It was during the summer of 1842 that the treaty negotiated at

Washington, between Mr. Webster and Lord Ashburton, settled various long

standing and somewhat perilous controversies between the United States

and England, for which Mr. Webster had remained in office under

President Tyler. Mr. Buchanan was one of those who opposed the

ratification of this treaty when it came before the Senate, in August,

1842. His speech in the secret session was very elaborate in its

criticisms upon the whole negotiation, but it does not need to be

reproduced now.

The debates on the treaty were not published until the following session

of Congress, which began in December, 1842. In February, 1843, Mr.

Buchanan received the following letter from Mr. Jared Sparks, the

distinguished historian:[72]

[JARED SPARKS TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

CAMBRIDGE, Feb. 11th, 1843.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received the copy of your speech, which you were so kind as to

send me, and for which I beg you will accept my thanks. I have read it

with much interest, for although I am, on the whole, a treaty man, yet

there are two sides, and you have presented one of them in a striking

and forcible light. I am not well satisfied with the way in which the

Caroline affair is allowed to subside. It was a gross outrage, in spite

of all the soft words about it, and it demanded a round apology. I could

wish also that there had been some express declaration of the sense of

the Government against the pretended right of search. It is idle to

dally on such a subject. There is no such right, there never was and

there never ought to be; and I should be glad to have the point settled,

in regard to the United States, by a positive declaration, in a formal

manner, that it can in no case be admitted.

I observe that you deal out heavy blows upon my poor Paris map. I can

assure you that it has not been by my knowledge or good will that it has

fallen into the hands of the Senate. The information came accidentally

into my possession, and, after much reflection, I thought it a duty to

communicate it to the Department of State; but I never anticipated for a

moment that I was thus running the hazard of having my name bandied

about in the Senate; nor did it occur to me that any public use could be

made of it. I do not complain of the result, but I consider it

unfortunate to me personally, and I wish it could have been avoided.

You have made a slight mistake in regard to the character of this map.

You represent it as an old map, with old boundary lines marked upon it.

This is not a true description. It is a map of “North America,” with no

boundary line marked upon it between Canada and the English colonies.

The _red mark_ is drawn by _hand_,—manuscript mark,—not following any

engraved line. It is drawn with remarkable precision and distinctness,

around the _United States_, even running out to sea and following the

windings of the coast from the St. Mary’s to the St. Croix. There are no

other colored lines on the map. It carries with it the evidence of

having been drawn with great care; and from the head of the St. Croix to

the mountains north of the sources of the Penobscot it winds along with

an evident caution to separate the head waters of the streams which flow

into the St. John’s from those which run to the south. I am here only

stating facts, having no theory on the subject, nor, least of all, any

desire to weaken our claim, which, till lately, has seemed to me

unassailable. This map answers fully to that described in Franklin’s

letter; and if he actually drew the line, it does seem to settle the

question, for he could not be mistaken, at that time, as to the meaning

of the commissioners.

The copy of Mitchell’s map, obtained from Baron Steuben’s library, has a

manuscript boundary line drawn in exact accordance with this supposed

line of Franklin. But I do not see any allusion to this map in the

debates. There is a tradition that it once belonged to Mr. Jay, but I

believe no evidence of this fact has been adduced.

But, after all, the thing which has weighed the most heavily on my mind

as adverse to our claim, is the perfect silence of Mr. Jay and Mr. John

Adams on the subject. Both these commissioners lived many years after

the treaty of Ghent. Why should they not have declared, by some formal

and public instrument, the facts of the case, and confirmed our claim,

if they knew it to be just? Such a declaration would have been

conclusive, even with an arbiter; and it would almost seem to have been

a duty to their country to make it, of their own accord, when they saw

such vast interests at stake. But no record of their opinion has ever

been brought to light.

Mr. Woodbury has fallen into the same mistake as yourself, in regard to

my unfortunate Paris map. Will you have the goodness to show him this

letter; and believe me, with sincere respect and regard,

Your friend and most obedient servant,

JARED SPARKS.

On the 7th of April, 1842, Mr. Buchanan addressed the Senate in

opposition to a measure advocated by the Whigs, which proposed to pledge

and appropriate the proceeds of the public lands to the payment of the

interest and principal of the public debt. It must be remembered that

this speech was made under very peculiar circumstances, and it is not

necessary to reproduce it.

In the spring of the year 1844, it seemed that the old story of “bargain

and corruption” in the election of John Quincy Adams in 1825 was about

to be revived. General Jackson had again become excited on this subject

by persons who wished at once to injure Mr. Clay and Mr. Buchanan. The

following letter from Governor Letcher of Kentucky, an ardent admirer of

Mr. Clay, informed Mr. Buchanan of what was impending:

[GOVERNOR LETCHER TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

(Private.) FRANKFORT, June

20, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Mr. Clay is very much provoked with General Jackson and other malicious

persons for attempting to revive against him that old vile, miserable

calumny of “bargain and sale.” It is, I must confess, as you and I both

know, a most villanous outrage, and well calculated to excite the ire of

any man upon earth. I am not at all surprised that he should feel

indignant upon the occasion.

I am told he is resolved upon “carrying the war into Africa.” Indeed I

saw him for a few minutes shortly after he returned from Washington,

when he alluded in some such terms to the subject. He was quite unwell

at the time, and the conversation was very brief. It seems now (I was so

informed an evening or two ago) he threatens to make a publication in

vindication of his own character. What else he may do or say, I do not

know. This much I learn, he will call upon me to give a statement of the

conversation which took place between you and himself in my room in

reference to the contest then pending between Adams and Jackson.

