This union of small self-esteem with a vast ambition is a paradox in the

very soul of the painter; and when we look at the symbolic pictures in

the light of this theory of his, it is interesting and typical to

observe how consistently he pursues any intellectual rule that he laid

down for himself. An æsthetic or ethical notion of this kind is not to

him, as to most men with the artistic temperament, a thing to talk about

sumptuously, to develop in lectures, and to observe when it happens to

be suitable. It is a thing like his early rising or his personal

conscience, a thing which is either a rule or nothing. And we find this

insistence on universal symbols, this rejection of all symbols that are

local or temporary or topical, even if the locality be a whole

continent, the time a stretch of centuries, or the topic a vast

civilization or an undying church--we find this insistence looking out

very clearly from the allegories of Watts. It would

[Illustration: THE COURT OF DEATH.]

have been easy and effective, as he himself often said, to make the

meaning of a picture clear by the introduction of some popular and

immediate image: and it must constantly be remembered that Watts does

care very much for making the meaning of his pictures clear. His work

indeed has, as I shall suggest shortly, a far more subtle and unnamable

quality than the merely hard and didactic; but it must not be for one

moment pretended that Watts does not claim to teach: to do so would be

to falsify the man’s life. And it would be easy, as is quite obvious, to

make the pictures clearer: to hang a crucifix over the _Happy Warrior_,

to give _Mammon_ some imperial crown or typical heraldic symbols, to

give a theological machinery to _The Court of Death_. But this is put on

one side like a temptation of the flesh, because it conflicts with this

stupendous idea of painting for all peoples and all centuries. I am not

saying that this extraordinary ambition is necessarily the right view of

art, or the right view of life. I am only reiterating it as an absolute

trait of men of the time and type and temper of Watts. It may plausibly

be maintained, I am not sure that it cannot more truly be maintained,

that man cannot achieve and need not achieve this frantic universality.

A man, I fancy, is after all only an animal that has noble preferences.

It is the very difference between the artistic mind and the mathematical

that the former sees things as they are in a picture, some nearer and

larger, some smaller and further away: while to the mathematical mind

everything, every unit in a million, every fact in a cosmos, must be of

equal value. That is why mathematicians go mad; and poets scarcely ever

do. A man may have as wide a view of life as he likes, the wider the

better; a distant view, a bird’s-eye view, if he will, but still a view

and not a map. The one thing he cannot attempt in his version of the

universe is to draw things to scale. I have put myself for a moment

outside this universalism and doubted its validity because a thing

always appears more sharp and personal and picturesque if we do not

wholly agree with it. And this universalism is an essential and dominant

feature of such great men as Watts and of his time as a whole. Mr.

Herbert Spencer is a respectable, almost a dapper, figure, his theory is

agnostic and his tone polite and precise. And yet he threw himself into

a task more insane and gigantic than that of Dante, an inventory or plan

of the universe itself; the awful vision of existence as a single

organism, like an amœba on the disc of a microscope. He claimed, by

implication, to put in their right places the flaming certainty of the

martyrs, the wild novelties of the modern world; to arrange the eternal

rock of Peter and the unbroken trance of Buddhism. It is only in this

age of specialists, of cryptic experiences in art and faith like the

present, that we can see how huge was that enterprise; but the spirit of

it is the spirit of Watts. The man of that aggressive nineteenth century

had many wild thoughts, but there was one thought that never even for an

instant strayed across his burning brain. He never once thought, “Why

should I understand the cat, any more than the cat understands me?” He

never thought, “Why should I be just to the merits of a Chinaman, any

more than a pig studies the mystic virtues of a camel?” He affronted

heaven and the angels, but there was one hard arrogant dogma that he

never doubted even when he doubted Godhead: he never doubted that he

himself was as central and as responsible as God.

This paradox, then, we call the first element in the artistic and

personal claim of Watts, that he

[Illustration: MATTHEW ARNOLD.]

