THE ADVANCE INTO GALICIA
It has already been pointed out that Russia could not advance directly
on Berlin and thus expose herself to the danger of being cut off and
annihilated by German armies from East Prussia and Austrians from
Galicia. A march on Posen would more likely than not have resulted in
another and more stupendous Sedan. In the previous chapter it was shown
that, for various reasons, the Russian General Staff decided not to
threaten Berlin by the northern route through Prussia. The nature of
the country was unfavourable for any such movement; it was strongly
fortified and capably defended. Moreover, the fact that winter was
approaching had to be taken into account. Those who have had the
misfortune to spend the winter months at Königsberg or other towns in
Eastern Prussia will agree with the Russian Staff that the conditions
during that period of the year do not favour military or any other
operations. And it was essential that Russia should maintain a vigorous
offensive, if only to keep faith with her allies.
That there was another route to Berlin, and one which possessed many
obvious advantages, was overlooked by most of the strategists. The
route in question lies along the banks of the Oder, through Silesia
and Saxony. If Russia could crush the military power of Austria in
Galicia and drive the remnants of her armies across the Carpathians,
either pursuing them to Buda-Pesth and Vienna or confining them to the
Hungarian plains, she would be free to advance upon Breslau and Berlin.
There are many advantages possessed by this route. In the first
place, it would be safe, assuming that Austria were thoroughly broken
beforehand. The country is open and well provided with railways,
excellent roads, and other means of communication; it contains only one
fortress of any strength--Neisse--which could be easily masked, and
is generally favourable to a rapid advance. An additional advantage
is that Silesia is a busy mining and industrial province, with a
population of nearly 6,000,000. The invading army would be preceded
by armies of panic-stricken fugitives, who would impede any defensive
measures and strike terror in Berlin long before the menace of the
invaders became serious.
There can be little doubt, in view of (1) that the chief Russian armies
are engaged in Galicia and Poland, and (2) that no serious attempt
has been made either to follow up General Rennenkampf’s remarkable
advance in East Prussia or to retrieve the ground lost as a result of
the defeat at Osterode, that an advance on the lines suggested through
Galicia and Silesia is the main feature of the Russian strategy. It is
the simplest, safest and most effective route by which Germany could
be invaded. It is the one route an advance along which, supported by a
vigorous offensive from Poland, would have an immediate effect on the
war in the west. When once the Russians begin to march on Breslau, it
will be only a matter of weeks before they reach Berlin, unless the
Germans detach very strong forces from their western army and hurry
them across to defend the capital.
But first of all, Austria must be smashed, and Galicia and Poland
swept clear of the enemy.
At the end of the preliminary phase of the campaign, the Russians
had already gained a footing in Galicia in the neighbourhood of the
River Styr, whilst the Austrians had advanced northwards from Cracow
and established themselves in Poland. This Austrian army, after being
heavily reinforced, so that it amounted to about 500,000 men, began to
march northward towards Warsaw. It was then still further reinforced
by a German army which had advanced from Posen, and invaded the
Polish province of Kalisch. In Poland, therefore, there was a very
considerable army which seriously threatened Lublin and Warsaw, and
would require heavy and probably extended operations before it could be
forced back.
A second Austrian army, smaller than the first, was in Galicia, with
Lemberg for its base.
The operations against these two armies constitute the real “Russian
Advance,” the movement intended to prepare for the crushing of Austria
and a march on Berlin. That it would be slow was obvious. Opposing
it were, at the time under review, about 1,500,000 troops, with two
first-class fortresses in Cracow and Przemysl and a hardly less strong
position in Lemberg. The question remained, how would Russia act? Would
she concentrate her attention on driving the first Austrian army on to
Galicia, or would she deliver her main attack on the second army, and
invade Galicia from the east, trusting on her success and consequent
menace to the communications of the first army to force that army back
on to its base? The former course would be the safer, for the first
Austro-German army was a more formidable force than the second. The
latter course, if the more hazardous, had the merit of speed. The
Grand Duke Nicholas decided to adopt this plan, much to the surprise
of the Austrians. An army was sent from Warsaw to operate against the
Austro-German army in Poland, but the main army, under General Russki,
had Kiev for base, and immediate preparations began for a vigorous and
sweeping movement through Galicia.