I shall regret exceedingly if any such call is made upon me. Many years

ago, as you remember, a similar call was made, and on my part refused. I

do not at present perceive any good reason why I should change my

opinion. The truth is, if my recollection serves me, after several

interviews with you in regard to the matter, I told you explicitly I did

not feel at liberty to give the conversation alluded to, and would not

do so under any circumstances, without your express permission. Am I not

right in my recollection?

I do not think I shall or can be convinced that my decision as

heretofore made is not perfectly correct.

With great regard,

R. P. LETCHER.

How Mr. Clay proposed “to carry the war into Africa,” is to be explained

by an occurrence which took place in January, 1825, at the lodgings of

Mr. Letcher in Washington, he being then a member of Congress from

Kentucky. The persons present were Mr. Clay, Mr. Letcher, Mr. Buchanan,

and Mr. Sloan of Ohio. The subject of the election of a President by the

House of Representatives was talked of jocosely; but in the course of

the conversation Mr. Buchanan expressed his conviction that General

Jackson would be chosen, adding, that “he would form the most splendid

cabinet the country has ever had.” Mr. Letcher asked: “How could he have

one more distinguished than that of Mr. Jefferson, in which were both

Madison and Gallatin? Where would he be able to find equally eminent

men?” Buchanan replied, looking at Mr. Clay, “I would not go out of this

room for a Secretary of State.” Clay playfully retorted that he “thought

there was not timber there fit for a Cabinet office, unless it were Mr.

Buchanan himself.”[73] This familiar, private conversation, held in the

unrestrained intercourse of a casual meeting, could have been of no use

to Mr. Clay, even if divulged, in “carrying the war into Africa,” unless

he should treat it as an occurrence having some connection with the

conversation between Mr. Buchanan and General Jackson, which is referred

to in a previous chapter. The result would be that Mr. Buchanan would

stand charged by Mr. Clay on the one hand, as an emissary of General

Jackson to open a negotiation for Mr. Clay’s vote in the House, as he

had some years before been charged with being an emissary of Mr. Clay to

approach General Jackson with a proposal to sell his vote for the office

of Secretary of State. The truth manifestly is, that Buchanan would have

been very glad to have had Mr. Clay appointed Secretary of State under

General Jackson, not only because he had great admiration for Mr. Clay’s

splendid abilities, but for public and patriotic reasons; and there were

no such strict party relations at that time as would have rendered a

union between Jackson and Clay in any degree objectionable. But neither

in the conversation between General Jackson and Mr. Buchanan, in

December, 1824, nor in the conversation between Mr. Clay and Mr.

Buchanan, at the lodgings of Mr. Letcher, in January, 1825, could either

Jackson on the one hand, or Clay on the other, have had the slightest

reason for claiming that on the former occasion Buchanan was acting as

an agent of Clay, or that on the latter occasion he was acting as an

agent of Jackson. In that scene of excitement, there were persons in

Washington who stood in much closer relations with Jackson than Buchanan

did at that time, in whose efforts to secure the votes of different

delegations there were conversations which, construed in one way,

approached pretty nearly to a tender of office to Mr. Clay. But they

were the unauthorized, irresponsible and voluntary expressions by

partisans of what they believed might take place, in case Jackson should

become President; and if they were ever understood in any other sense by

those to whom they were addressed, it is apparent that they were

misunderstood.

Governor Letcher, as soon as he learned that Mr. Clay threatened to make

use of the conversation at his lodgings, resolutely refused to be a

party to the disclosure. Mr. Buchanan’s answer to his letter of the 20th

of June, and the further correspondence between them, are all that it is

needful to add:

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GOV. LETCHER.]

(Private.) LANCASTER, June 27, 1844.

MR DEAR SIR:—

I have this moment received your very kind letter, and hasten to give it

an answer. I cannot perceive what good purpose it would subserve Mr.

Clay to publish the private and unreserved conversation to which you

refer. I was then his ardent friend and admirer; and much of this

ancient feeling still survives, notwithstanding our political

differences since. I did him ample justice, but no more than justice,

both in my speech on Chilton’s resolutions and in my letter in answer to

General Jackson.

I have not myself any very distinct recollection of what transpired in

your room nearly twenty years ago, but doubtless I expressed a strong

wish to himself, as I had done a hundred times to others, that he might

vote for General Jackson, and if he desired, become his Secretary of

State. Had he voted for the General, in case of his election I should

most certainly have exercised any influence which I might have possessed

to accomplish this result; and this I should have done from the most

disinterested, friendly and patriotic motives. This conversation of

mine, whatever it may have been, can never be brought home to General

Jackson. I never had but one conversation with him on the subject of the

then pending election, and that upon the street, and the whole of it,

verbatim et literatim, when comparatively fresh upon my memory, was

given to the public in my letter of August, 1827.

The publication then of this private conversation could serve no other

purpose than to embarrass me, and bring me prominently into the pending

contest,—which I desire to avoid.

You are certainly correct in your recollection. You told me explicitly

that you did not feel at liberty to give the conversation alluded to,

and would not do so, under any circumstances, without my express

permission. In this you acted, as you have ever done, like a man of

honor and principle.

With every sentiment of regard, I remain sincerely,

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[GOV. LETCHER TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

(Private.) FRANKFORT, July 7, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your answer to my letters. I am glad your recollection

of what took place between us corresponds so exactly with mine.

