; and being deficient in active blood,

know not how to cast off slavery, when once admitted; not being aware,

as Lucan says,[416] that

“Arms were bestowed that men should not be slaves.”

But the western nations, bold and fierce, disdain long-continued

subjugation to any people whatever; often delivering themselves from

servitude, and imposing it on others. Moreover, the Roman empire first

declined to the Franks, and after to the Germans: the eastern continues

ever with the Persians.

Sansadol therefore being despatched to the chief of this empire,

hastened his course with youthful ardour, while his father was by no

means wanting to the duties of a commander, in the protection of the

city. The valour of the besieged was not content merely to defend their

own party, but voluntarily harassed ours; frequently and suddenly

attacking them when foraging or marketing: for, making a bridge of the

vessels they found there, they had established a mart beyond the river.

Through Christ’s assistance, therefore, becoming resolute, they seized

their arms, and boldly repelled their enemies, so that they never

suffered them to reap the honour of the day. To revenge this disgrace,

the Turks wreaked their indignation on the Syrian and Armenian

inhabitants of the city; throwing, by means of their balistæ[417] and

petraries, the heads of those whom they had slain into the camp of the

Franks, that by such means they might wound their feelings.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1097.] ANTIOCH SURRENDERED.]

And now, everything which could be procured for food being destroyed

around the city, a sudden famine, which usually makes even fortresses

give way, began to oppress the army; so much so, that the harvest not

having yet attained to maturity, some persons seized the pods of beans

before they were ripe, as the greatest delicacy: others fed on carrion,

or hides soaked in water; others passed parboiled[418] thistles through

their bleeding jaws into their stomachs. Others sold mice, or such

like dainties, to those who required them; content to suffer hunger

themselves, so that they could procure money. Some, too, there were,

who even fed their corpse-like bodies with other corpses, eating human

flesh; but at a distance, and on the mountains, lest others should be

offended at the smell of their cookery. Many wandered through unknown

paths, in expectation of meeting with sustenance, and were killed by

robbers acquainted with the passes. But not long after the city was

surrendered.

For Boamund, a man of superior talents, had, by dint of very great

promises, induced a Turkish chief,[419] who had the custody of the

principal tower, on the side where his station lay, to deliver it up

to him. And he, too, to palliate the infamy of his treachery by a

competent excuse, gave his son as an hostage to Boamund; professing

that he did so by the express command of Christ, which had been

communicated to him in a dream. Boamund, therefore, advanced his troops

to the tower, having first, by a secret contrivance, obtained from the

chiefs the perpetual government of the city, in case he could carry it.

Thus the Franks, in the dead of the night, scaling the walls by rope

ladders, and displaying on the top of the tower the crimson standard

of Boamund, repeated with joyful accents the Christian watchword, “It

is the will of God! It is the will of God!” The Turks awaking, and

heavy from want of rest, took to flight through narrow passages; and

our party, following with drawn swords, made dreadful slaughter of

the enemy. In this flight fell Aoxianus, governor of the city, being

beheaded by a certain Syrian peasant: his head, when brought to the

Franks, excited both their laughter and their joy.

Not long rejoicing in this complete victory, they had the next day to

lament being themselves besieged by the Turks from without. For the

forces which had been solicited by Sansadol were now arrived under the

command of Corbaguath, an eastern satrap, who had obtained from the

emperor of Persia three hundred thousand men,[420] under twenty-seven

commanders. Sixty thousand of these ascended over the rocks to the

citadel, by desire of the Turks, who still remained in possession of

it. These woefully harassed the Christians by frequent sallies: nor

was there any hope left, but from the assistance of God, since want

was now added to the miseries of war--want, the earliest attendant on

great calamities. Wherefore, after a fast of three days, and earnest

supplications, Peter the hermit was sent ambassador to the Turks, who

spake with his usual eloquence to the following effect: “That the Turks

should now voluntarily evacuate the Christian territory, which they had

formerly unjustly invaded; that it was but right, as the Christians

did not attack Persia, that the Turks should not molest Asia; that

they should therefore, either by a voluntary departure, seek their own

country, or expect an attack on the following morning; that they might

try their fortune, by two, or four, or eight, that danger might not

accrue to the whole army.”

Corbaguath condescended not to honour the messenger even with a reply;

but playing at chess and gnashing his teeth, dismissed him as he came;

merely observing, “that the pride of the Franks was at an end.” Hastily

returning, Peter apprised the army of the insolence of the Turk. Each

then animating the other, it was publicly ordered, that every person

should, that night, feed his horse as plentifully as possible, lest

he should falter from the various evolutions of the following day.

And now the morning dawned, when, drawn up in bodies, they proceeded,

with hostile standard, against the enemy. The first band was led by

the two Roberts, of Normandy and Flanders, and Hugh the Great; the

second by Godfrey; the third by the bishop of Puy; the reserve by

Boamund, as a support to the rest. Raimund continued in the city, to

cover the retreat of our party, in case it should be necessary. The

Turks, from a distance, observing their movements, were, at first,

dubious what they could mean. Afterwards, recognizing the standard of

the bishop, for they were extremely afraid of him, as they said he was

the pope of the Christians and the fomenter of the war; and seeing our

people advancing so courageously and quickly, they fled ere they were

attacked. Our party, too, exhilarated with unexpected joy, slew them as

they were flying, as far as the strength of the infantry, or exertion

of the cavalry, would permit. They imagined, moreover, that they saw

the ancient martyrs, who had formerly been soldiers, and who had gained

eternal remuneration by their death, I allude to George and Demetrius,

hastily approaching with upraised banner from the mountainous

districts, hurling darts against the enemy, but assisting the Franks.

Nor is it to be denied, that the martyrs did assist the Christians,

as the angels formerly did the Maccabees, fighting for the self-same

cause. Returning, then, to the spoil, they found in their camp

sufficient to satisfy, or even totally to glut, the covetousness of the

greediest army. This battle took place A.D. 1098, on the fourth before

the kalends of July; for the city had been taken the day before the

nones of June. Soon after, on the kalends of the ensuing August, the

bishop of Puy, the leader of the Christians, and chief author of this

laudable enterprise, joyfully yielded to the common lot of mortals; and

Hugh the Great, by permission of the chiefs, as it is said, returned to

France, alleging as a reason, the perpetual racking of his bowels.

But when, by a long repose of seven months at Antioch, they had

obliterated the memory of their past labours, they began to think of

proceeding on their route. And first of all Raimund, ever unconscious

of sloth, ever foremost in military energy; and next to him the two

Roberts, and Godfrey, proceeded upon the march. Boamund alone, for a

time, deferred his advance, lured by the prospect of a magnificent city

and the love of wealth. A plausible reason, however, lay concealed

beneath his covetousness, when he alleged, that Antioch ought not to be

exposed to the Turks without a chief, as they would directly attack it.

He therefore took up his residence in the city; and this harsh governor

drove Raimund’s followers, who occupied one of the streets, without the

walls.

The others, however, passing through Tripoli,[421] and Berith, and

Tyre, and Sidon, and Accaron, and Caiphas, and Cæsarea of Palestine,

where they left the coast to the right hand, came to Ramula; being

kindly received by some of the cities, and signalizing their valour by

the subjugation of others. For their design was to delay no longer,

as it was now the month of April, and the produce of the earth had

become fully ripe. Ramula is a very small city, without walls: if we

credit report, the place of the martyrdom of St. George; whose church,

originally founded there, the Turks had somewhat defaced: but at that

time, through fear of the Franks, they had carried off their property

and retreated to the mountains. The next morning, at early dawn,

Tancred, the nephew of Boamund, a man of undaunted courage, and some

others, taking arms, proceeded to Bethlehem, desirous of exploring

its vicinity. The Syrians of the place, who came out to meet them,

manifested their joy with weeping earnestness, through apprehension

for their safety, on account of the smallness of their numbers; for

few more than a hundred horsemen were of the party. But our people

having suppliantly adored the sacred edifice,[422] immediately stretch

anxiously forward towards Jerusalem. The Turks, confident of their

force, fiercely sallied out, and for some time skirmished with our

troops, for the whole army had now come up; but they were soon

repulsed by the exertions of the Franks, and sought security from their

encircling walls.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1099.] APPROACH TO JERUSALEM.]

The numbers who have already written on the subject, admonish me to

say nothing of the situation and disposition of Jerusalem, nor is it

necessary for my narrative to expatiate on such a field. Almost every

person is acquainted with what Josephus, Eucherius, and Bede, have

said: for who is not aware, that it was called Salem from Melchisedec;

Jebus from the Jebusites; Jerusalem from Solomon? Who has not heard

how often, falling from adverse war, it buried its inhabitants in

its ruins, through the different attacks of Nabugodonosor, of Titus,

or of Adrian? It was this last who rebuilt Jerusalem, called Ælia,

after his surname, enclosing it with a circular wall, of greater

compass, that it might embrace the site of the sepulchre of our Lord,

which originally stood without: Mount Sion, too, added to the city,

stands eminent as a citadel. It possesses no springs;[423] but water,

collected in cisterns, prepared for that purpose, supplies the wants of

the inhabitants: for the site of the city, beginning from the northern

summit of Mount Sion, has so gentle a declivity, that the rain which

falls there does not form any mire, but running like rivulets, is

received into tanks, or flowing through the streets, augments the brook

Kedron. Here is the church of our Lord, and the temple, which they

call Solomon’s, by whom built is unknown, but religiously reverenced

by the Turks; more especially the church of our Lord, where they

daily worshipped, and prohibited the Christians from entering, having

placed there a statue of Mahomet. Here also is a church of elegant

workmanship, containing the holy sepulchre, built by Constantine the

Great, and which has never suffered any injury from the enemies of our

faith, through fear, as I suppose, of being struck by that celestial

fire which brightly shines in lamps, every year, on the Vigil[424]

of Easter. When this miracle had a beginning, or whether it existed

before the times of the Saracens, history has left no trace. I have

read in the writings of Bernard[425] the monk, that about two hundred

and fifty years ago, that is, A.D. 870, he went to Jerusalem and saw

that fire, and was entertained in the Hospital which the most glorious

Charles the Great had there ordered to be built, and where he had

collected a library at great expense. He relates, that both in Egypt

and in that place, the Christians, under the dominion of the Turks,

enjoyed such security, that if any traveller lost a beast of burden by

accident, in the midst of the high road, he might leave his baggage

and proceed to the nearest city for assistance, and without doubt find

every thing untouched at his return. Still, from the suspicion that

they might be spies, no foreign Christian could live there securely,

unless protected by the signet of the emperor of Babylon. The natives

purchased peace from the Turks at the expense of three talents or

bezants annually. But as Bernard mentions the name of Theodosius, the

then patriarch, this gives me an occasion of enumerating the whole of

the patriarchs.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1099.] PATRIARCHS OF JERUSALEM.]