It was, however, essential for the success of the plan that the
Austro-German army should be held in check until the menace to its
rear was strong enough to force it back. If it were to capture Lublin
or seriously threaten Warsaw, the whole scheme would be in danger of
collapse.
It must not be forgotten that while these operations were in progress
Austria was fighting on her southern frontier against Serbia and
Montenegro. The war in the south naturally affected to some extent the
war in the north. A series of victories in the south would undoubtedly
have provided the Austrians in the north with the moral tonic they
so sadly needed. As it happened, however, the war in the south was a
complete failure. Seven attempts were made to capture Belgrade, an
utterly defenceless town, but each was repulsed. The invasion of Serbia
ended in the rout of Shabatz. The Austrians thereupon abandoned their
operations against Serbia, and threw all their forces into the northern
war. Whatever advantage was gained by this increase in numbers was
for the time being more than counterbalanced by the shattered _moral_
of the additional troops. Mutiny had already done much to destroy the
spirit of the troops. The companionship of men who had been routed by
the despised Serbians was not calculated to improve matters. However,
Austria needed every man in the north to defend her reputation as a
first-class military power.
Her plan of campaign amounted to an attempt to force the reversal of
the Russian plan. The main army was to carry out a vigorous invasion
of Poland in two directions, towards Lublin on the north-east and
towards Lodz on the north. The latter movement would receive help
from the Germans operating in the province of Kalisch. The success of
these movements would render a determined invasion of Galicia from the
east impossible. Russia would have to change her plan and concentrate
her efforts on defeating the invading Austrians and driving them back
across the frontier. Obviously this would have suited the German
plans admirably, because it would have delayed the Russian advance
indefinitely, and so relieve the dangerous position resulting from
the unexpected success of the Russian mobilisation and the equally
unexpected failure of the attempt to crush France in the course of a
few weeks. Viewing the war as a whole, therefore, the main object of
both sides was to gain time. The Allies wanted to delay the German
advance until the pressure of Russia on the east became unbearable. The
Austrian object was to hold Russia in check and so enable Germany to
maintain an undiminished army in the west. The issue of the whole war
now depended on the efforts of Austria, for even if the Allies in the
west were able, as the result of a vigorous offensive, to force the
Germans out of France and Belgium, it was extremely doubtful whether
they would be able to invade Germany itself with anything more than
moderate success, unless the Germans were forced to divide their
troops more or less equally between the two frontiers.
The most important operations in the east, therefore, were the advance
of the main Austrian army on Lublin and the advance of the Germans
through Kalisch. Until these were positively checked the projected
Russian advance could not be pushed forward. But, once checked, a
successful Russian advance would cause the retirement or downfall of
these invaders of Poland unless they were heavily reinforced.
The campaign opened with a serious defeat for Russia. The Austrian army
crossed the frontier and established contact with the defending forces
in the neighbourhood of Krasnik, a little town some fifteen miles
across the border. Details of the engagement are very few. Officially,
the Russians ignored it, being wholly taken up with the telling the
world about their successes in Prussia. What appears to have happened
was that the Russians did not expect the enemy to throw forward such
strong forces, and were taken by surprise. Heavily superior in point
of numbers and well supported by artillery, the Austrians, while
unable to break the Russian centre, seem to have successfully carried
out a flanking movement. The Russians fought gamely, and inflicted
heavy losses on the enemy, but their defeat was inevitable. The
Austrians claimed to have captured some thousands of prisoners and much
artillery. In view of the results of the battle, it is quite possible
that their claims were not exaggerated.
The serious results of this engagement were at once apparent. The
heaviness of the defeat made it impossible for the Russians to make a
determined resistance against the Austrian advance for some time. The
Austrians overran Kelche and pressed forward on Lublin.
In the course of this advance the Austrians made brave attempts to
imitate their German allies. The occupation of Kamenetz Podolski was a
good example of their efforts to play the Hun. The town was captured
after a sharp engagement, in the course of which the Austrian commander
had the misfortune to be slightly wounded. His first act was to demand
200,000 roubles, 200 horsed carts, 800 poods of bread and 60 oxen.