I will not in any event violate _my promise_, and _shall_, indeed _did_,

say as much to my distinguished friend. My resolution upon this point is

firm and decided; and I do not think it can be changed.

_Polk!_ Great God, what a nomination! I do really think the Democratic

Convention ought to be damned to all eternity for this villanous

business. Has Polk any chance to carry Pennsylvania?

I write you very hastily to get my letter in to-day’s mail. More

hereafter.

Your sincere friend,

R. P. LETCHER.

[GOV. LETCHER TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

(Private.) FRANKFORT, July 19th, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have not seen Mr. Clay since I wrote you, nor have I heard a single

word more about that threatened publication. I hope he has thought

better of it. I told him when I did see him, not to expect from me any

statement of what took place in my room between you and him, and that I

had made up my mind upon that subject years ago, and did not now see any

good reason for changing it.

I hardly think he will make a publication without submitting it to me;

indeed, I believe he said so expressly. As I can perceive no earthly

good growing out of such a movement, of course I shall continue to

oppose it in every possible manner. He has a great many facts now in his

possession, and some much stronger than I had supposed to exist, and, no

doubt, could put forth a powerful document, but he shall not do it with

my consent.

I had a short _chat_ with Colonel Benton a few days ago. If you

remember, he was always a good friend of mine, and having the fullest

confidence in my discretion, he talked very freely. It was “Multum in

parvo” literally. Well, the truth is, your party, speaking classically,

have come to a poor pass. _Polk_ for your leader! and then to think of

such villanous intrigues to get him on the track, and such old warriors

as _Van Buren_, _Buchanan_, both the very fellows who were so rascally

cheated, being compelled to support the “cretur.” Why, I had rather die.

The fact is, both Benton and yourself are hunted down daily by your own

dogs. No two men are more constantly the subjects of vituperation by

your own party, and I would see them at the devil before I would act a

part in such a miserable play as they are now getting up. Besides, you

owe it to your own true principles, to your State, to your country, to

your own character, not to engage in the dirty job of trying to elect

such an —— as Polk to the greatest office in the world.

Our Whig candidate for Governor is a death slow nag, as they tell me;

still he is a very worthy gentleman, and, I presume, will be elected

very easily, though he is twelve or fifteen thousand votes weaker than

Clay. I go to no public gatherings, but shall soon be let loose, thank

God.

R. P. LETCHER.

[BUCHANAN TO LETCHER.]

LANCASTER, July 27th, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your kind favors of the 7th and 19th instant, and am

rejoiced to learn that your distinguished friend has probably thought

better of the publication. You have ever been a sagacious man, and

doubtless think that James K. Polk is not quite as strong an antagonist

as Andrew Jackson, and therefore that it would not be very wise to drop

the former and make up an issue with the latter. If this had been done,

it would not be difficult to predict the result, at least in

Pennsylvania.

The whole affair has worried me much from first to last; and yet I have

been as innocent as a sucking dove of any improper intention. First to

have been called on by Jackson as his witness against Clay, and then to

be vouched as Clay’s witness against Jackson, when, before Heaven, I can

say nothing against either, is a little too much to bear patiently. I

have got myself into this scrape, from the desire which I often

expressed and never concealed, that Jackson, first of all things, might

be elected President by the House, and that Clay might next be his

Secretary of State.

It was a most unfortunate day for the country, Mr. Clay, and all of us,

when he accepted the office of Secretary of State (under J. Q. Adams).

To be sure, there was nothing criminal in it, but it was worse, as

Talleyrand would have said, it was a great blunder. Had it not been for

this, he would, in all probability, now have been in retirement, after

having been President for eight years; and friends like you and myself,

who ought to have stood together through life, would not have been

separated. But, as the hymn says, I trust “there’s better days a

coming.”

You ask:—Has Polk any chance to carry Pennsylvania? and I answer, I

think he has. Pennsylvania is a Democratic State by a majority of at

least 20,000; and there is no population more steady on the face of the

earth. Under all the excitement of 1840, and Mr. Van Buren’s want of

popularity, we were beaten but 343; and ever since we have carried our

State elections by large majorities. Besides, Muhlenburg, our candidate

for Governor, is a fast horse, and will certainly be elected; and the

Governor’s election will exercise much influence on the Presidential.

But your people, notwithstanding, are in high hopes; and, after my

mistake in 1840, I shall not prophesy positively.

I was ignorant of the fact that any portion of the Democratic party were

playing the part of Acteon’s dogs towards me. I stood in no man’s way.

After my withdrawal, I never thought of the Presidency, and the few

scattering votes which I received at Baltimore were given to me against

my express instructions, at least so far as the Pennsylvania delegation

were concerned. The very last thing I desired was to be the candidate.

If they desire to hunt me down for anything, it must be because I have

refused to join in the hue and cry against Colonel Benton, who has been

for many years the sword and shield of Democracy. Although I differed

from him on the Texas question, I believe him to be a much better man

than most of his assailants. I sincerely hope that they may not be able

to defeat his re-election to the Senate. I have delayed the publication

of my Texas speech to prevent its use against him in the approaching

Missouri elections.

It is neither according to my taste, nor sense of propriety as a Senator

of the United States, to take the stump, and I have yet resisted all

importunities for that purpose. Whether I shall be able to hold out to

the end, I do not know. It is sincerely my desire, and I owe Muhlenburg

much kindness, and if he should request it, I could not well refuse.

Should I enter the lists, I shall never say, as I never have said,

anything which could give the most fastidious friend of Mr. Clay just

cause of offence. I shall go to the Bedford Springs on Monday, where I

expect to remain for a fortnight.