James the brother of our Lord and son of Joseph; Simon son of

Cleophas, the cousin of Christ, for Cleophas was the brother of

Joseph; Justus, Zaccheus, Tobias, Benjamin, Johannes, Maccabæus,

Philip, Seneca, Justus, Levi, Effrem, Jesse, Judas; these fifteen

were circumcised: Mark, Cassian, Publius, Maximus, Julian, Gaius; who

first celebrated Easter and Lent after the Roman manner: Symmachus,

Gaius, Julian, Capito, Maximus, Antonius, Valens, Docilianus,

Narcissus, Dius, Germanio, Gordius, Alexander, Mazabanus, Irmeneus,

Zabdas, Ermon, Macharius; in his time the Holy Cross was found by

St. Helena: Cyriacus, Maximus, Cyrillus, who built the church of the

Holy Sepulchre, and of Mount Calvary, and of Bethlehem, and of the

Valley of Jehosaphat. All these were called bishops. After them arose

the patriarchs: Cyrillus the first patriarch; Johannes, Prailius,

Juvenalis,[426] Zacharias, in whose time came Cosdroe[427] king of

Persia to Jerusalem, and destroyed the churches of Judea and Jerusalem,

and slew with his army six and thirty thousand of the Christians:

Modestus, who was appointed patriarch by the emperor Heraclius, when

he returned victorious from Persia: Sophronius, in whose time the

Saracens came and thrust out all the Christians from Jerusalem, except

the patriarch, whom they suffered to remain out of reverence to his

sanctity: this was the period when the Saracens overran the whole of

Egypt, and Africa, and Judea, and even Spain, and the Balearic Isles.

Part of Spain was wrested from them by Charles the Great, but the

remainder, together with the countries I have enumerated, they have

possessed for nearly five hundred years, down to the present day:

Theodorus,[428] Ilia, Georgius, Thomas, Basilius, Sergius, Salomontes,

Theodosius, whom Bernard relates to have been an abbat, and that he

was torn from his monastery, which was fifteen miles distant from

Jerusalem, and made patriarch of that city: then too they say that

Michael was patriarch in Babylon over Egypt, the patriarchate of

Alexandria being removed thither: Ilia, Sergius, Leonthos, Athanasius,

Christodolus, Thomas, Joseph, Orestes; in his time came Sultan Achim,

the nephew of the patriarch Orestes, from Babylon, who sent his army to

Jerusalem, destroyed all the churches, that is to say, four thousand,

and caused his uncle, the patriarch, to be conveyed to Babylon and

there slain: Theophilus, Nicephorus: he built the present church of the

Holy Sepulchre, by the favour of Sultan Achim: Sophronius; in his time

the Turks, coming to Jerusalem, fought with the Saracens, killed them

all, and possessed the city; but the Christians continued there under

the dominion of the Turks: Cuthimus, Simeon; in whose time came the

Franks and laid siege to Jerusalem, and rescued it from the hands of

the Turks and of the king of Babylon.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1099.] THE SIEGE OF JERUSALEM.]

In the fourth year, then, of the expedition to Jerusalem, the third

after the capture of Nice, and the second after that of Antioch, the

Franks laid siege to Jerusalem,--a city well able to repay the toils of

war, to soothe its labours, and to requite the fondest expectation. It

was now the seventh day of June, nor were the besiegers apprehensive

of wanting food or drink for themselves, as the harvest was on the

ground, and the grapes were ripe upon the vines; the care alone of

their cattle distressed them, which, from the nature of the place and

of the season, had no running stream to support them, for the heat of

the sun had dried up the secret springs of the brook Siloah, which,

at uncertain periods, used to shed abroad its refreshing waters.

This brook, when at any time swollen with rain, increases that of

Kedron; and then passes on, with bubbling current, into the valley

of Jehosaphat. But this is extremely rare; for there is no certain

period of its augmentation or decrease. In consequence, the enemy,

suddenly darting from their caverns, frequently killed our people,

when straggling abroad for the purpose of watering the cattle. In the

meantime the chiefs were each observant at their respective posts,

and Raymond actively employed before the tower of David.[429] This

fortress, defending the city on the west, and strengthened, nearly half

way up, by courses of squared stone soldered with lead, repels every

fear of invaders when guarded by a small party within. As they saw,

therefore, that the city was difficult to carry on account of the steep

precipices, the strength of the walls, and the fierceness of the enemy,

they ordered engines to be constructed. But before this, indeed, on

the seventh day of the siege, they had tried their fortune by erecting

ladders, and hurling swift arrows against their opponents: but, as

the ladders were few, and perilous to those who mounted them, since

they were exposed on all sides and nowhere protected from wounds, they

changed their design. There was one engine which we call the Sow, the

ancients, Vinea; because the machine, which is constructed of slight

timbers, the roof covered with boards and wickerwork, and the sides

defended with undressed hides, protects those who are within it, who,

after the manner of a sow, proceed to undermine the foundations of the

walls. There was another, which, for want of timber, was but a moderate

sized tower, constructed after the manner of houses:[430] they call it

Berefreid: this was intended to equal the walls in height. The making

of this machine delayed the siege, on account of the unskilfulness

of the workmen and the scarcity of the wood. And now the fourteenth

day of July arrived, when some began to undermine the wall with the

sows, others to move forward the tower. To do this more conveniently,

they took it towards the works in separate pieces, and, putting it

together again at such a distance as to be out of bowshot, advanced

it on wheels nearly close to the wall. In the meantime, the slingers

with stones, the archers with arrows, and the cross-bow-men with

bolts, each intent on his own department, began to press forward and

dislodge their opponents from the ramparts; soldiers, too, unmatched in

courage, ascend the tower, waging nearly equal war against the enemy

with missile weapons and with stones. Nor, indeed, were our foes at

all remiss; but trusting their whole security to their valour, they

poured down grease and burning oil upon the tower, and slung stones

on the soldiers, rejoicing in the completion of their desires by the

destruction of multitudes. During the whole of that day the battle was

such that neither party seemed to think they had been worsted; on the

following, which was the fifteenth of July, the business was decided.

For the Franks, becoming more experienced from the event of the attack

of the preceding day, threw faggots flaming with oil on a tower

adjoining the wall, and on the party who defended it, which, blazing by

the action of the wind, first seized the timber and then the stones,

and drove off the garrison. Moreover the beams which the Turks had left

hanging down from the walls in order that, being forcibly drawn back,

they might, by their recoil, batter the tower in pieces in case it

should advance too near, were by the Franks dragged to them, by cutting

away the ropes; and being placed from the engine to the wall, and

covered with hurdles, they formed a bridge of communication from the

ramparts to the tower. Thus what the infidels had contrived for their

defence became the means of their destruction; for then the enemy,

dismayed by the smoking masses of flame and by the courage of our

soldiers, began to give way. These advancing on the wall, and thence

into the city, manifested the excess of their joy by the strenuousness

of their exertions. This success took place on the side of Godfrey

and of the two Roberts; Raymond knew nothing of the circumstance,

till the cry of the fugitives and the alarm of the people, throwing

themselves from the walls, who thus met death while flying from it,

acquainted him that the city was taken. On seeing this, he rushed with

drawn sword on the runaways, and hastened to avenge the injuries of

God, until he had satiated his own animosity. Moreover, adverting to

the advantages of quiet for the moment, he sent unhurt to Ascalon five

hundred Ethiopians, who, retreating to the citadel of David, had given

up the keys of the gates under promise of personal safety. There was no

place of refuge for the Turks, so indiscriminately did the insatiable

rage of the victors sweep away both the suppliant and the resisting.

Ten thousand were slain in the temple of Solomon; more were thrown

from the tops of the churches, and of the citadel. After this, the

dead bodies were heaped and dissolved into the aery fluid by means of

fire; lest putrifying in the open air, they should pour contagion on

the heavy atmosphere. The city being thus expiated by the slaughter of

the infidels, they proceeded with hearts contrite and bodies prostrate

to the sepulchre of the Lord, which they had so long earnestly sought

after, and for which they had undergone so many labours. By what ample

incense of prayer, they propitiated heaven, or by what repentant tears

they once again brought back the favour of God, none, I am confident,

can describe; no, not if the splendid eloquence of the ancients could

revive or Orpheus himself return; who, as it is said, bent e’en the

listening rocks to his harmonious strain. Be it imagined then, rather

than expressed.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1099.] CAPTURE OF JERUSALEM.]

So remarkable was the example of forbearance exhibited by the chiefs,

that, neither on that, nor on the following day, did any of them,

through lust of spoil, withdraw his mind from following up the

victory. Tancred alone, beset with ill-timed covetousness, carried off

some valuable effects from the temple of Solomon; but, afterwards,

reproved by his own conscience, and the address of some other persons,

he restored, if not the same things, yet such as were of equal

value.[431] At that time, if any man, however poor, seized a house, or

riches of any kind, he did not afterwards encounter the brawlings of

the powerful, but held, what he had once possessed, as his hereditary

right. Without delay, then, Godfrey, that brilliant mirror of Christian

nobility, in which, as in a splendid ceiling,[432] the lustre of every

virtue was reflected, was chosen king;[433] all, in lively hope,

agreeing, that they could in no wise better consult the advantage of

the church; deferring, in the meantime, the election of a patriarch,

who was to be appointed by the determination of the Roman Pontiff.[434]

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1099.] BATTLE OF ASCALON.]