[Illustration: JOHN STUART MILL.]

realizes the great paradox of the Gospel. He is meek, but he claims to

inherit the earth. But there is, of course, a great deal more to be said

before this view of the matter can be considered complete. The

universalism preached by Watts and the other great Victorians was of

course subject to certain specialisations; it is not necessary to call

them limitations. Like Matthew Arnold, the last and most sceptical of

them, who expressed their basic idea in its most detached and

philosophic form, they held that conduct was three-fourths of life. They

were ingrainedly ethical; the mere idea of thinking anything more

important than ethics would have struck them as profane. In this they

were certainly right, but they were nevertheless partial or partisan;

they did not really maintain the judicial attitude of the universalist.

The mere thought of Watts painting a picture called _The Victory of Joy

over Morality_, or _Nature rebuking Conscience_, is enough to show the

definite limits of that cosmic equality. This is not, of course, to be

taken as a fault in the attitude of Watts. He simply draws the line

somewhere, as all men, including anarchists, draw it somewhere; he is

dogmatic, as all sane men are dogmatic.

There is another phase of this innocent audacity. It may appear to be

more fanciful, it is certainly more completely a matter of inference;

but it throws light on yet another side of the character of Watts.

Watts’ relation to friends and friendship has something about it very

typical. He is not a man desirous or capable of a very large or rich or

varied circle of acquaintance. There is nothing Bohemian about him. He

belongs both chronologically and psychologically to that period which is

earlier even than Thackeray and his Cave of Harmony: he belongs to the

quiet, struggling, self-created men of the forties, with their tradition

of self-abnegating individualism. Much as there is about him of the

artist and the poet, there is something about him also of the

industrious apprentice. That strenuous solitude in which Archbishop

Temple as a boy struggled to carry a bag of ironmongery which crushed

his back, in which Gladstone cut down trees and John Stuart Mill read

half the books of the world in boyhood, that strenuous solitude entered

to some degree into the very soul of Watts and made him independent of

them. But the friends he made have as a general rule been very

characteristic: they have marked the strange and haughty fastidiousness

that goes along with his simplicity. His friends, his intimate friends,

that is, have been marked by a certain indescribable and stately

worthiness: more than one of them have been great men like himself. The

greatest and most intimate of all his friends, probably, was Tennyson,

and in this there is something singularly characteristic of Watts. About

the actuality of the intellectual tie that bound him to Tennyson there

can be little doubt. He painted three, if not four, portraits of him;

his name was often on his lips; he invoked him always as the typical

great poet, excusing his faults and expounding his virtues. He invoked

his authority as that of the purest of poets, and invoked it very finely

and well in a sharp controversial interview he had on the nature and

ethics of the nude in art.

At the time I write, there is standing at the end of the garden at

Limnerslease a vast shed, used for a kind of sculptor’s studio, in which

there stands a splendid but unfinished statue, on which the veteran of

the arts is even now at work. It represents Tennyson, wrapped in his

famous mantle, with his magnificent head bowed, gazing at something in

the

[Illustration: ROBERT BROWNING.]

[Illustration: LORD TENNYSON.]

hollow of his hand. The subject is _Flower in the Crannied Wall_. There

is something very characteristic of Watts in the contrast between the

colossal plan of the figure and the smallness of the central object.

But while the practical nature of the friendship between Watts and

Tennyson is clear enough, there is something really significant,

something really relevant to Watts’ attitude in its ultimate and

psychological character. It is surely most likely that Watts and

Tennyson were drawn together because they both represented a certain

relation towards their art which is not common in our time and was

scarcely properly an attribute of any artists except these two. Watts

could not have found the thing he most believed in Browning or Swinburne

or Morris or any of the other poets. Tennyson could not have found the

thing he most believed in Leighton or Millais or any of the other

painters. They were brought together, it must be supposed, by the one

thing that they had really in common, a profound belief in the

solemnity, the ceremoniousness, the responsibility, and what most men

would now, in all probability, call the pomposity of the great arts.