Unless this levy were forthcoming by eight o’clock the next morning,
the mayor was to be hanged and the town sacked. At the best of times
this would have been an almost impossible demand on the resources of
Kamenetz, which is only a small town. On the approach of the Austrians
the Municipal Treasurer, the bankers and all the wealthy families had
fled, taking their riches with them. Nobody in the town had so much as
twenty-five roubles in his possession.
The mayor went to inform the general that it was impossible to fulfil
his demands. The general replied that he would bombard the town unless
the whole levy were delivered by eight o’clock.
The night was spent by the inhabitants in the impossible task of trying
to raise the money. Rings, watches and jewellery of all kinds were
collected. The churches were stripped of their crucifixes and plate. A
valuable collection of old coins, worth at least 15,000 roubles, left
the scales at an appraisement of seven hundred roubles. At half-past
six in the morning it was found that not more than five or six thousand
roubles’ worth of gold and silver had been collected towards the
200,000 demanded. The mayor went to find the general in the forlorn
hope that the latter would relent. The inhabitants crouched in their
cellars awaiting the dreaded bombardment.
Eight o’clock passed and nothing happened. The Austrian general had
left during the night, leaving a colonel as governor of the town.
The latter gravely assessed the levy at 25,000 rubles, returned the
crucifixes and church plate and announced that he was perfectly
satisfied. Then a few hours later, acting on instructions from
Vienna, he returned the whole levy, to the utter bewilderment of the
inhabitants.
But in spite of these half-hearted attempts to imitate the Huns, there
is no doubt that for a time the advance of the Austrian army was a
serious matter. General Bankal, the commander of the force, drove
the Russians from position after position in a series of desperate
engagements and it was not until he reached the line Lublin Kholm that
he was definitely checked, and General Russki was able to advance in
earnest.
The primary cause of General Bankal’s check was the fact that he found
himself face to face with a strong Russian army, with the fortress of
Ivangorod for a base. This army was as large as his own, and occupied
an immensely strong position. Bankal, realising the necessity for
maintaining the offensive, attempted to break through the Russian
centre. After a heavy bombardment he threw his men forward in close
formation, hoping by force of numbers to cut a way through. The attempt
was a costly failure. A second and third attempt fared no better. Then,
realising that his position was hopeless in the face of such superior
forces, Bankal retired, and soon was in full retreat towards the south.
In this battle the Russians captured over 5,000 prisoners; whilst the
Austrian losses may be estimated from the fact that over 3,000 of their
dead were buried by the victors.
A secondary cause contributing to General Bankal’s failure was the lack
of German support from Posen. This was the direct result of General
Rennenkampf’s successful offensive in Eastern Prussia. In the previous
chapter it was shown how, after the battle of Gumbinnen and the rapid
advance through Allenstein, the Germans brought up several army corps
to cope with the menace. They drove back Rennenkampf, but only at
the cost of starving their offensive in Poland. They were unable
to reinforce both the defensive line of the Vistula and the armies
attacking Poland, unless they withdrew a portion of their forces from
the western theatre of war. In spite of rumours, it may be stated for
certain that no such withdrawal took place. There was no apparent
diminution of German power in the west, and no reinforcements arrived
in Poland.
The Germans, however, managed to penetrate as far as Lodz. Their
advance was more due to lack of opposition than to their own prowess.
They were in no great numbers, and on meeting with a superior force at
Pobianitz, they at once began to retire without offering any serious
resistance.
Nevertheless, their advance, insignificant as it was, is worthy of
attention as affording a comparison between themselves and their
Austrian allies. The latter in the course of their advance made
half-hearted attempts to win a reputation for savagery, such as the
incident at Kamenetz, but on the whole, their conduct, apart from much
drunkenness and a little looting, was admirable. The Germans, on the
other hand, fully lived up to the reputation which their comrades in
Belgium had won for themselves.
Their chief exploit was the sacking of Kalisch. During the German
occupation of the town in the early stages of the war it was stated
that some of the inhabitants had fired on the soldiers. General
Preusker, the German commander, at once indulged in the most savage
reprisals. Numerous inhabitants were shot. Some hundreds of the leading
citizens, including the priests, were seized as hostages and forced to
lie for hours under a broiling sun. Then suddenly they were marched
out of the town and were told to prepare for execution. When all was
ready, and the wretched prisoners thought that their last moment had
come, the order was countermanded. The town was then bombarded by
the German artillery. The town hall and all the chief buildings were
ruined, hundreds of innocent men, women and children were killed. After
witnessing the destruction of their homes the hostages were sent as
prisoners to Posen.