But the emperor of Babylon, not the city built by Nimrod and enlarged

by Semiramis and now said to be deserted, but that which Cambyses, son

of Cyrus, built in Egypt, on the spot where Taphnis formerly stood:

the emperor of Babylon, I say, venting his long-conceived indignation

against the Franks, sent the commander of his forces, to drive them, as

he said, out of his kingdom. Hastening to fulfil the command, when he

heard that Jerusalem was taken, he redoubled his diligence, though he

had by no means been indolent before. The design of the barbarian was

to besiege the Christians in Jerusalem, and after the victory, which

he, falsely presaging, already obtained in imagination, to destroy

utterly the sepulchre of our Lord. The Christians, who desired nothing

less than again to endure the miseries of a siege, taking courage

through God’s assistance, march out of the city towards Ascalon, to

oppose the enemy; and carry with them part of the cross of Christ,

which a certain Syrian, an inhabitant of Jerusalem, had produced, as

it had been preserved in his house, in succession from father to son.

This truly was a fortunate and a loyal device, that the secret should

be all along kept from the Turks. Obtaining moreover a great booty of

sheep and cattle, near Ascalon, they issued a general order, to leave

the whole of it in the open plain, lest it should be an impediment when

engaging the next morning, as they would have spoil more than enough

if they conquered, so that, free from incumbrance, they might avenge

the injuries of heaven. In the morning, therefore, as the army was on

its march, you might see, I believe by divine instinct, the cattle

with their heads erect, proceeding by the side of the soldiers, and

not to be driven away by any force. The enemy perceiving this at a

distance, and their sight being dazzled by the rays of the sun, lost

their confidence, ere the battle could commence, as they thought the

multitude of their opponents was countless: yet were they, themselves,

by no means deficient in numbers, and by long exercise, trained to

battle. They endeavoured therefore to hem in the Franks, who were

proceeding at a slow rate, by dividing their force into two bodies,

and by curving their wings. But the leaders, and more especially

Robert the Norman, who was in the advanced guard, eluding stratagem

by stratagem, or rather cunning by valour, led on their archers and

infantry, and broke through the centre of the heathens. Moreover the

Lorraine cavalry, which was stationed with its commander in the rear,

advancing by the flanks, prevented their flight, and occupied the whole

plain. Thus the Turks, penetrated in the front, and hemmed in on every

side, were slain at the pleasure of the victors; the remainder escaping

through favour of approaching night. Many golden utensils were found

in their camp; many jewels, which, though from their scarcity unknown

in our country, there shine in native splendour. Nor was there ever a

more joyful victory for the Christians, because they obtained the most

precious spoil without loss.

Returning therefore to Jerusalem, when, by a rest of many days,

they had recruited their strength, some of them, sighing for their

native country, prepared to return by sea. Godfrey and Tancred only

remained; princes, truly noble, and, to whose glory, posterity, if

it judge rightly, never can set limits: men, who, from the intense

cold of Europe, plunged into the insupportable heat of the East:

prodigal of their own lives, so that they could succour suffering

Christianity. Who, besides the fears of barbarous incursions, in

constant apprehension from the unwholesomeness of an unknown climate,

despised the security of rest and of health in their own country; and

although very few in number, kept in subjection so many hostile cities

by their reputation and prowess. They were memorable patterns, too,

of trust in God; not hesitating to remain in that climate, where they

might either suffer from pestilential air, or be slain by the rage of

the Saracens. Let the celebration of the poets then give way; nor let

ancient fiction extol her earliest heroes. No age hath produced aught

comparable to the fame of these men. For, if the ancients had any

merit, it vanished after death with the smoke of their funeral pile;

because it had been spent, rather on the vapour of earthly reputation,

than in the acquisition of substantial good. But the utility of these

men’s valour will be felt, and its dignity acknowledged, as long as

the world shall continue to revolve, or pure Christianity to flourish.

What shall I say of the good order and forbearance of the whole army?

There was no gluttony; no lewdness, which was not directly corrected

by the authority of the commanders, or the preaching of the bishops.

There was no wish to plunder as they passed through the territories

of the Christians; no controversy among themselves, which was not

easily settled by the examination of mediators. Wherefore, since the

commendation of an army so well-ordered redounds to the glory of its

conductors, I will signalize, in my narrative, the exploits and the

adventures of each respective chief; nor will I subtract any thing from

the truth, as I received it on the faith of my relators. But let no

one who has had a fuller knowledge of these events, accuse me of want

of diligence, since we, who are secluded on this side of the British

ocean, hear but the faint echo of Asiatic transactions.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1099.] GODFREY OF BOUILLON.]

King Godfrey takes the lead in my commendation: he was the son of

Eustace count of Boulogne, of whom I have spoken in the time of king

Edward, but more ennobled maternally, as by that line he was descended

from Charles the Great. For, his mother, named Ida, daughter of the

ancient Godfrey duke of Lorraine, had a brother called Godfrey after

his father, surnamed Bocard. This was at the time when Robert Friso, of

whom I have spoken above, on the death of Florence, duke of Friesland,

married his widow Gertrude; advancing Theodoric, his son-in-law,

to the succession of the duchy. Bocard could not endure this; but

expelling Friso, subjected the country to his own will. Friso, unable

to revenge himself by war, did it by stratagem; killing Bocard through

the agency of his Flemings, who drove a weapon into his posteriors, as

he was sitting for a natural occasion. In this manner the son-in-law

succeeded to the duchy, by the means of his father-in-law. The wife

of this Godfrey was the marchioness Matilda, mentioned in the former

book, who on her husband’s death spiritedly retained the duchy, in

opposition to the emperor; more especially in Italy, for of Lorraine

and the hither-countries he got possession. Ida then, as I began to

relate, animated her son Godfrey with great expectations of getting

the earldom of Lorraine: for the paternal inheritance had devolved on

Eustace her eldest son; the youngest, Baldwin, was yet a boy. Godfrey

arriving at a sufficient age to bear arms, dedicated his services to

the emperor Henry, who is mentioned in the preceding book. Acquiring

his friendship, therefore, by unremitting exertions, he received

from the emperor’s singular liberality the whole of Lorraine as a

recompence. Hence it arose, that when the quarrel broke out between the

pope and Henry, he went with the latter to the siege of Rome; was the

first to break through that part of the wall which was assigned for

his attack, and facilitated the entrance of the besiegers. Being in

extreme perspiration, and panting with heat, he entered a subterraneous

vault which he found in his way, and when he had there appeased the

violence of his thirst by an excessive draught of wine, he brought on

a quartan fever. Others say that he fell a victim to poisoned wine, as

the Romans, and men of that country, are used to infect whole casks.

Others report, that a portion of the walls fell to his lot, where the

Tiber flowing, exhales destructive vapours in the morning; that by

this fatal pest, all his soldiers, with the exception of ten, lost

their lives; and that himself, losing his nails and his hair, never

entirely recovered. But be it which it might of these, it appears that

he was never free from a slow fever, until hearing the report of the

expedition to Jerusalem, he made a vow to go thither, if God would

kindly restore his health. The moment this vow was made, the strength

of the duke revived; so that, recovering apace, he shook disease from

his limbs, and rising with expanded breast, as it were, from years of

decrepitude, shone with renovated youth. In consequence, grateful for

the mercies of God showered down upon him, he went to Jerusalem the

very first, or among the first; leading a numerous army to the war. And

though he commanded a hardy and experienced band, yet none was esteemed

readier to attack, or more efficient in the combat than himself. Indeed

it is known, that, at the siege of Antioch, with a Lorrainian sword,

he cut asunder a Turk, who had demanded single combat, and that one

half of the man lay panting on the ground, while the horse, at full

speed, carried away the other: so firmly the miscreant sat. Another

also who attacked him he clave asunder from the neck to the groin,

by taking aim at his head with a sword; nor did the dreadful stroke

stop here, but cut entirely through the saddle, and the back-bone of

the horse. I have heard a man of veracity relate, that he had seen

what I here subjoin: during the siege, a soldier of the duke’s had

gone out to forage; and being attacked by a lion, avoided destruction

for some time, by the interposition of his shield. Godfrey, grieved

at this sight, transfixed the ferocious animal with a hunting spear.

Wounded, and becoming fiercer from the pain, it turned against the

prince with such violence as to hurt his leg with the iron which

projected from the wound; and had he not hastened with his sword to

rip it up, this pattern of valour must have perished by the tusk of a

wild beast. Renowned from these successes, he was exalted to be king

of Jerusalem, more especially because he was conspicuous in rank and

courage without being arrogant. His dominion was small and confined,

containing, besides the few surrounding towns, scarcely any cities. For

the king’s bad state of health, which attacked him immediately after

the Babylonish war, caused a cessation of warlike enterprise; so that

he made no acquisitions: yet, by able management, he so well restrained

the avidity of the barbarians for the whole of that year, that nothing

was lost. They report that the king, from being unused to a state of

indolence, fell again into his original fever; but I conjecture,

that God, in his own good time, chose early to translate, to a better

kingdom, a soul rendered acceptable to him and tried by so many

labours, lest wickedness should change his heart, or deceit beguile

his understanding. Revolving time thus completing a reign of one year,

he died placidly, and was buried on Mount Golgotha;[435] a king as

unconquerable in death, as he had formerly been in battle; often kindly

repressing the tears of the by-standers. Being asked who was to succeed

him, he mentioned no person by name, but said merely, “whoever was most

worthy.” He never would wear the ensign of royalty, saying, “it was too

great arrogance for him to be crowned for glory, in that city, in which

God had been crowned in mockery.” He died on the fifteenth before the

kalends of August.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1100.] BALDWIN.]