As I grow older, I look back with a mournful pleasure to the days of

“auld lang syne.” There was far more heart and soul and fun in our

social intercourse than exists “in these degenerate days.” But, perhaps,

to think so is an evidence of approaching old age. Poor Governor Kent! I

was forcibly reminded of him a few days ago, when, at the funeral of a

friend, I examined his son’s gravestone, who was a student of mine. To

keep it in repair has been for me a matter of pious duty. I loved his

father to the last......

I wish I could have you with me for a few days. I have better wine than

any man between this and Frankfort, and no man in the world would hail

you with a heartier welcome. When shall we meet again?

Ever your sincere friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[LETCHER TO BUCHANAN.]

FRANKFORT, August 3d, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Your very interesting favor of the 27th ultimo has reached me and I have

just read it with a great deal of pleasure.

I have not seen Mr. Clay since I wrote you, nor have I heard one single

word further in regard to the threatened publication. When I saw him, as

I believe I told you, he had the full benefit of my opinion upon the

subject, expressed in terms by no means equivocal.

You know my warm, and strong, and long attachment to the man. A better

and a greater man, take him altogether, in my view, has never lived in

any age or country. He is a little excitable, and under that state of

feeling seems _to raise the imperial colors_, but it’s mere manner,

growing out of his peculiar organization. He is not a malice bearing

man, and never was. He never disliked you in his life, though I think

you had always perhaps an impression to the contrary. But with all my

regard for the man personally, and unbounded confidence in his political

worth, I cannot be prevailed upon to advise him to make a publication,

however strongly his feelings may be interested in the matter, of the

character of the one alluded to, nor am I at all willing to be referred

to as a witness to anything that occurred under the sanctity of my

hospitality. Unless my mind undergoes a most radical change, I never

will _consent_. And although I flatter myself I am an exceedingly

amiable man, yet I am as firm, and as decided, and as unyielding in

matters of judgment as any man living.

Our election comes off Monday next. The Whig candidate for governor is

not considered by any means a popular man. He will not carry the entire

Whig vote, according to the estimate of the knowing ones, by 10,000

votes. On the other side they are running a very popular man, and a “war

horse at that.” The party lines will be better drawn between the

candidates for lieutenant-governor, as I am told. My position places it

very much out of my power to see exactly the progress of the campaign.

One word as to yourself. Were I in your place, I would not take the

_stump_, _mark that_. “I know a thing or two,” and if I know anything,

it is judging accurately “men and things.” My opinion upon this point is

correct. Polk has no more chance to be elected than if he were now

_dead_, and _buried_, and _damned_, as he will be in due time. The idea

of his being a tariff man is very provoking.

I would pay Muhlenberg at a more convenient season. He is at best, a

tricky old fellow; I know him “like a book.” We shall probably meet

during the next spring, if we live. I may possibly make a visit to

Washington after Clay gets under way. As this is rather an interesting

topic (and as you pay no postage), I will explain myself to you more

fully.

Mr. Clay’s attachment to me, I have no doubt about. I am fully aware

that he has the most entire confidence in my integrity and (to the full

extent of my merits) every reasonable confidence in my judgment. When he

comes into power, he will be surrounded by a set of flatterers, artful,

designing, and cunning. Of course a man in that condition, will at once,

or in due time, form a new set of feelings and a new set of friends. It

is the true course of human nature, and all history proves it. He may

offer me something, but that may not be at all agreeable to my feelings.

On this subject I have never had the first word with him or anybody

else, and I don’t intend to have. My impression has been all along, he

would take Crittenden into the cabinet, should he be inclined to take a

place. Oh no, when my friends are in trouble, I am a first rate doctor,

but when restored, I doubt whether there will be use for me. The

impression prevails in this country, that I can get any place that I

select. Not so. I tell you this confidentially, that in case we live, we

may see how accurately we understand the business. But in fact there is

no place I have set my heart upon in the slightest degree, and I do

assure you now that I am not expecting, and hope that I shall never

apply for any directly or indirectly. Upon a moment’s reflection I doubt

whether I shall go East in the spring, lest it might be supposed I was

seeking place. My time is almost out as governor, and how to dispose of

myself, I confess I know not, but I would rather fly to a _saltpetre

cave_, and work for a living, than to solicit office from friends to

whom I have adhered for upwards of a quarter of a century. True, my

services were rendered without the hopes of personal reward. They were

given purely for what I deemed the good of the country. This is a

strange world, I can tell you. I often hear of its being said, if

Letcher was out of the way, Mr. Adams, Mr. Buchanan, and Mr. Clay could

be provided for, but Letcher will have a controlling influence, etc.,

etc. What miserable stuff. The truth is I shall not try to have a

controlling influence, and do not wish it, and will not have it if I

could get it. But I could not have it if I wanted it. Now give me just

as long a love-letter as this. Don’t drink up all that good wine, but

wait till I come.

Ever yours,

R. P. LETCHER.

The whole substance of what Mr. Clay meant about “carrying the war into

Africa” was probably this: that the familiar conversation at Mr.

Letcher’s room in January, 1825, was as good evidence of Jackson’s

effort to corrupt _him_ as the conversation between Jackson and Buchanan

in the previous December was, of a purpose on his (Clay’s) part, to

induce Jackson to buy his vote in the House of Representatives by

promising to make him (Clay) Secretary of State.[74]

-----

Footnote 64:

April 4th, 1841.