Watts has always a singular kind of semi-mystical tact in the matter of

portrait painting. His portraits are commonly very faultless comments

and have the same kind of superlative mental delicacy that we see in the

picture of _Hope_. And the whole truth of this last matter is very well

expressed in Watts’ famous portrait of Tennyson, particularly if we look

at it in conjunction with his portrait of Browning. The head of Browning

is the head of a strong, splendid, joyful, and anxious man who could

write magnificent poetry. The head of Tennyson is the head of a poet.

Watts has painted Tennyson with his dark dome-like head relieved

against a symbolic green and blue of the eternal sea and the eternal

laurels. He has behind him the bays of Dante and he is wrapped in the

cloak of the prophets. Browning is dressed like an ordinary modern man,

and we at once feel that it should and must be so. To dress Browning in

the prophet’s robe and the poet’s wreath would strike us all as suddenly

ridiculous; it would be like sending him to a fancy-dress ball. It would

be like attiring Matthew Arnold in the slashed tights of an Elizabethan,

or putting Mr. Lecky into a primitive Celto-Irish kilt. But it does not

strike us as absurd in the case of Tennyson: it does not strike us as

even eccentric or outlandish or remote. We think of Tennyson in that

way; we think of him as a lordly and conscious bard. Some part of this

fact may, of course, be due to his possession of a magnificent physical

presence; but not, I think, all. Lord Kitchener (let us say) is a

handsome man, but we should laugh at him very much in silver armour. It

is much more due to the fact that Tennyson really assumed and was

granted this stately and epic position. It is not true that Tennyson was

more of a poet than Browning, if we mean by that statement that Browning

could not compose forms as artistic and well-managed, lyrics as light

and poignant, and rhythms as swelling and stirring as any in English

letters. But it is true that Tennyson was more of a poet than Browning,

if we mean by that statement that Tennyson was a poet in person, in post

and circumstance and conception of life; and that Browning was not, in

that sense, a poet at all. Browning first inaugurated in modern art and

letters the notion or tradition, in many ways perhaps a more wholesome

one, that the fact that a man pursued the trade or practice of poetry

was his own affair and a thing apart,

[Illustration: THE DWELLER IN THE INNERMOST.]

like the fact that he collected coins or earned his living as a hatter.

But Tennyson really belonged to an older tradition, the tradition that

believed that the poet, the appointed “Vates,” was a recognized and

public figure like the bard or jester at the mediæval courts, like the

prophet in the old Commonwealth of Israel. In Tennyson’s work appeared

for the last time in English history this notion of the stately and

public and acknowledged poet: it was the lay of the last minstrel.

Now there is in Watts, gentle and invisible as he is, something that

profoundly responds to that spirit. Leighton, like Browning, was a

courtier and man of the world: Millais, like Browning, was a good fellow

and an ordinary gentleman: but Watts has more of Tennyson in him; he

believes in a great priesthood of art. He believes in a certain pure and

childish publicity. If anyone suggested that before a man ventured to

paint pictures or to daub with plaster he should be initiated with some

awful rites in some vast and crowded national temple, should swear to

work worthily before some tremendous altar or over some symbolic flame,

Millais would have laughed heartily at the idea and Leighton also. But

it would not seem either absurd or unreasonable to Watts. In the thick

of this smoky century he is living in a clear age of heroes.

Watts’ relations to Tennyson were indeed very characteristic of what was

finest, and at the same time quaintest, in the two men. The painter,

with a typical sincerity, took the poet seriously, I had almost said

literally, in his daily life, and liked him to live up to his poetry.

The poet, with that queer sulky humour which gave him, perhaps, more

breadth than Watts, but less strength, said, after reading some acid and

unjust criticisms, “I wish I had never written a line.” “Come,” said

Watts, “you wouldn’t like ‘King Arthur’ to talk like that.” Tennyson

paused a moment and then spread out his fingers. “Well,” he said, “what

do you expect? It’s all the gout.” The artist, with a characteristic

power of juvenile and immortal hero-worship, tells this story as an

instance of the fundamental essence of odd magnanimity and sombre

geniality in Tennyson. It is such an instance and a very good one: but

it is also an instance of the sharp logical idealism, of the prompt

poetic candour of Watts. He asked Tennyson to be King Arthur, and it

never occurred to him to think that he was asking Addison to be Cato, or

Massinger to be Saint Dorothy. The incident is a fine tribute to a

friendship.