On Godfrey’s decease, Tancred and the other chiefs declared that

Baldwin, his brother, who was at that time settled in Mesopotamia,

should be king: for Eustace, the elder brother, who came to Jerusalem

with Godfrey, had long since returned to his native land. The acts of

Baldwin shall be related briefly, but with unsullied truth; supported

in their credibility by the narrative of Fulcher[436] of Chartres, who

was his chaplain, and wrote somewhat of him, in a style, not altogether

unpolished, but, as we say, without elegance or correctness, and

which may serve to admonish others to write more carefully. Baldwin,

undertaking the holy pilgrimage with the rest, had for companions

many knights of disposition similar to his own. Confiding in these

associates, he began to levy fresh troops for his purpose; to watch for

brilliant opportunities wherein to manifest his prowess: and, finally,

not content with that commendation which was common to all, leaving the

rest and departing three days’ journey from Antioch, he got possession,

by the consent of its inhabitants, of Tarsus, a noble city of Cilicia:

Tarsus, formerly the nursing-mother of the apostle Paul, in honour

of whom the cathedral there is dedicated. The Tarsians voluntarily

submitted to his protection, as they were Christians, and hoped by his

aid to be defended from the Turks. The Cilicians, therefore, eagerly

yielded to his power, more especially after the surrender of Turbexhel,

a town by situation impregnable, to whose sovereignty the inferior

towns look up. This being yielded, as I have said, the others followed

its decision. And not only Cilicia, but Armenia, and Mesopotamia,

eagerly sought alliance with this chief: for these provinces were

almost free from the domination of the Turks, though infested by their

incursions. Wherefore the prince of the city of Edessa, who was alike

pressed by the hatred of the citizens and the sword of the enemy, sent

letters to Baldwin, descriptive of his difficulties, desiring him to

come with all speed, and receive a compensation for the labour of his

journey, by his adoption, as he had no issue of either sex. This is a

city of Mesopotamia in Syria, very noted for the fruitfulness of its

soil and for the resort of merchants, twenty miles distant from the

Euphrates, and a hundred from Antioch. The Greeks call it Edessa; the

Syrians Rothasia. Baldwin, therefore, exacting an oath of fidelity from

the ambassadors, passed the Euphrates with only sixty-nine horsemen:

a wonderful instance, it may be said, either of fortitude, or of

rashness, in not hesitating to proceed among the surrounding nations of

barbarians, whom any other person, with so small a force, would have

distrusted either for their race or their unbelief. By the Armenians

and Syrians, indeed, coming out to meet him on the road with crosses

and torches, he was received with grateful joy, and kindly entertained.

But the Turks, endeavouring to attack his rear, were frustrated in all

their attempts by the skill of Baldwin: the Samosatians setting the

first example of flight. Samosata is a city beyond the Euphrates, from

which arose Paul of Samosata,[437] the confutation of whose heresy,

whoever is desirous may read in the History of Eusebius. And, if I well

remember, Josephus says, that Antony was laying siege to this city,

when Herod came to him. The Turks inhabiting that city then, who were

the first instigators of outrage against the Franks, were the first

to give way. Thus, Baldwin, coming safely to Edessa, found nothing to

disappoint his expectations: for being received with surpassing favour

by the prince, and soon after, on his being killed by his faithless

citizens, obtaining the lawful sovereignty of the city, for the

whole time during which the Franks were labouring at Antioch and at

Jerusalem, he was not free from hostilities; worsting his opponents in

repeated attacks.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1100.] BALDWIN’S MARCH TO JERUSALEM.]

But in the month of November, being reminded by Boamund, prince of

Antioch, that they should enter on their progress to Jerusalem, he

prepared for marching, and by the single display of the white standard,

which was his ensign in battle, overthrowing the Turks who had broken

the peace on his expected departure, he left Antioch to the right; and

came to Laodicea. Here, by the liberality of earl Raymond, who presided

over the city, getting, at a cheap rate, a sufficiency of supplies

for his people, he passed Gibellum, and followed the recent track of

Boamund, who had encamped and awaited him. Daibert, archbishop of

Pisa, joined them for the march: he had landed his confederate party

at Laodicea, as did also two other bishops. These forces when united

were estimated at five and twenty thousand; many of whom, when they

entered the territories of the Saracens, were, through the scarcity of

commodities, overtaken by famine, and many were dismounted, from their

horses being starved. Their distress was increased by an abundance of

rain; for in that country it pours down like a torrent in the winter

months only. In consequence, these poor wretches, having no change

of garments, died from the severity of the cold; never getting under

cover during several successive days. For this calamity, indeed,

there was no remedy, as there was a deficiency both of tents and of

wood: but they in some measure appeased their hunger, by constantly

chewing the sweet reeds, which they call cannamel;[438] so denominated

from cane and honey. Thus, twice only, obtaining necessaries at an

exorbitant price from the inhabitants of Tripoli and Cæsarea, they came

to Jerusalem on the day of the winter solstice. They were met at the

gates by king Godfrey with his brother Eustace, whom he had detained

till this time, who showed them every degree of respect and generosity.

Having performed in Bethlehem all the accustomed solemnities of our

Lord’s nativity, they appointed Daibert patriarch: to which transaction

I doubt not, that the consent of pope Urban was obtained; for he was

reverend from age, eloquent, and rich. After the circumcision of our

Lord, therefore, assuming palms[439] in Jericho, which antiquity has

made the ensign of pilgrims, each one hastily endeavoured to reach

his home. The cause of their speed was the stench of the unburied

dead bodies, the fumes of which exhaled in such a manner as to infect

the air itself. In consequence, a contagious pestilence spreading in

the atmosphere, consigned to death many who had recently arrived. The

rest quickened their march, by the cities on the coast, that is to

say, Tiberias and Cæsarea Philippi; for they were urged by scantiness

of provision, and the fear of the enemy. Their want, as I have said,

was remedied by the celerity of their march; and to the fury of three

hundred soldiers who harassed them from the town of Baldac, they

opposed a military stratagem. For feigning a flight for a short time,

that by leaving the narrow passes themselves, they might induce the

Turks to enter them, they retreated purposely, and then returning,

routed the straggling enemy at their pleasure. They had supposed our

people unprepared for fight, as their shields and bows were injured by

the excessive rains; not being aware, that among men, victory consists

not in reliance on excellence of arms, or of armour, but in the more

noble power of courage, and of the well-nerved arm.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1100.] BOAMUND TAKEN PRISONER.]

At that time, indeed, Baldwin returned safely to Edessa, and Boamund

to Antioch. But in the beginning of the month of July, a vague report

reached the ears of Baldwin, that the brilliant jewel of our commanders

was dimmed; Boamund being taken, and cast into chains, by one

Danisman, a heathen, and a potentate of that country. In consequence,

collecting a body of the people of Edessa and Antioch, he was in hopes

of revenging this singular disgrace of the Christians. Moreover the

Turk, who had taken this chieftain more by stratagem and chance than

by courage or military force, as he had come with a small party to

get possession of the city of Meletima, aware that the Franks would

use their utmost efforts against him for the disgrace of the thing,

betook himself to his own territories; marshalling his troops, not

as though he intended to retreat, but rather to exhibit a triumph.

Baldwin then proceeding two days’ march beyond Meletima, and seeing

the enemy decline the hazard of a battle, thought fit to return; but

first, with the permission of Gabriel the governor, brought over the

city to his own disposal. In the meantime, intelligence reaching him

of his brother’s death, and of the general consent of the inhabitants

and chiefs to his election, he entrusted Edessa to Baldwin, his

nearest relation by blood, and moreover a prudent and active man, and

prepared for receiving the crown of Jerusalem. Wherefore collecting

two hundred horse, and seven hundred foot, he proceeded on a march

pregnant with death and danger; whence many, who were falsely supposed

faithful, contemplating the boldness of the attempt, clandestinely

deserted. He, with the remainder, marched forward to Antioch, where

from the resources of his sagacious mind, he became the cause of great

future advantage to his distressed people, by advising them to choose

Tancred as their chief. Thence, he came to Tripoli, by the route of

Gibesium and Laodicea. The governor of this city, a Turk by nation,

but, from natural disposition, rich in bowels of mercy, afforded

him the necessary provisions without the walls; at the same time,

kindly intimating, that he should act cautiously, as Ducach, king of

Damascus, had occupied a narrow pass through which he had heard he

was to march. But he, ashamed of being moved by the threats of the

Saracen, resolutely proceeded on his destination. When he came to the

place, he perceived the truth of the governor’s information: for about

five miles on this side the city of Berith, there is a very narrow

passage near the sea, so confined by steep precipices, and narrow

defiles, that were a hundred men to get possession of the entrance,

they might prevent any number, however great, from passing. Such as

travel from Tripoli to Jerusalem have no possible means of avoiding

it. Baldwin, therefore, arriving on the spot, sent out scouts to

examine the situation of the place, and the strength of the enemy. The

party returning, and hardly intelligible through fear, pointed out

the difficulty of the pass, and the confidence of the enemy, who had

occupied it. But Baldwin, who fell little short of the best soldier

that ever existed, feeling no alarm, boldly drew up his army and led

it against them. Ducach then despatched some to make an onset, and

lure the party unguardedly forward; retaining his main body in a more

advantageous position. For this purpose, at first they rushed on with

great impetuosity, and then made a feint to retreat, to entice our

people into the defile. This stratagem could not deceive Baldwin, who,

skilled by long-continued warfare, made a signal to his men to make

show of flight; and to induce a supposition that they were alarmed, he

commanded the bag and baggage which they had cast down, to be again

taken up, and the cattle to be goaded forward, as well as the ranks to

be opened, that the enemy might attack them. The Turks at this began

to exult, and, raging so horribly that you might suppose the Furies

yelling, pursued our party. Some getting into vessels took possession

of the shore, others riding forward began to kill such pilgrims as

were incautiously loitering near the sea. The Franks continued their

pretended flight till they reached a plain which they had before

observed. No confusion deprived these men of their judgment; even the

very emergency by which they had been overtaken nurtured and increased

their daring; and though a small body, they withstood innumerable

multitudes both by sea and land. For the moment it appeared they had

sufficiently feigned alarm, they closed their ranks, turned their

standards, and hemmed in the now-charging enemy on all sides. Thus

the face of affairs was changed, the victors were vanquished, and the

vanquished became victors. The Turks were hewn down with dreadful

carnage; the remainder anxiously fled to their vessels, and when they

had gotten more than a bow-shot out to sea, they still urged them

forward as fiercely with their oars, as though they supposed they

could be drawn back to land by the arm of their adversaries. And that

you may not doubt of this miracle as fanciful, but as evident, feel

it as it were, only four Christian soldiers fell in procuring by

their blood this victory to the survivors. Wherefore I assert, that

the Christians would never be conquered by the pagans, were they to

implore the Divine assistance on their courage, ere they entered the

conflict; and, when in battle, conciliate the friendly powers of heaven

to their arms. But since, in peace they glut themselves in every kind

of vice, and in battle rely only upon their courage; therefore it

justly happens, that their valour is often unsuccessful. The earl then,

rejoicing in his splendid victory, on returning to spoil the slain,

found several Turks alive, whom he dismissed without personal injury,

but despoiled them of their wealth. To avoid any hidden stratagem, he

that night retreated with his party, and rested under the shelter of

some olive trees. Next day, at dawn, he approached the defile, with the

light troops, to be an eye-witness of the nature of the place; and,

finding everything safe, and making a signal by smoke, as had been

agreed upon, he intimated to his associates the departure of the enemy;

for the Turks, who the day before were wantonly galloping around the

hill, perceiving the carnage of their companions, had all fled in the

dead of the night. Laying aside every delay, they instantly followed

their commander. The governor of Berith sent them food on their

march, astonished at the valour of so small a force. The Tyrians and

Sidonians, and Accaronites, who are also called Ptholoamites, acted in

the same manner, venerating with silent apprehension the bravery of the

Franks. Nor were Tancred’s party, in Caiphas, less generous, although

he was absent. The ancient name of this town I am unable to discover;

because all the inland cities, which we read of in Josephus as formerly

existing, are either not in being, or else, changed into inconsiderable

villages, have lost their names; whereas those on the coast remain

entire. In this manner, by Cæsarea of Palestine, and Azotus, they came

to Joppa. Here he was first congratulated on his kingdom, the citizens

with great joy opening the gates to him.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1100.] DEFEAT OF THE TURKS.]