After this savage display, General Preusker issued a proclamation to
the Poles, stating that the Kaiser, in return for their help, would
effect the regeneration of the Polish nation through the influence of
Western culture. Needless to say, the proclamation met with no response.
The news of this event naturally caused something of a panic in Western
Poland. At Lodz, for instance, the approach of the Germans resulted
in the town being in danger of falling into a state of anarchy.
The administrative authorities and the bankers immediately fled to
Warsaw, leaving the town, which has over 600,000 inhabitants, without
protection and without money. The manufacturers, to their credit,
stayed in the town. The closing of the banks rendered them for the time
being penniless, and there was danger of riots from their employés
who could not be paid. The workpeople, however, kept their heads, and
notes were issued by a committee of leading citizens. Owing to the
impossibility of providing them with food, the prisoners had to be
released. For a time the fate of the town hung in the balance. The most
trivial event might have inflamed the workpeople. But, thanks in no
small measure to the fact that all the taverns had been closed since
the beginning of the mobilisation, calm was gradually restored. It was
almost a relief when the Uhlans at last appeared and the thoughts of
the people were distracted by the new menace.
The fighting around Lodz, although temporarily decisive in that it
resulted in the Germans being driven back over the frontier, was of
only small extent. It was here, however, that the Cossacks gave the
_Nemetz_ a taste of their qualities. Indeed, the exploit of Kusma
Krutchakov and his companions was one of the most courageous feats of
the whole war.
He was out on patrol duty with his comrades, Stchergolkov, Astachov,
Ivankov; and Rvatchov, when they learned that twenty-seven German
horsemen had been seen in their immediate neighbourhood. Rvatchov was
at once despatched to headquarters with the news, while the others,
without a moment’s hesitation, set out to tackle their formidable
antagonists, whom they had seen disappearing behind a hill.
After making a detour to escape observation, the Cossacks divided into
pairs, Krutchakov and Ivankov approaching the Germans from the rear,
the other two from the front. The leader of the patrol attempted to
inveigle the Germans into a bog, but in this he was unsuccessful, and
the whole party charged down upon the Cossacks, who made off on their
swift horses.
As soon, however, as the Germans gave up the chase Krutchakov and his
companion, who had meanwhile been joined by the other two, followed
them and continued the pursuit for four miles. At last, getting the
enemy in full view in the open country, they dismounted and opened
fire. The Germans now saw that they had only four men to deal with, and
charged down upon them at a gallop.
At this the Cossacks mounted and prepared for a hand-to-hand struggle.
As the Germans approached, their officer was shot dead. They then
closed in upon Ivankov, who was nearest to them, and attacked him with
their lances.
Before they could get him down, however, his three companions had
sprung in to his assistance.
Krutchakov swung to one side and engaged three of the Germans, while
his comrades together got into a close scuffle with the rest. While
one German was trying to run Astachov through the body, he himself
was pierced by the lance of Stchergolkov and fell to the ground.
Another German aimed a blow at the head of Stchergolkov, but was just
in time put down by Ivankov. Three Cossacks then broke free from the
mêlée, Ivankov and Astachov on one side, pursued by six Germans, and
Stchergolkov on the left, with three of the enemy on his heels. When
the Germans abandoned the pursuit Ivankov and Astachov dashed in to the
assistance of Krutchakov, who, at first beset by three Germans, now
had a dozen round him.
Against these desperate odds he was defending himself with coolness and
address. A non-commissioned officer aimed a blow at his head, but he
parried it by swinging up his carbine. His fingers were slashed, but
not severed, and, dropping the carbine, he seized the sword and chopped
his assailant down.
When at length help arrived, only five Germans remained alive.
Krutchakov had received sixteen wounds, and his horse eleven.
Stchergolkov was wounded in two places, whilst Ivankov escaped with
only one hurt.
The retreat of General Bankal from Lublin and the driving back of the
Germans from Lodz left General Russki free to move forward in earnest.