The real difficulty which many cultivated people have in the matter of

Watts’ allegorical pictures is far more difficult. It is indeed nothing

else but the great general reaction against allegorical art which has

arisen during the last artistic period. The only way in which we can

study, with any real sincerity, the allegoric art of Watts is to ask to

what is really due the objection to allegory which has thus arisen. The

real objection to allegory is, it may roughly be said, founded upon the

conception that allegory involves one art imitating another. This is, up

to a certain point, true. To paint a figure in a blue robe and call her

Necessity, and then paint a small figure in a yellow robe and call it

Invention; to put the second on the knee of the first, and then say that

you are enunciating the sublime and eternal truth, that Necessity is the

mother of Invention, this is indeed an idle and foolish affair. It is

saying in six weeks’ work with brush and palette knife what could be

said much better in six words. And there can be no reasonable dispute

that of this character were a considerable

[Illustration: GEORGE MEREDITH.]

number of the allegorical pictures that have crowded the galleries and

sprawled over the ceilings of ancient and modern times. Of such were the

monstrous pictures of Rubens, which depicted a fat Religion and a

bloated Temperance dancing before some foreign conqueror; of such were

the florid designs of the eighteenth century, which showed Venus and

Apollo encouraging Lord Peterborough to get over the inconvenience of

his breastplate; of such, again, were the meek Victorian allegories

which showed Mercy and Foresight urging men to found a Society for the

Preservation of Young Game. Of such were almost all the allegories which

have dominated the art of Europe for many centuries back. Of such, most

emphatically, the allegories of Watts are not. They are not mere

pictorial forms, combined as in a kind of cryptogram to express

theoretic views or relations. They are not proverbs or verbal relations

rendered with a cumbrous exactitude in oil and Chinese white. They are

not, in short, the very thing that the opponents of Watts and his school

say that they are. They are not merely literary. There is one definite

current conception on which this idea that Watts’ allegorical art is

merely literary is eventually based. It is based upon the idea that lies

at the root of rationalism, at the root of useless logomachies, at the

root, in no small degree, of the whole modern evil. It is based on the

assumption of the perfection of language. Every religion and every

philosophy must, of course, be based on the assumption of the authority

or the accuracy of something. But it may well be questioned whether it

is not saner and more satisfactory to ground our faith on the

infallibility of the Pope, or the infallibility of the Book of Mormon,

than on this astounding modern dogma of the infallibility of human

speech. Every time one man says to another, “Tell us plainly what you

mean?” he is assuming the infallibility of language: that is to say, he

is assuming that there is a perfect scheme of verbal expression for all

the internal moods and meanings of men. Whenever a man says to another,

“Prove your case; defend your faith,” he is assuming the infallibility

of language: that is to say, he is assuming that a man has a word for

every reality in earth, or heaven, or hell. He knows that there are in

the soul tints more bewildering, more numberless, and more nameless than

the colours of an autumn forest; he knows that there are abroad in the

world and doing strange and terrible service in it crimes that have

never been condemned and virtues that have never been christened. Yet he

seriously believes that these things can every one of them, in all their

tones and semi-tones, in all their blends and unions, be accurately

represented by an arbitrary system of grunts and squeals. He believes

that an ordinary civilized stockbroker can really produce out of his own

inside noises which denote all the mysteries of memory and all the

agonies of desire. Whenever, on the other hand, a man rebels faintly or

vaguely against this way of speaking, whenever a man says that he cannot

explain what he means, and that he hates argument, that his enemy is

misrepresenting him, but he cannot explain how; that man is a true sage,

and has seen into the heart of the real nature of language. Whenever a

man refuses to be caught by some dilemma about reason and passion, or

about reason and faith, or about fate and free-will, he has seen the

truth. Whenever a man declines to be cornered as an egotist, or an

altruist, or any such modern monster, he has seen the truth. For the

truth is that language is not a scientific thing at all, but wholly an

artistic thing, a thing invented by hunters, and killers, and such

artists long before science was

[Illustration: ORPHEUS AND EURYDICE.]

dreamed of. The truth is simply that--that the tongue is not a reliable

instrument, like a theodolite or a camera. The tongue is most truly an

unruly member, as the wise saint has called it, a thing poetic and

dangerous, like music or fire.