Being afterwards accompanied by the inhabitants of Joppa to Jerusalem,

where he was favourably received, he indulged in a repose of seven

days’ continuance. Then, that the Turks might be convinced that the

spirit of his reign would proceed to their signal disadvantage, he

led his troops towards Ascalon. When at a short distance from that

city, he proudly displayed his forces, and with very little exertion

compelled the attacking Ascalonites to retreat, by waiting a favourable

opportunity for accomplishing his designs. Finally, conceiving his

glory satisfied for that time by their repulse, he drew off to the

mountains to pursue the enemy, and also at their expense to procure

necessaries for his troops, who were famished with hunger from the

barrenness of the land: for a scanty harvest had that year denied

sustenance; deceiving the expectations of the province by a meagre

produce. He ascended therefore the mountainous districts, whither the

Turkish inhabitants of the country had retreated on leaving their

towns, concealing the Syrians with them in sequestered caverns. The

Franks, however, discovered a mode of counteracting the device of

the fugitives, by letting smoke into their hiding-places; by which

the miscreants were dislodged, and came out one by one. The Turks

were killed to a man; the Syrians spared. The army turning aside

thence, and marching towards Arabia, passed by the sepulchres of the

patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; and of their three wives, Sarah,

Rebecca, and Leah. The place is in Hebron, thirteen miles distant from

Jerusalem. For the body of Joseph lies at Neapolis, formerly called

Sichem, covered with white marble, and conspicuous to every traveller;

there, too, are seen the tombs of his brothers, but of inferior

workmanship. The army then came into the valley where God formerly

overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah, darting fire from heaven on the wicked.

The lake there extends for eighteen miles, incapable of supporting

any living creature, and so horrible to the palate, as to distort the

mouths of such as drink it, and distend their jaws with its bitter

taste. A hill overhangs the valley, emitting, in various places, a salt

scum, and all over transparent, as it were, with congealed glass. Here

is gathered what some call nitre; some call it crystal salt. Passing

the lake, they came to a very opulent town, abundant in those luscious

fruits which they call dates; in devouring which they were hardly able

to fill the cavities of the stomach, or constrain the greediness of

their palates, they were so extremely sweet. Every thing else had

been taken away, through the alarm of the inhabitants, except a few

Ethiopians, the dark wool of whose hair resembled smut. Our people,

thinking it beneath their valour to kill persons of this description,

treated them, not with indignation, but with laughter. Adjacent to

this town is a valley, where to this day is seen the rock which Moses

struck, to give water to the murmuring tribes. The stream yet runs

so plentifully, and with such a current, as to turn the machinery

of mills. On the declivity of the hill stands a church in honour of

the legislator Aaron: where, through the mediation and assistance of

his brother, he used to hold converse with God. Here learning from

guides conversant in the roads, who from Saracens had been converted

to Christianity, that from hence to Babylon was all barren country,

and destitute of every accommodation, they returned to Jerusalem,

to consecrate to God the first fruits of his reign, acquired in the

subjugation of so many hostile countries.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1100.] BALDWIN’S CORONATION.]

The royal insignia being prepared, Baldwin was crowned with great

ceremony, in Bethlehem, on Christmas-day, by Daibert the patriarch;

all wishing him prosperity. For both at that time, and afterwards,

he deserved, by his own exertions, and obtained, through the favour

of others, every degree of royal respect, though sovereign of a very

small, and I had almost said, a despicable kingdom. Wherefore the

Christians ought to regard the mercy of our Lord Christ, and to walk

in the contemplation of his power, through whose assistance they were

objects of apprehension, though unable to do harm. For there were

scarcely, in the whole service, four hundred horsemen and so many foot,

to garrison Jerusalem, Ramula, Caiphas, and Joppa. For those who came

thither by sea, with minds ill at ease, amid so many hostile ports,

after having adored the saints, determined to return home, as there

was no possibility of proceeding by land. Moreover, an additional

difficulty was, that in the month of March Tancred had departed to

assume the government of Antioch, nor could he or the king aid each

other from the length of the journey: indeed, should necessity require

it, he could not, without fear of irreparable loss, march his troops

from one town to another. I pronounce it therefore to be a manifest

miracle, that safe alone, through God’s protection, he was an object of

dread to such a multitude of barbarians.

In this year, which was A.D. 1101, the sacred fire,[440] which used

to signalize the Vigil of Easter, delayed its appearance longer than

usual. For on the Saturday, the lessons being read, alternately in

Greek and Latin, the “Kyrie eleeson”[441] repeated thrice and the

melody of the clarions resounding, still when no fire appeared, and

the setting sun induced the evening and led on the night, then all

departed sorrowful to their homes. It had been determined, after mature

deliberation, that on that night no person should remain in the church

of the Holy Sepulchre, for fear any one of infected conscience should

irritate God still more through his irreverent intrusion. But when

the twilight was proceeding into day, a procession of the Latins was

ordered to go to the Temple of Solomon, that by prayer they might call

down the mercy of God: the same was performed around the Sepulchre

of our Lord, by the Syrians plucking their beards and hair through

violence of grief. The mercy of God could endure no longer, light being

instantly sent into one lamp of the Sepulchre. Which, when a Syrian

perceived glittering through a window, he expressed his joy by the

clapping of his hands, and accelerated the advance of the patriarch.

He, opening the recess of the sepulchral chamber by the keys which he

carried, and lighting a taper, brought forth the celestial gift,[442]

imparting it to all who crowded round him for that purpose; afterwards

the whole of the lamps, throughout the church, were divinely lighted

up, the one which was next to be illumined evincing its approaching

ignition by emitting smoke in a miraculous manner. Thus, doubtless, the

constant manner of Christ has been to terrify those he loved that he

might again kindly soothe them, and that the dread of his power might

redound to his praise. For since even the common gifts of God are

lightly esteemed by men merely from their constant recurrence, he often

enhances the grant of his indulgences by withholding them, that what

was most ardently desired might be more gratefully regarded.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1102.] SIEGE OF CÆSAREA.]

At that time a fleet of Genoese and Pisans had touched at Laodicea,

and thence made a prosperous voyage to Joppa, and the crews, drawing

their vessels on shore, spent Easter with the king at Jerusalem. He,

bargaining for their services, engaged to give them the third of the

spoil of each city they should take, and any particular street they

might choose. Thus he impelled them, inconsiderate and blinded, more

through lust of gold than love of God, to barter their blood, and

lay siege immediately to Azotus, which they constrained to surrender

after three days. Nor did the townspeople yield very reluctantly,

as they feared the anger of the king should they be taken by storm:

for, the preceding year, assisted by the machination of fortune, they

had vigorously repulsed Godfrey when making a similar attempt. For,

indeed, when by means of scaling ladders he had advanced his forces

on the walls, and they, now nearly victorious, had gotten possession

of the parapet, the sudden fall of a wooden tower, which stood close

to the outside of the wall, deprived them of the victory and killed

many, while still more were taken and butchered by the cruelty of the

Saracens. Leaving Azotus, Baldwin laid siege to Cæsarea of Palestine,

with his whole force, and with determined courage; but perceiving the

resolution of its citizens and the difficulty of the enterprise, he

ordered engines to be constructed. Petraries[443] were therefore made,

and a great tower built of twenty cubits in height, surpassing the

altitude of the wall. Our people, however, impatient of delay and of

such lingering expectation, erecting their ladders and attempting to

overtop the wall, arrived at the summit by the energy of their efforts,

with conscious valour indignantly raging, that they had now been

occupied in conflict with the Saracens during fifteen days, and had

lost the whole of that time; and although the Cæsareans resisted with

extreme courage, and rolled down large stones on them as they ascended,

yet despising all danger, they broke through their opponents in a

close body, and fought with an outstretched arm, and a drawn sword.

The Turks, unable longer to sustain the attack and taking to flight,

either cast themselves down headlong, or fell by the hand of their

enemies. Many were reserved for slavery; a few for ransom. Among these

was the governor of the city, and a bishop named Arcadius. The scene

was enough to excite laughter in a by-stander, to see a Turk disgorging

bezants,[444] when struck on the neck by the fist of a Christian.

The wretched males, through fear of extreme indigence, had hid money

in their mouths; the females in parts not to be particularized: you

perceive that my narrative blushes to speak plainly, but the reader

understands what I wish, or rather what I wish not to speak.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1102.] DEFEAT OF THE SARACENS.]