Footnote 65:

The members of the Harrison cabinet were Daniel Webster, Secretary of

State; Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Treasury; John Bell, Secretary

of War; George E. Badger, Secretary of the Navy; John J. Crittenden,

Attorney General; Francis Granger, Postmaster General.

Footnote 66:

For the reasons which led Mr. Webster to remain in office, see his

Life, by the present writer, vol. II., pp. 69 _et seq._ See farther,

note on page 625 _post_.

Footnote 67:

Speech delivered in the Senate July 7th, 1841. Compare President

Tyler’s veto message.

Footnote 68:

See the speech of Sept. 2, 1841.

Footnote 69:

Speech of December 29, 1841.

Footnote 70:

Compare what Mr. Webster has said on the veto power.

Footnote 71:

Mr. Buchanan cannot discover, after careful examination, that any

Catholic Emancipation bill was vetoed by George the Third in 1806,

according to the statement of Mr. Grant. That gentleman, most

probably, intended to refer to the bill for this purpose which was

introduced by the Grenville ministry, in March, 1807, under the

impression that they had obtained for it the approbation of His

Majesty. Upon its second reading, notice was given of his displeasure.

The ministry then agreed to drop the bill altogether; but,

notwithstanding this concession, they were changed, because they would

not give a written pledge to the king, that they should propose no

farther concessions to the Catholics thereafter. This was an exertion

of the royal prerogative beyond the veto power. (Note by Mr.

Buchanan.)

Footnote 72:

The history of this treaty and of the controversy relating to the maps

is given in the author’s _Life of Mr. Webster_, vol. II, chap. 28.

Footnote 73:

This account of the conversation is taken from a memorandum in the

handwriting of Mr. Sloan.

Footnote 74:

General Samuel Houston, an intimate friend of General Jackson, held

conversations in the winter of 1824–5 with the members of the Ohio

delegation, in which he took it upon him, in his efforts to persuade

them to vote for Jackson, to say, that in the event of his election,

“your man” (Clay) “can have anything he pleases.” All this, and a

great deal more of the same kind, meant only an expectation and belief

on the part of some of Jackson’s friends, that a political union

between him and Mr. Clay would be for the good of the country, and it

was their earnest wish to see it take place. Some of the friends of

Mr. Clay supposed that these were advances made to him with General

Jackson’s knowledge and consent, and that, as they were not met by

Clay, the indifference with which they were treated caused General

Jackson’s subsequent charge of “bargain and corruption” between Mr.

Clay and Mr. Adams. This and many similar mistakes were the natural

fruits of the excitement which prevailed in Washington during the

winter of 1824–5.

-----

CHAPTER XVII.

1843–1844.

BUCHANAN ELECTED TO THE SENATE FOR A THIRD TERM—EFFORTS OF

HIS PENNSYLVANIA FRIENDS TO HAVE HIM NOMINATED FOR THE

PRESIDENCY—MOTIVES OF HIS WITHDRAWAL FROM THE CANVASS—THE BALTIMORE

DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1844 NOMINATES MR. POLK—THE OLD STORY OF

“BARGAIN AND CORRUPTION”—PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.

It was a natural consequence of so much distinction in public life, not

only that Mr. Buchanan should be a third time elected to the Senate, but

that his political and personal friends in Pennsylvania should be

anxious to have him made the Democratic candidate for the Presidency by

the next national convention of that party. In that organization there

was no man whose party and public services and personal qualifications

could give him greater claims than Buchanan’s to the consideration of

his political associates. It does not appear to me, judging from his

private correspondence at this period, which lies before me in great

masses, and which I have carefully examined, that he was specially

anxious at this period of his life to become President of the United

States. His ambition, if it led him to aim at that position, was

regulated by great prudence, and it is quite apparent that he was just

and considerate towards others whose names were in men’s mouths or

thoughts as well as his own. There can be no doubt of the entire

sincerity with which he addressed the following letter to the Democratic

members of the legislature, who, in communicating to him his re-election

to the Senate, also expressed their desire to present his name to the

nominating convention of their party as the favorite candidate of

Pennsylvania for the Presidency.

[TO B. CRISPEN, AND H. B. WRIGHT, ESQUIRES, AND OTHER MEMBERS OF

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA.]

WASHINGTON, February 2d, 1843.

GENTLEMEN:—

Your letter of congratulation on my recent re-election to the Senate of

the United States has inspired me with feelings of profound gratitude.

To have been thrice elected to this eminent station by the Democratic

senators and representatives of my native State is an honor which ought

to satisfy the ambition of any man: and its value is greatly enhanced by

your assurance that in selecting me for another term, you but acted in

accordance with the united voice of the Democratic party of

Pennsylvania. So highly do I prize their good opinion that I can declare

with heart-felt sincerity I would not forfeit this for all the political

honors which my country could bestow. Their unsolicited and continued

support have conferred upon me whatever of distinction in public life I

may enjoy; and if it were possible for me now to desert their

principles, I should feel that I deserved a traitor’s doom. Instead of

being elated, I am humbled by the consciousness of how little I have

ever done to merit all their unexampled kindness.

Of all the political parties which have ever existed, the Democratic

party are the most indulgent and confiding masters. All they demand of

any public servant is honestly and faithfully to represent their

principles in the station where they have placed him; and this I feel

proudly conscious that I have done in the Senate of the United States,

according to my best ability. I can, therefore, offer you no pledge for

my future conduct except the guarantee of the past.