The conditions were at once reversed. Hitherto the successful advance
of General Bankal had caused his army to be the most important factor
in the campaign. Now it was only of secondary importance. The centre of
interest had shifted from Poland to Eastern Galicia.
The advance which was now beginning was the most important move in the
war. On its success or failure depended the issue of the whole war. If
the Austrians had been powerful enough to inflict a really decisive
defeat on General Russki, the whole plan of the Allies would have been
thrown to the ground. Russia, instead of advancing, would have been
forced to act on the defensive, at least for a time, and her Allies
in the west would have had to abandon all hope of help until the lost
ground could be retrieved and a fresh advance begun. In view of the
supreme importance of success and of continued success, every care was
taken to render the advancing army as invincible as human endeavour
could make it. It represents the flower of the Russian army, from
general to rank and file the Tzar could put no finer force into the
field. Its failure would appear to be impossible.
The Russians crossed the frontier at several points. It is at once
apparent that they would have the advantage of operating in a friendly
country. The Ruthenians welcomed them as heaven-sent deliverers. Every
man up to the age of fifty had been summoned to the Austrian armies,
but the women, children and old men who were left were wild with
delight. Processions, headed by priests, went forward from the villages
to greet the invaders; food and provisions were gladly given to the
troops.
The first action of any magnitude was the storming of Tarnopol. The
Austrians were in strong force, well entrenched and supported by
artillery. On the morning of August 23rd the Russian attack began.
For some time an artillery duel raged, and then the Russian infantry
began to advance. It was received with a hail of bullets from rifles
and machine guns. For four hours the battle continued, the Russians
gradually pressing forward. Meanwhile their shrapnel was working havoc
in the Austrian trenches. The defence was showing signs of flagging. A
bayonet charge settled the affair. Unable to keep back the Russians,
the Austrians, rather than face the bayonets, abandoned their positions
and fled into the town.
But victory was not yet achieved. With the aid of machine guns mounted
on church towers and prominent buildings, the Austrians kept up a
murderous fire on the Russians. The order was given to storm the
town, street by street. In fighting of this description, in which
the personal element predominates, the Cossacks excel. With ruthless
completeness they scoured the town until there was not an Austrian
defender left. Thousands lay dead in the streets; the rest were in
full flight towards the main Austrian army defending Lemberg. Several
machine guns, some artillery, and numerous prisoners fell into the
hands of the Russians.
This victory forced back the Austrian centre, and gave the Russians
possession of the north-eastern corner of Galicia.
The next move was to force back the Austrian right on to Lemberg, and
so gather the enemy into a suitable position for a decisive attack
and also gain possession of all the means of communication in Eastern
Galicia. This was effected successfully by the engagement at Halish,
a small town on the Dniester, on which the Austrian right rested.
Here the victory was in the main due to the dash and courage of the
Russian cavalry. Early in the engagement the enemy’s cavalry was put
out of action. In the meantime their artillery had been playing with
good effect on the Russian infantry. But a cavalry charge on the flank
silenced the guns and the infantry was able to advance. The Austrians
made a desperate resistance, but were soon forced into flight.
General Russki, now master of all Galicia east of Lemberg, immediately
began his preparations for the attack on what was now the chief
Austrian army, defending that important town.
Before, however, dealing with the operations round Lemberg, it is
necessary to refer to the other Austrian army--that under General
Bankal. After its defeat between Lublin and Kholm, this army retreated
southwards in the direction of Tomasov. Any further advance into Poland
being out of the question, General Bankal’s object was to join forces
with the army defending Lemberg, and so present a greater resistance
to General Russki’s advance. The troops, which had been occupying
the Polish province of Kielce were also hurriedly withdrawn towards
Lemberg. In order to prevent this threatened junction of forces, the
Russians made the most determined efforts to overtake the Austrians.
For some days, however, Bankal, in spite of heavy losses of artillery
and stores, managed to elude his pursuers. It was not until he was
within a few miles of Tomasov that he was forced to give battle. There
he was met by a force sent forward from the right flank of General
Russki’s army. Hastily entrenching himself, he prepared for a desperate
attempt to throw back the Russians and force his way to Lemberg. His
position, however, was hopeless. Faced by a force superior in every
way, and attacked on his left flank by the Russians, who had been
pursuing him, defeat was inevitable. Nevertheless, the Austrians fought
desperately, and inflicted heavy losses on the Russians. But their own
losses were terrible. Entire regiments were annihilated. A shrapnel
shell killed Bankal himself, and several of his staff officers. Within
a few hours the remnants of the army were pouring over the frontier in
full flight for Przemysl.