Now we can easily imagine an alternative state of things, roughly

similar to that produced in Watts’ allegories, a system, that is to say,

whereby the moods or facts of the human spirit were conveyed by

something other than speech, by shapes or colours or some such things.

As a matter of fact, of course, there are a great many other languages

besides the verbal. Descriptions of spiritual states and mental purposes

are conveyed by a variety of things, by hats, by bells, by guns, by

fires on a headland, or by jerks of the head. In fact there does exist

an example which is singularly analogous to decorative and symbolic

painting. This is a scheme of æsthetic signs or emblems, simple indeed

and consisting only of a few elemental colours, which is actually

employed to convey great lessons in human safety and great necessities

of the commonwealth. It need hardly be said that I allude to the railway

signals. They are as much a language, and surely as solemn a language,

as the colour sequence of ecclesiastical vestments, which sets us red

for martyrdom, and white for resurrection. For the green and red of the

night-signals depict the two most fundamental things of all, which lie

at the back of all language. Yes and no, good and bad, safe and unsafe,

life and death. It is perfectly conceivable that a degree of flexibility

or subtlety might be introduced into these colours so as to suggest

other and more complex meanings. We might (under the influence of some

large poetic station-masters) reach a state of things in which a certain

rich tinge of purple in the crimson light would mean “Travel for a few

seconds at a slightly more lingering pace, that a romantic old lady in a

first-class carriage may admire the scenery of the forest.” A tendency

towards peacock blue in the green might mean “An old gentleman with a

black necktie has just drunk a glass of sherry at the station

restaurant.” But however much we modified or varied this colour sequence

or colour language, there would remain one thing which it would be quite

ridiculous and untrue to say about it. It would be quite ridiculous and

untrue to say that this colour sequence was simply a symbol representing

language. It would be another language: it would convey its meaning to

aliens who had another word for forest, and another word for sherry, and

another word for old lady. It would not be a symbol of language, a

symbol of a symbol; it would be one symbol of the reality, and language

would be another. That is precisely the true position touching

allegorical art in general, and, above all, the allegorical art of

Watts.

So long as we conceive that it is, fundamentally, the symbolizing of

literature in paint, we shall certainly misunderstand it and the rare

and peculiar merits, both technical and philosophical, which really

characterize it. If the ordinary spectator at the art galleries finds

himself, let us say, opposite a picture of a dancing flower-crowned

figure in a rose-coloured robe, he feels a definite curiosity to know

the title, looks it up in the catalogue, and finds that it is called,

let us say, “Hope.” He is immediately satisfied, as he would have been

if the title had run “Portrait of Lady Warwick,” a “View of Kilchurn

Castle.” It represents a certain definite thing, the word “hope.” But

what does the word “hope” represent? It represents only a broken

instantaneous glimpse of something that is immeasurably older and

wilder

[Illustration: HOPE.]

than language, that is immeasurably older and wilder than man; a mystery

to saints and a reality to wolves. To suppose that such a thing is dealt

with by the word “hope,” any more than America is represented by a

distant view of Cape Horn, would indeed be ridiculous. It is not merely

true that the word itself is, like any other word, arbitrary; that it

might as well be “pig” or “parasol”; but it is true that the

philosophical meaning of the word, in the conscious mind of man, is

merely a part of something immensely larger in the unconscious mind,

that the gusty light of language only falls for a moment on a fragment,

and that obviously a semi-detached, unfinished fragment of a certain

definite pattern on the dark tapestries of reality. It is vain and worse

than vain to declaim against the allegoric, for the very word “hope” is

an allegory, and the very word “allegory” is an allegory.

G. F. Watts · 第 2 / 5 段