You have been further pleased to say that as Pennsylvanians you desire

to see me “elevated to the highest office in the gift of the people,”

and you tender me “to the Union as Pennsylvania’s favorite candidate for

the next Presidency.” I can solemnly declare that I was wholly

unprepared for such an enunciation from the Democratic members of the

legislature, having never received the slightest intimation of their

intention until after their letter had been actually signed.

Both principle and a becoming sense of the merit of others have hitherto

prevented me from taking any, even the least part in promoting my own

elevation to the Presidency. I have no ambitious longings to gratify,

conscious as I am that I have already received more of the offices and

honors of my country than I have ever deserved. If I know my own heart,

I should most freely resign any pretensions which the partiality of

friends has set up for me, if by this I could purchase harmony and

unanimity in the selection of a Democratic candidate. Besides, however

proper it may be that candidates for inferior offices should make

personal efforts to secure success, I am deeply convinced that the

highest office under heaven ought to be the voluntary gift of the only

free people upon earth. It ought to be their own spontaneous gift to the

most worthy; and this alone can render it the crowning glory of a well

spent public life. This alone can prevent the danger to our institutions

which must result from the violent struggles of personal and interested

partisans. The principles of the man, whom the people may thus delight

to honor, ought to have borne the test of long and severe service, and

ought to stand out in such bold relief before his country as to place

all doubt in regard to them at defiance. In my opinion, the candidate

who would either intrigue or personally electioneer for the Presidency

raises a strong presumption that he is unworthy of it. Whether it be

probable that a man resolved, under the blessing of Providence, to act

upon these principles, will ever reach the Presidency, you can judge

better than myself. I ought however in justice to myself to observe,

that whilst this is my fixed purpose, I do not feel the less grateful to

those kind and partial friends who have deemed me worthy of the highest

office, because I have never attempted to enlist them in my support.

With these views plainly presented before the Democracy of Pennsylvania,

if they should resolve to offer my name to the National Convention as a

candidate for the Presidency with that degree of unanimity which can

alone give moral force to their recommendation, I feel that I ought not

to counteract their wishes. Should they determine differently, this will

not be to me a cause of the slightest mortification.

One remark I am impelled to make before closing this letter. The

principles and the success of the party so immeasurably transcend in

importance the elevation of any individual that they ought not to be

jeopardized in the slightest degree by personal partiality for either of

the candidates. Every candidate who has been named, and hundreds of

individuals whose names have never been mentioned, would ably and

faithfully administer the Government according to these principles. No

good Democrat, therefore, ought to suffer his feelings to become so

enlisted in favor of any one candidate, that he could not yield his

cheerful and cordial support to any other who may be nominated by the

National Convention.

With sentiments of grateful regard, I remain yours sincerely,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

It soon became apparent to Mr. Buchanan that if he permitted his

Pennsylvania friends to make him a candidate for the nomination, he

would encounter the pretensions of Mr. Van Buren, of Colonel Benton, and

of other prominent men in the party. By the species of management common

on such occasions, many of the delegates to the national Democratic

convention, which was to assemble at Baltimore, on the 27th of May

(1844), were instructed or pledged to support Mr. Van Buren. Mr.

Buchanan promptly withdrew his name from the canvass, in a public

letter. His private feelings on the whole matter of this nomination were

expressed freely in the following letter to one of his lady friends, who

had just gone to Europe:

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. ROOSEVELT.[75]]

WASHINGTON, May 13th, 1844.

MY DEAR MADAM:—

I shall make Colonel King the bearer of this despatch. He and Doctor

Martin will be able to give you all the news from your native land. I

fear that his appointment to the French mission may induce you to remain

longer abroad than you would otherwise have done, or than your friends

would willingly tolerate. Whilst I was delighted to learn the attentions

which you had received, and which you can everywhere attract, I was

sorry to entertain the apprehension that your affections might be

alienated from your own country and fixed upon the aristocratic society

of Europe. Do not suffer such a feeling to gain possession of your

heart. It will banish content from your bosom and render you unhappy in

the land where Providence has cast your lot.

I can give you but little news of the gay world of Washington. I have

been incessantly occupied during the session, and have gone very little

into society. How changed for me the gay world has been since you left

us; and I might add that Mr. Ingersoll is nearly as great an admirer as

myself. I have not seen your neighbor, the divine Julia, for many weeks,

nor attended any of her soirées except one. With all her follies and

foibles, she is a lady, and this implies much. When we meet she always

talks about you, and no subject could be more agreeable to me.

As you doubtless receive all the gossip of this city from your lady

correspondents, and as Colonel King and Doctor Martin will be able to

supply any deficiencies, I shall communicate the political intelligence.

The Whigs have held their national convention at Baltimore, and consider

Mr. Clay as good as elected. They are high in hope and burning with

enthusiasm. Nevertheless, they may yet have cause to realize the truth

of the saying in Scripture, “Let not him that putteth on his armor boast

as he who taketh it off.” It cannot be denied, however, that the

Democratic party are at present in a sad condition. Our national

convention will meet at Baltimore on this day two weeks, and a large

majority of the delegates have been instructed or pledged to vote for

Mr. Van Buren; whilst many and perhaps most of the delegates believe

that if nominated he will be defeated. His letter against the immediate

annexation of Texas to the Union has mainly produced this effect, though

he was not popular before. Had he seized the occasion which was

presented to him, and followed in the footsteps of his illustrious

predecessor, by coming out boldly for Texas, he might, and most probably

would, have been elected President; but his chances of ever again

reaching this elevated station are now gone forever. I know you will not

break your heart on that account, and, personally, I should not; but,

politically, I prefer him to Mr. Clay, as much as I prefer political

good to political evil, though I like the Kentuckian.