Still, however, the emperor of Babylon could not be at rest, but would

frequently send commanders and armies to attack the Franks. Arriving

at Ascalon on ship-board, they scoured about Ramula, taking advantage

of the king’s occupation, who was then busied in the contest with

Cæsarea. They frequently, therefore, by depopulating the country,

irritated him to engage. But he, with equal subtlety, that their mad

impetuosity might subside, suffered them, when eagerly advancing, to

grow languid by declining battle. By this procrastination he effected

that many, weary of delay, withdrew, while he attacked the remainder,

consisting of eleven thousand horse and twenty-one thousand infantry,

with his own two hundred and fifty cavalry and less than seven hundred

foot. Addressing a few words to his soldiers, to whom he pledged

victory if they persevered, and fame if they fell; and calling to

their recollection that if they fled France was a great way off, he

dashed first against the enemy; and the contest continuing for some

time, when he saw his ranks giving way, he remedied circumstances which

seemed almost bordering on desperation. Thus dismaying the Turks by

his well-known appearance, he laid their leader prostrate with his

lance; on whose death the whole battalions fled. Our soldiers, who in

the onset were so hemmed in as to be unable to see each other, then

exercised their valour in such wise, under the ensign of the Holy Cross

which preceded them, that they killed five thousand. Eighty of the

cavalry and rather more of the infantry were slain on the side of the

Franks. However subsequent successes consoled them, as they despatched

five hundred Arabian horse. These had been traversing before Joppa

for two days, but effecting little, they were returning to Ascalon,

and seeing our troops at a distance, and, hoping they were their own,

were approaching to congratulate them on their victory. But at length

perceiving, by the weapons hurled against them, that they were Franks,

they turned pale and, to use the words of the poet,[445] became like

him who,

“With unshod foot, had trod upon a snake.”

In consequence, enervated with astonishment, they exposed their backs

to their destroyers. Thus the king coming to Joppa, corrected, by a

true account, the falsity of the letter which had been sent to Tancred

by the people of that city, erroneously declaring that the king had

perished with his army. And, indeed, already had Tancred prepared for

his march to Jerusalem, when a messenger arriving, and showing the

royal signet, dispelled his sorrow, and restored his satisfaction.

It would be tedious, if I were to relate all his contests; to tell

how he subdued Tiberias, Sidon, Accaron, that is, Ptolemais, and,

ultimately, all the cities on the coast; or, how he distinguished

almost each day by the slaughter of the Turks, either through secret

attack or open warfare. The relation of his exploits requires the

exclusive labours of a man who abounds in pompous diction, and

undisturbed leisure: I have neither; and, what chiefly acts as an

obstacle, want clear information on the subject. For it is by no

means the part of an historian of veracity to give entire credit

to flattering reports, or to deceive the credulity of his readers.

Consequently, I shall only subjoin what I have found recorded, whereby

this man’s exalted devotion may be clearly proved, and his good report

live for ever. This I may be bold to assert, that he often, with an

inconsiderable force, engaged in mighty conflicts, and that he never

fled the field, except at Ramula and at Accaron. And indeed signal

victories ensued to each of these flights, because they proceeded more

from rash valour, than from fear; as the reader will discover from the

insertion of a few facts.

In the month of September, on the seventh before the ides of which the

battle aforesaid took place, William, earl of Poitou, proceeded towards

Jerusalem, leading with him troops estimated at sixty thousand horse

and still more foot. There accompanied him, Stephen, earl of Burgundy,

and Hugh de Lusignan, brother of earl Raymond, Hugh the Great, and

Stephen of Blois, anxious to atone for the disgrace of their former

desertion, by renovated and determined valour. Proceeding, therefore,

by Constantinople, after he had by an insolent answer, as I before

related, offended Alexius, he fell into the snares of Solyman; the

emperor rather procuring than preventing his disaster. For Solyman,

aware that the army was suffering from hunger and thirst, as they

had been wandering about the marshes and desolate places for several

days, encountered them with three hundred thousand archers. Never was

there conflict more disastrous to the Franks; as it was impossible

for flight to save the coward, or courage to rescue the bold from

danger: for the battle was fought in a confined situation, and nothing

could prevent the effect of clouds of arrows on men who were crowded

together. More than a hundred thousand were slain; and all the booty

carried off. Thus Solyman, obtaining splendid offerings to the manes

of his countrymen from the spoils of the Franks, revenged the loss of

Nice. But, as they had proceeded by many roads, all were not slain;

nor was every thing plundered. For, except the Poitevin, who lost

nearly whatever he possessed, the other earls had boldly defended

their baggage. All, therefore, except Hugh the Great, who died, and

was entombed in the city of Tarsus, collecting again their soldiers

after the flight, hastened to Antioch. Tancred, a knight of celebrated

kindness, gave them ample proof of his generosity; assisting them all,

as far as he was able, with money: but more especially William, whom

the inconstancy of Fortune had now as deeply depressed as she had

formerly highly exalted, who, in addition to the loss of treasure, by

which he was not so much affected as it was transitory and capable

of reparation, was left almost the sole survivor of so many valorous

soldiers. Proceeding on their march with renovated courage, they sought

every opportunity of giving battle. The city of Tortosa was the first

to feel their rage; by attacking and plundering which, they in some

degree compensated their former losses. Thence they came to the defile,

which I have mentioned above, where the king had long awaited them, in

order to give assistance in case the Turks should oppose their passage.

Defended by his valour, and meeting with kind entertainment at Joppa,

they proceeded the following Easter to Jerusalem, where they joyfully

beheld, and reverently adored the sacred fire. Returning afterwards to

Joppa, they took ship, each designing to revisit his native land. The

Poitevin, from the continued favour of the wind, reached home; the rest

were violently driven back.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1100.] RAMULA BESIEGED.]

But now, in the beginning of May, the Turks and Arabs laid siege to

Ramula; recruiting the losses of their army in the former year, by

making up its original numbers. The bishop of the city, prudently

watching an opportunity, retired from the place and went secretly to

Joppa. Baldwin had already gone out, relying on a false assertion

that the enemy did not exceed five hundred; in consequence of which,

he neither put his forces in order, nor called out his infantry, the

trumpeters merely sounding for the cavalry to follow the king; though

his friends earnestly advised him, to be on his guard against the

subtlety of the Turks. The two Stephens, of Blois and of Burgundy,

followed the king on horseback, that, instead of being branded as

indolent and cowardly, they might return to their respective homes

partakers of the credit of the triumph: far different, however, from

their expectations, were the glory and the victory which the fates

were preparing for them. For Baldwin, perceiving the multitude of the

enemy and finding himself deceived in his opinion, filled with rage,

and fierce in conscious valour, hesitated what was to be done. If he

gave way, he contemplated the tarnish of his ancient glory; if he

fought, the destruction of his followers. Nevertheless, innate courage

prevailed, and fear had already yielded, when, swayed by the advice of

his comrades, he acquiesced in a plan of retiring, through the midst

of the enemy, into a castle. The rest, following with loud clamour,

broke through the thickest ranks, consecrating their souls to God, and

nobly avenging their deaths. The earls, too, so wearied with striking

that their hands grew stiff upon their swords, yielded to fate. The

king escaping to the fortress, had some few companions remaining out of

the two hundred he had led forth; who entreating that he would deign

to protract his life by flight, and observing that their danger was

of little consequence to the world, while his life was of advantage

to many, in as much as he would be an example of valour to every age,

by his singular constancy of mind though in adverse circumstances,

he esteemed himself worthy to live. Wherefore, accompanied by five

knights, he eluded his assailants, and escaped to the mountains. One

of the five was Robert the Englishman, as I said before; the others,

from the great distance, report has not brought to our knowledge:

he, with three more, was taken; the fifth escaped with the king. The

Turks vented the whole of their fury on those who had retired to the

castle, among whom was Hugh de Lusignan and Geoffrey de Vincennes: only

three survivors told their mournful tale to the people of Jerusalem.

The king, concealing himself during the day, and, at night, urging

his jaded courser through untrodden paths, arrived at Azotus, by the

singular and miraculous protection of God; as the Turks had but just

departed, after having been plundering around the city for the space

of two days. Coming thence by sea to Joppa, he despatched an account

of the certainty of his being still living to the people of Jerusalem.

The bearer of the epistle was a low Syrian fellow, who, even had he

been discovered, would have deceived the enemy, from the meanness of

his garb, and his using the common language of the country. Escaping

the hands of the infidels by lone paths with which he was acquainted,

he arrived the third day at Jerusalem. Upon this the cavalry who

garrisoned the city, taking with them the bands of auxiliary infantry,

and purposing to proceed to Joppa, took a route close to the sea;

avoiding the inland districts. The rear, however, of the party, were

cut off, by the Turks pressing on them; as they were left unprotected

either by horse or foot. Thus collecting ninety horse from Jerusalem,

and eighty from Tiberias, which Hugh, that most intrepid commander, had

brought to their assistance, the attendants also, through necessity,

were advanced to the rank of knights. The battle was delayed only

till the next day, the Turks being now so ferocious as to prepare

their engines, and to meditate an attack on the walls of Joppa. This

was prevented by the activity of Baldwin, and by the cross of Christ

preceding them, which had been wanting in the former battle. They then,

with all the force of the kingdom, rushed eagerly on the enemy, and the

contest was fierce: but they, after their usual custom, surrounding

our troops, thought they had completely overcome the Christians, and

shouted with cheerful cry: but the Lord Jesus was present; who, at

length looked down from heaven, and showering courage on the Franks,

put the enemy, driven from the field, to flight. It had happened in the

preceding action, that, though frequently driven from their tents, they

afterwards conquered through their numbers; but now, as the infantry

wounded them from a distance with their arrows, and the cavalry close

at hand with their lances, they placed all their hopes in swiftness,

and continued their flight.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1113.] BALDWIN’S MARRIAGE.]

He fought another battle in later years, in which our soldiers,

pressed by the numbers of the Turks and compelled to fly, lost even

their protecting standard. But after they had fled some distance they

rallied; shame animating the timid to repel such ignominy. Then indeed

the contest was strenuous; fighting foot to foot, and breast to breast.

Our party recovered the cross, routing the enemy, and regaining the

field. Many fell here with whom I had been acquainted; among these was

Godfrey, Baldwin’s bastard-grand-nephew, who, from a boy, manifested

valour in his countenance and truth in his soul. In the beginning,

indeed, both retreats, as it may be said, were the source of ignominy;

but, in the end, true food for glory; the one more celebrated, the

other more advantageous. Finally, to repair his losses, and also to be

united with him in marriage, the countess of Sicily came shortly after

to Jerusalem, pouring such treasures into the royal palace, that it was

matter of surprise, whence a woman could accumulate such endless heaps

of precious utensils:[446] and at this time, indeed, he received her

to his bed, but shortly after he put her away. It is said that she was

afflicted with a cancerous complaint, which preyed upon her womb.[447]

This, however, is well known, that the king had no issue; nor is it

wonderful, that a man, to whom leisure was burdensome, should be averse

to the embraces of a wife, as he passed all his time in war. By these

exertions he effected, that his admirable and nearly godlike valour

should operate as an incitement to the present race, and be matter of

astonishment to posterity. He died, during an expedition into Arabia,

in the month of April, and was publicly buried at Jerusalem, near his

brother, as the fourth month was adding to the seventeenth year of his

reign. He was a man who gained his reputation by repeated labours, and

on whose fame envy hath cast no shade, except it be, that he was too

sparing of his money; though there is a ready and well-founded excuse

for such a fault, if it be considered, that the necessary largesses to

such as remained with him, prevented him from purchasing the favour of

those who departed.