In this engagement the Russians captured five thousand prisoners and
twenty pieces of artillery.
In the meantime the remaining Austrian forces in Poland were faring
but little better. At Podgorzo, the troops from Kielce who were
endeavouring to join General Bankal’s army, and push forward to
Lemberg, were forced to give battle as a result of a successful
turning movement from the north-east. Here again the fighting was of a
desperate character, but again the issue was inevitable. Three thousand
prisoners and large quantities of artillery and stores fell into the
hands of the Russians.
Thus ended to all practical intents, the preliminary Austrian advance
into Poland. It was not until later, when the German victory at
Osterode enabled large forces to be thrown into Poland, that the enemy
were able to make any definite impression in that quarter.
Meanwhile the movement which it was supposed to prevent was developing
strongly. The battle for the possession of Lemberg had already been
fought and won.
That the Austrians were determined to defend the town at all hazards
may be judged from the fact that they had accumulated there sufficient
stores for a year. The defending army formed a semicircle facing north
and east, with the fortress in the centre. By pushing forward his right
wing towards the west, General Russki formed another outer semicircle.
Then the Russian semicircle began to contract, and with vice-like
pressure forced the Austrian line back and back.
The battle lasted for seven days, and the fighting was of the most
stubborn nature. By means of successive bombardments and infantry
attacks on the defending forces, the Russians gradually forced
themselves forward. But every inch of ground was contested, and the
losses on both sides were enormous. As the days passed, however, the
superiority of the Russian artillery began to assert itself, and the
Austrian fire weakened. At all points the Russians were increasingly
successful. At length on the seventh day the main Austrian force,
comprising five army corps, was driven back with heavy loss on to the
town itself.
This was the beginning of the end. At half-past two in the morning the
actual storming of the town began. The Austrians attempted to reform
their forces, but were thrown into confusion by repeated artillery and
cavalry attacks. The Austrian left was driven in. The whole army was in
danger of being surrounded.
At this stage of the conflict an episode occurred which finally sealed
the fate of the Galician capital. A particularly searching fire was
directed by the Russian batteries at the centre before the town, their
object being to impede the retreat of the Austrians, who had been
beaten on the right flank, and, if possible, to surround the town
completely before its garrisons could be withdrawn.
In the hope of checking the Russian advance till the town had been
evacuated, the Austrians threw out a rearguard screen of Slav troops
with a backing of Magyars, who received orders to shoot the Slavs down
from behind the moment they showed any hesitation. This circumstance
became known to the Russian commander, and at the critical moment a
terrific artillery fire was opened over the heads of the Slavs upon the
retreating Austrian columns. This dropping hail of projectiles set up a
wild panic in the ranks of the enemy. Abandoning guns, ammunition, and
stores, his troops broke into frantic disorder, and fled helter-skelter
along the road to Grodek.
This was shortly after nine o’clock, and proved to be the decisive
stroke of the battle. It appeared that the Austrians then lost all
hopes of holding the town, for the strong forts by which it was
defended rapidly fell one after another.
It was now that the strong Russian forces poured into the town from the
north, and the final battle began in the streets. For some time the
fierce fight was kept up, but the Austrian detachments, recognising the
hopelessness of their position, surrendered one by one.
The Slav inhabitants received the conquerors with demonstrations of
delight and shouts of “Long live the army of the Russian liberators.”
The singing of the Russian National Anthem mingled with the last shots
fired at the routed Austrians in the neighbourhood of the town.
Then the progress of the Russian regiments through the town became like
a triumphal procession. As they passed down the streets cheers were
raised, and flowers were showered upon them from the crowded windows.
At half-past ten the Russian flag fluttered out from the staff on the
roof of the Town Hall.
Russia thus achieved the first great triumph of the war and ensured
the accomplishment of the first step towards Berlin--the smashing of
the military power of Austria. In addition they had won 637 guns, 44
quickfirers, flags, and 64,000 prisoners, in addition to immense stores
of ammunition and provisions.