If Mr. Van Buren should withdraw, and the Democratic party could unite

on any man, (and I think they could) we might yet elect our candidate. I

fear, however, that he will not pursue this course; and should another

be nominated in opposition to him, this will only make confusion worse

confounded, for such a nomination would involve the violation of

instructions,—a doctrine always odious to the Democracy. It is true that

the new question of Texas has arisen since the instructions were voted,

and this would be the pretext or the apology for his abandonment; but

many would not consider this a sufficient cause. Colonel Benton, Mr.

Wright, Mr. Allen, Mr. Tappan, Mr. Atherton, and probably Mr. Fairfield,

agree with Mr. Van Buren on the Texas question. The remainder of the

Democratic Senators will go with “Old Hickory” for immediate annexation.

You regret my withdrawal, and to me it is a source of sincere pleasure

to believe that you feel an interest in my fate; but I confess I am yet

fully convinced that I pursued the wise and proper course. I withdrew

because a large majority of the delegates had been instructed to support

Mr. Van Buren, and I wished to banish discord and promote harmony in our

ranks. Should he now withdraw, I might, with honor, resume my old

position; but, should he persist, if nominated, I should be defeated. A

very strong party in the South would now favor my nomination, because

the Texas question has absorbed the anti-tariff feeling there, and in

all other respects I should be acceptable to that portion of the Union;

but, I confess that if I should ever run for the Presidency, I would

like to have an open field and a fair start. The battle has already been

more than half fought between Clay and Van Buren; and it would be

difficult for any new man to recall the forces which have already gone

over to the enemy. I thus manifest the unbounded confidence which I have

in your discretion and friendship, by writing to you opinions which I

have never mentioned freely in conversation to any other person. Should

little Van be again nominated, he shall receive my active support.

I envy Colonel King the pleasure of meeting you, and would give anything

in reason to be of the party for a single week. I am now “solitary and

alone,” having no companion in the house with me. I have gone a wooing

to several gentlemen, but have not succeeded with any one of them. I

feel that it is not good for man to be alone; and should not be

astonished to find myself married to some old maid who can nurse me when

I am sick, provide good dinners for me when I am well, and not expect

from me any very ardent or romantic affection.

Colonel King takes out with him Mrs. Ellis, his niece. I was acquainted

with her some years ago, and liked her very much. I hope you will be of

the same opinion.

Please to remember me in the kindest terms to Mr. Roosevelt and to

Jemmy, who will remember me as long as he shall remember hickory oil.

Believe me that wherever you roam my kindest regards will follow you,

and no friend on earth will greet your arrival in your native land with

more joy than myself.

Ever your friend, most sincerely and respectfully,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

On the eve of the assembling of the Baltimore Convention, Mr. Buchanan

addressed the following letter to two of the Pennsylvania delegates:

[TO MESSRS. FOSTER AND BREWSTER.]

WASHINGTON, May 25th, 1844.

GENTLEMEN:—

I feel no hesitation in giving your questions a frank and explicit

answer.

And first. Against Mr. Van Buren, I cannot be a candidate before the

National Convention. After a large majority of the delegates to that

convention had either been instructed or pledged to support him, I

voluntarily withdrew my name as a candidate for the purpose of

concentrating the strength, and thus securing the triumph of the party.

In consequence of this act of mine, the delegates from my own State have

been instructed to support him, and I am thus placed in such a position

that I feel myself bound both in honor and principle not to become his

competitor.

Second. Should Mr. Van Buren, after a fair trial, either be withdrawn by

his friends, or should they be satisfied that he cannot obtain the

nomination, and the delegates from Pennsylvania be thus left at liberty

to make a second choice, in that event I should feel myself restored to

my original position, and they would then have my consent to present my

name, if they thought proper, as a candidate to the convention.

From your friend, very respectfully,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

The Baltimore Convention nominated James K. Polk of Tennessee as the

Democratic candidate for the Presidency. The Whig candidate was Mr.

Clay. At the election, which took place in the autumn of 1844, Mr. Polk

received 170 electoral votes, while Mr. Clay obtained but 105. No one of

the leading Democratic statesmen in the country was more conspicuous, or

exerted greater influence in bringing about this result, than Mr.

Buchanan.

The following selections from his private correspondence at this

exciting period, before and during the election of Mr. Polk, are all

that can find space in this chapter:

[TO THE REV. EDWARD Y. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, February 29, 1844.

DEAR EDWARD:—

I have received your very acceptable letter, and rejoice to learn that

you and the family have enjoyed uninterrupted health since we parted. I

now begin to entertain strong hopes that Charlotte may outgrow her

disease.

This city is now covered with mourning. Ere this can reach you, you will

doubtless have heard of the dreadful accident which occurred on board

the Princeton yesterday. Among the killed was Governor Gilmer, the

recently appointed Secretary of the Navy. He and I were bound together

by strong ties of friendship. He was an able, honest, clear-headed,

shrewd and patriotic man, who, had he lived, would, at no distant day,

have become still more distinguished. He accepted the office in which he

died from the purest and most disinterested motives, and the country has

lost much by his death. His wife was on board the Princeton, and—how

mysterious are the ways of Providence!—urged her husband to have the

fatal cannon fired once more. She is almost frantic. She is an excellent

woman, and is now left with nine children, and in no affluent

circumstances. Colonel Benton was at the breech of the gun and looking

along the barrel, so that he might observe the course of the shot when

the explosion took place, and received no bodily injury, except from the

concussion.