He was succeeded by his kinsman, Baldwin, prince of Edessa, already

celebrated for his former campaigns, whom he had, when dying, named as

king. He bravely defended the kingdom for many years, and augmented it

with the sovereignty of Antioch, which he obtained when Roger,[448] the

son of Richard, was killed. He governed both countries with laudable

conduct; with less presumptuous haughtiness, perhaps, but with great

and consummate prudence, though there are some who wound his fair fame,

accusing him of excessive parsimony. Wherefore, last year, when the

Turks had taken him, while riding a short distance from Jerusalem, his

people grieved but little for him, and for nearly a year it remained

unknown, both to subjects and even to tale-bearers, whither he was

taken, or whether or not he breathed the vital air. However, the people

of Jerusalem, nothing discouraged on account of his absence, refused

either to elect a king or to discontinue the order or command of the

soldiers, till the certainty of the matter could be known. At last, the

place where he lay captive being discovered, some knights of surpassing

boldness, assuming the guise of merchants, and hiding weapons beneath

their garments, entered the town, and rescued the king from jeopardy;

protesting, that they did not act thus through respect for his

niggardliness, but out of gratitude to Gozelin of Turbexhel,[449] who

never hesitated to bestow all he possibly could upon the military.

He has now lived long, a provident man, and subject to no other

imputation.[450] The principality of Antioch pertains to the son of

Boamund, of whom I proceed to speak.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1123.] BOAMUND.]

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1123.] BOAMUND’S MARRIAGE.]

Boamund[451] was the son of Robert Guiscard by a Norman woman; he had

another son named Roger, born of an Apulian, who was, by his father,

surnamed “Purse,” because his paternal and attentive observation had

discovered, that, from a mere child, he had pleasure in counting money.

As to Boamund, who was somewhat older, he never could retain anything,

but even gave away his childish presents. Roger, therefore, received

Apulia, which seemed to belong to him in right of his mother: Boamund

went with his father to the Durazzian war. And when the townspeople,

through confidence of their walls, boasted, that the city was called

Durachium,[452] because it could endure all sieges undismayed; and “I,”

said Guiscard, “am called Durandus; and I will endure in besieging,

until I take away the name from the city; so that, henceforth it shall

no longer be called Durachium, but Mollucium.” The firmness of this

answer so terrified them, that they immediately opened their gates.

Thus, secure in his rear, he subdued, with the less difficulty, the

other cities as far as Thessalonica. He had now arrived there, and had

already, both by himself and by his son, taught Alexius that he might

be overcome, when, beguiled by the treachery of his wife, he failed,

by death, of a noble enterprise. Boamund, then, returning to Apulia,

possessed some castles through his brother’s indulgence, and acquired

many others by his own courage and prudence. Indeed the dukedom had

fallen to his brother only in appearance; all the most warlike spirits

following him. Nor was this of light importance: for, observant of his

father’s purpose, he was averse to Guibert, and strongly espoused the

cause of Urban; urging him, when hesitating, to proceed into France

to the council of Clermont, whither the letters of Raymond earl of

Provence, and of the bishop of Chorges, invited him. The council being

ended, he readily embraced the opportunity, and transported his forces

into Greece; and thence moving forward his army, he quietly awaited

Raymond and Godfrey. Joining them on their arrival, he possessed great

influence from his military skill and from his courage, which was

never surpassed. But, as what he performed in company with others,

only entitles him to a share in the general praise; and my former

narrative has related how he had been taken prisoner; it may be proper

to mention in what manner he rescued himself from captivity. When

Danisman perceived that no advantage resulted to him, from detaining

so great a man in confinement, he changed his intentions, and began

sedulously to treat of terms of peace; for he was neither inclined

to put him to death, lest he should excite the fierce hatred of the

Christians against himself; nor would he set him at liberty,[453]

without the hope of a lasting peace. Boamund, therefore, promising the

infidel perpetual amity, returned to Antioch, bringing with him the

silver fetters with which he had been confined; and being favourably

received by his people, he took possession of Laodicea, and the other

cities which Tancred, lest he should have been thought slumbering in

indolence, whilst his uncle was sighing in prison, had acquired during

his captivity. Not long after he came into France, offering up, in

honour of St. Leonard, the chains with which he had been burdened;

for this saint[454] is said to be so especially powerful in loosing

fetters, that the captive may freely carry away his chains, even in

the sight of his enemies, who dare not mutter a syllable. He then

married one of the daughters of the king of France, and sending another

to Tancred, went to Apulia, followed by the French nobility, who

deserted their country in hope of greater advantages, as well as to be

eye-witnesses of what could be effected by that energetic valour, which

was so universally extolled by fame. Wherefore arranging his affairs

in Apulia, he again burst forth against Alexius; alleging as a cause

of attacking him, his cruelty to the crusaders, for which he was very

noted. But being deceived by the subtlety of the emperor, who alienated

his commanders from him by bribery, or took them off by poison, he had

little or no success. Dejected at this, he returned to Apulia, where,

in a few days, while purposing to proceed to Antioch, he died, not an

old man, yet equal to any in prudence, leaving a son of tender age.

He was a man firm in adversity, and circumspect in prosperity; for he

had even provided himself an antidote, when apprehensive of poison. It

was a knife, which, placed before him when eating, strange to tell,

indicated, by the moistness of its handle, whenever poison was brought

into the apartment. After him Tancred presided over Antioch; a nephew

worthy of such an uncle. Tancred was removed from this world by an

early death, and Roger the son of Richard succeeded. Though rivalling

the fame of his predecessors in battle, yet he incurred the disgrace

of being avaricious. In consequence of this, when the soldiery avoided

him, he engaged the Turks with a trifling stipendiary, and a small

native force, and fell nobly revenging his death: for being taken by

them, stripped of his armour, and commanded to yield up his sword; he

refused to deliver it to any but the commander, as he considered all

present unworthy to receive the surrender of so dignified a character.

The unhappy chief gave credit to his specious words, and taking off

his helmet, stretched out his hand to receive Roger’s sword. When,

indignant, and mustering all his remaining powers for the effort, he

cut off the Turk’s head, and being immediately stabbed, escaped the

disgrace of slavery by the act his courage had suggested. Baldwin the

second, king of Jerusalem, revenging his death in a signal manner,

faithfully reserved the dominion of the city, and his daughter, for

Boamund the son of Boamund.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1119.] RAYMOND, EARL OF TOULOUSE.]

Raymond was the son of the most noble William,[455] earl of Toulouse,

who, being a man of enterprise and ability, rendered his country,

which had been obscured through the indolence of his predecessors,

illustrious by his own good qualities. His wife Almodis was repeatedly

married to different persons, and had a numerous issue by them all; a

woman of such sad, unbridled lewdness, that, when one husband became

disgusting to her from long intercourse, she would depart and take up

her abode with another: to sum up all, she had been first united to the

earl of Arles; presently, becoming weary of him, she connected herself

with William; and then after bearing him two sons, she lured the earl

of Barcelona to marry her. Moreover, William, when at the point of

death, gave to his son of his own name but not of his own disposition,

the county of Toulouse, because, though he was of slender talents, the

people of Toulouse would attempt no innovation against him, as they

were accustomed to the government of his family. But Raymond, who was

of brighter abilities, received Chorges, and increased it wonderfully

by the addition of Arles, Narbonne, Provence, and Limoges. Again, he

purchased Toulouse of his brother who went to Jerusalem many years

previous to the grand crusade; but these things were achieved by a

considerable lapse of time, and a life expended on the labour. Thus,

ever engaged in war, he had no desire for a legitimate wife, enjoying

himself in unrestrained concubinage. Finally, he condescended to honour

with his adoption and inheritance, Bertrand, his son by one of his

mistresses, as he, in some respects, resembled his father. To this

son he married the niece[456] of Matilda the marchioness, a native of

Lombardy, that by such affinity he might secure his possessions on

that side. In the latter part of his life, too, he himself espoused

the daughter of the king of Tarragona, covenanting for a noble dowry;

namely, the perpetual peace of the adjacent provinces. Soon after this,

on contemplating his grey hairs, he made a vow to go to Jerusalem,

that his bodily powers, though decayed and feeble, might still, though

late, enter into the service of God. The chief promoter of this was

the bishop of Chorges, by whose especial exertions he had always

been thwarted, and in one contest, had even lost an eye, which mark

of deformity, so far from concealing, he was ever anxious to show,

boasting of it as a proof of his gallantry. But now, leagued in mutual

friendship, that they might employ their old age in religious services,

they stimulated Urban, already inclined to preach the crusade, to

pass the Alps and summon a council at Clermont, more especially as it

was a city adjacent to their territories, and convenient for persons

coming from every part of France. The bishop, however, died on his

way to the council. To his influence succeeded the bishop of Puy, of

whom we have before spoken: animated by whose advice, and protected by

whose assistance, Raymond was the first layman who assumed the cross;

making this addition to his vow, “that he would never return to his

country, but endeavour to lessen the weight of his past offences by

perpetual exertion against the Turks.” He had already given many proofs

of his prowess on the way,--the first to labour and the last to rest;

many also of forbearance, as he readily relinquished those places he

had first occupied at Antioch to Boamund, and the tower of David to

Godfrey. But at length, his patience being worn out by the unreasonable

demands of certain persons, he departed from his usual practice on

the subject of the surrender of Ascalon. For, on the first arrival of

the Franks, the townspeople, examining the disposition of our several

commanders, made choice of him for their patron; because many men, who

had come thither before by sea, from Montpelier to trade, had extolled

his sincerity and courage to the skies. In consequence, they delivered

to him their keys, and compelled him to make oath that he would never

give up the command of the city to any other of the Christians, should

he himself be either unwilling or unable to retain it. A murmuring then

arose among the chiefs, who required the surrender of the city to the

king; saying that his kingdom was of little value, unless he could hold

Ascalon, which would be a receptacle for the enemy and an obstacle to

our party. The king, indeed, set forth the matter mildly, as he did

everything else, with a placid countenance consistent with his manners;

the others rather more violently. However, he paid little attention to

their words, obviating their allegations by very substantial reasons;

saying that all his associates had secured a place of retreat; part

of them had returned home; part were occupying the provinces they had

acquired; that he alone, having abjured his native country, could

neither return thither, nor did he possess a place of refuge here;

that he had yielded in other points, but they must allow him to retain

Ascalon, under fealty to the Holy Sepulchre, as he had taken an oath

not to give it up. On hearing this, all began to clamour, and to call

him interested and faithless; indeed they could scarcely abstain from

laying hands on him. The earl, indignant at this reproach, failed in

the duty of a just and upright man, delivering the keys to the enemies

of God, and compensating the fear of perjury by the blood of many a man

in after time; for to this day that city has never been taken either by

force or by stratagem.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1099.] TANCRED’S DEATH.]

Moreover, many of his people, delighted with the unbounded affluence

of the place, obtained the friendship of its citizens by denying

their faith. Thus leaving Jerusalem, he came to Laodicea, and having

subdued it, continued there some little time. Afterwards, when he

had gone to Constantinople, Tancred obtained Laodicea, though it is

dubious whether by force or favour. In the meantime, remaining at

Byzantium, he contrived by his consummate prudence to insinuate himself

into the favour of Alexius. Whence it happened, that, through the

kindness of the emperor, getting a safe passage, he escaped sharing

those calamities which, as we have before related, befell William of

Poitou and the others; with whom he took the city of Tortosa, and,

when the rest proceeded onwards, retained possession of it. To extend

his power, he fortified a town over against Tripoli, called Pilgrim’s

Castle, where he appointed abbat Herbert, bishop. And that the

shattered strength of his followers might recruit by repose, he made a

seven years’ league with the Tripolitans. Nevertheless, ere the time

appointed, the peace was broken, on account of a certain townsman being

found within the castle, with a poisoned dagger concealed beneath his

garments. And now truly would he have put the finishing hand to the

conquest of Tripoli, had not death, approaching almost immediately,

bereft his vital spirit, big with great achievements. On learning his

decease, William of Montpelier, and the other chiefs of the province,

provided that William the Pilgrim, scarcely four years of age, whom he

had begotten on a Spanish woman during the siege, should be conveyed

home, to be educated for the succession, with the anxious wishes of

all. Nor did Bertrand hear of this transaction with displeasure,

although he had never been consulted, as it enabled him to renew his

father’s fame. Wherefore, heading a vast army, and chiefly supported

by the Genoese and Pisans, who were allied to his wife, he attacked

Tripoli by sea and land, and when exhausted by a protracted siege,

reduced it to his dominion. To him succeeded Pontius, his son by the

Lombard; a youth who rivalled the glory of his ancestors, and who

obtained in marriage the relict of Tancred, formerly prince of Antioch.

This, when dying, he had commanded; affirming, that, the youth would

grow up a benefit to the Christians, and an utter destruction to the

Turks. Pontius therefore reigns at Tripoli, professing himself the

servant of the Holy Sepulchre; in this respect following the example of

his grandfather and father.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1105.] FLIGHT OF THE TURKS.]

Robert, son of William the first king of England, was born in Normandy,

and already considered as a youth of excellent courage, when his

father came to England: of tried prowess, though of small stature and

projecting belly. He passed his early years amid the warlike troops of

his father, obedient to him in every respect: but in the vigorous heat

of youth, led by the suggestions of his idle companions, he supposed

he could obtain Normandy from the king, during his lifetime. But when

William refused this, and drove away the youth by the blustering of

his terrific voice, Robert departed indignantly, and harassed his

country by perpetual attacks. His father laughed at first, and then

added, “By the resurrection of God, this little Robin Short-boot will

be a clever fellow;” for such was his appellation, from his small

stature; though there was nothing else to find fault with; as he was

neither ill-made, nor deficient in eloquence, nor was he wanting in

courage or resources of mind. At length, however, the king was so

transported with anger, that he denied him his last blessing and the

inheritance of England; and it was with difficulty, and disgrace, that

he could retain even Normandy. After nine years he gave proof of his

manhood in the labours of the crusade, and in many instances appeared

wonderful, as neither Christian nor pagan could ever unhorse him: but

more especially in the battle of Antioch, where he graced the victory

by a singular achievement. For when the Turks, as we have related, were

suddenly dismayed and fled, and our party vehemently attacked them

in disorder, Corbanach, their leader, mindful of his native valour,

checked his horse, and rallied his people; calling them base slaves,

and forgetful of their ancient conquests, in suffering themselves, the

former conquerors of the east, to be driven from their territories by

a strange, and almost unarmed people. At this reproach, many, resuming

their courage, wheeled round, attacked the Franks, and compelled the

nearest to give way, while Corbanach continued to animate his men, and

to assault the enemy; nobly fulfilling his duty, both as a commander

and a soldier. But now the Norman earl and Philip the clerk, son of

Roger, earl of Montgomery, and Warin de Taney, a castle so named in

Maine, who had before made a feint of retreating, exhorting each other

with mutual spirit, turned round their horses, and each attacking his

man, threw them to the ground. Here Corbanach, though he knew the earl,

yet estimating him merely by his size, and thinking it inglorious to

fly, atoned for the boldness of attacking him, by a speedy exit; being

instantly deprived of life. The Turks, who were already clamouring

with boastful joy, on seeing his fall, now lost their lately-acquired

hopes, and redoubled their flight. In this contest Warin fell: Robert,

with Philip, gained the victory. The latter, who acquired renown by

this service, but afterwards, as they report, closed an honourable

career at Jerusalem, was celebrated for his learning as well as his

military prowess. Robert, thus coming to Jerusalem, tarnished his glory

by an indelible stain, in refusing a kingdom,[457] offered to him, as

a king’s son, by the consent of all; and this, as it is asserted, not

through awe of its dignity, but through the fear of endless labour.

However, returning home, where he had reckoned on giving himself up to

the full indulgence of sensual pleasure, God mercifully visited him,

as I believe, for this transgression; every where thwarting him, and

turning all his enjoyments into bitterness; as will be manifested by

the sequel.

[Sidenote: [A.D. 1105.] STATE OF NORMANDY.]

His wife, the daughter of William de Conversano, whom he had married in

Apulia on his return, and whose surpassing beauty, all endeavours to

describe are vain, died after a few years, by disease;[458] misled, as

it is said, by the advice of the midwife, who had ordered her breasts,

when in childbed, to be bound with a tight bandage, on account of the

copious flow of her milk. A great consolation, however, in this extreme

distress, was a son by his consort; who, called William by presage

of his grandfather’s name, gave hope of noble talents hereafter.

The immense sum which his father-in-law had given him, under the

appellation of dowry, that he might with it redeem Normandy,[459] he

lavished so profusely on buffoons, and worthless people, that, in a few

days, he was pennyless. He accelerated his disgrace by his ill-advised

arrival in England, to wrest the kingdom from his brother Henry; but,

failing of the assistance of the traitors who had invited him, he

easily yielded to his brother’s terms of peace: which, by the agreement

of the chiefs of either party, were, that, he should receive an annual

present of three thousand marks from England. These were mere words:

for the king had promised this without any design of fulfilling it;

but, aware of his brother’s easiness, had deluded his soft credulity,

till his warlike passion should subside. And he, too, as if contending

with fortune whether she should give or he squander most, discovering

the mere wish of the queen, silently intreating it, kindly forgave the

payment of this immense sum for ever; thinking it a very great matter,

that female pride should condescend to ask a favour; for he was her

godfather. Moreover he forgot offences, and forgave faults beyond what

he ought to have done: he answered all who applied to him, exactly as

they wished; and that he might not dismiss them in sadness, promised

to give what was out of his power. By this suavity of disposition,

with which he ought to have acquired the commendations and the love

of his subjects, he so excited the contempt of the Normans, that

they considered him as of no consequence whatever. For then, all the

nobility falling at variance, plunder was universal, and the commonalty

were pillaged. Although the inhabitants laid their injuries before the

earl, they gained no kind of redress; for though incensed at first, yet

his anger was soon appeased, either by a trifling present, or the lapse

of time. Roused, however, by the extremity of their distresses, they

determined to implore the assistance of king Henry to their suffering

country. Henry, according to Cæsar’s axiom,[460] “That if justice is

ever to be violated, it ought to be violated in favour of the citizens,

and that you may be observant of duty in other points,” transported his

forces several times into Normandy to succour expiring justice, and

at last was successful enough to subjugate the whole country, with the

exception of Rouen, Falaise, and Caen. Robert was now reduced so low,

as to wander, hardly to be recognised, through these towns, obtaining

a precarious subsistence from the inhabitants. Disgusted at this,

the people of Caen did not long regard their fidelity, but sending

messengers to the king, they closed the gates of their city, with locks

and bolts. Robert learning this, and wishing to escape, was hardly

allowed to depart; his attendant, with the furniture of his chamber,

being detained. Thence flying to Rouen, he had a conference with his

lord, the king of France, and his relation, the earl of Flanders,

on the subject of assistance; but obtaining none, he determined, as

his last resource, to risk a general action. In which, through the

persecution of fate, being taken prisoner, he was kept, by the laudable

affection of his brother, in free custody till the day of his death;

for he endured no evil but solitude, if that can be called solitude

where, by the attention of his keepers, he was provided with abundance

both of amusement and of food. He was confined, however, till he had

survived all his companions in the Crusade, nor was he liberated to

the day of his death.[461] He was so eloquent in his native tongue,

that none could be more pleasant; in other men’s affairs, no counsellor

was more excellent; in military skill equal to any; yet, through the

easiness of his disposition, was he ever esteemed unfit to have the

management of the state. But since I have already said all that I knew

of Hugh the Great, and of the earls of Blois and of Flanders, I think I

may, very properly here conclude my Fourth Book.