I was not on board myself, and am disposed to consider it almost

providential. I received no invitation, although I have been on terms of

intimate friendship with Capt. Stockton and all his family for more than

a quarter of a century. If invited, the invitation never reached me: if

not, it is perhaps still more remarkable. Had I been on board, the

probability is I should have been with those who were around the gun at

the time of the explosion.

Although with a straitened income, yet you must be a happy man, if you

sincerely believe the doctrines which you preach and honestly practise

them: and I have no reason to doubt either. If the fleeting life of man

be but a state of trial for another world, he surely acts most wisely

who spends his time in securing the things which pertain to his

everlasting peace. I am a believer; but not with that degree of firmness

of faith calculated to exercise a controlling influence over my conduct.

I ought constantly to pray “help thou my unbelief.” I think often and I

think seriously of my latter end; but when I pray (and I have preserved,

and with the blessing of God shall preserve, this good habit from my

parents), I can rarely keep my mind from wandering. I trust that the

Almighty Father, through the merits and atonement of his Son, will yet

vouchsafe to me a clearer and stronger faith than I possess. In the mean

time, I shall endeavor to do my duty in all the relations of life. This

was to have been a week of great gayety here. There was to have been a

party and ball at the President’s on Friday evening, a grand dinner at

Mr. Blair’s on Saturday, a grand diplomatic dinner at the French

minister’s on Sunday, another at Mr. Upshur’s on Tuesday, and a grand

ball by Mr. Wilkins on Thursday. I was invited to them all; but promptly

declined the invitation for Sunday, having too much regard for the

Sabbath to partake of such a festivity on that day. Still I did not

assign this as my reason, because my life would not justify me in taking

such ground. God willing, I expect to visit Lancaster about the 1st of

April, and pass a few days there. I then hope to enjoy the pleasure of

seeing you all in good health. Give my love to Ann Eliza and the family;

and remember me kindly to Dr. Sample, Joel Leighton, W. Conyngham and

Mr. Mussleman, and believe me ever to be your affectionate brother,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[FROM THE HON. SILAS WRIGHT.]

CANTON, September 23, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

...... I see you are in the field, and take it for granted that you can

have no more peace nor rest until after your State election, if until

after the Presidential election. You will have noticed that I have been

forcibly taken from the stump for promotion. Never has any incident in

the course of my public life been so much against my interests, and

feelings, and judgment as this proposed change, but it is too late now

to complain of it; the people may release me from any other evil to

result than a defeat at the election, which personally would cause the

least apprehension or anxiety, but politically is most dreaded. I do not

think, however, we shall be beaten in this State though I very

confidently apprehend that success will most effectually beat me.

It is not my purpose, however, to trouble you with my griefs, but to

tell you that all the information I receive, and my correspondents are

very numerous, induces the very confident belief that we shall give Polk

and Dallas the thirty-six electoral votes of this State. Never have I

witnessed an equal degree of enthusiasm among our Democracy, not even in

the days of General Jackson, nor have I, at any time, known greater

harmony, activity or confidence.

I rejoice to say that your State seems to be surrendered by the Whigs

themselves, and to be considered perfectly safe by our friends in all

quarters of the Union.

Mrs. Wright joins me in kindest regards and bids me tell you she

sincerely hopes the Whig governor of this State will be elected.

In much haste, I am respectfully and truly yours,

SILAS WRIGHT.

[FROM THE HON. JAMES K. POLK.]

(Private.) COLUMBIA, TENN., August 3, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I thank you for the information which you give me in your esteemed favor

of the 23d ultimo. The account which you give of the political prospect

in Pennsylvania, accords with all the information which I have received

from other sources. The great “Key Stone State” will, I have no doubt,

continue to be, as she has ever been, Democratic to the core. I was glad

to hear your opinion of the probable result in New York as well as in

Pennsylvania, because I have great confidence in your sober judgment,

and know the caution with which you would express an opinion. I received

a letter from Governor Lumpkin, of Georgia, yesterday, giving me strong

assurances that that State is safe. We may not carry a majority of the

members of Congress at the election which takes place next week, because

of the peculiar arrangements of the districts, which were laid off by a

Whig legislature, but that we will have a decided majority of the

popular vote he has no doubt. In this State our whole Democracy were

never more confident of success. It is true we have a most exciting and

violent contest, but I think there is no reason to doubt that the State

will be Democratic in November. A few weeks, however, will put an end to

all speculation in the State, and in the Union.

The State elections in Pennsylvania and New Jersey will be over before

this letter can reach you. Will you do me the favor to give me your

opinion whether the vote in these elections may be regarded as a fair

and full test of the strength of parties in November?

Thanking you for your very acceptable letter, I am, very sincerely,

Your friend,

JAMES K. POLK.

[TO THE HON. JAMES K. POLK.]

LANCASTER, September 23, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have delayed to write to you on purpose until I could express a

decided opinion in regard to the vote of Pennsylvania. I was so much

deceived in the result of our State election in 1840, that this has made

me cautious. We have had much to contend against, especially the strong

general feeling in favor of the tariff of 1842, but notwithstanding all,

I am now firmly convinced that you will carry the Keystone by a fair

majority. Your discreet and well advised letter to Mr. Kane on the

subject of the tariff has been used by us with great effect.

There may, I fear, be some falling off in the city and county of

Philadelphia, both on account of the Native American feelings and for

some other causes. We have been much at a loss for an able and

influential Democratic paper there, devoted to the cause rather than to

men. The _Pennsylvania_ is owned by a clique of the exclusive friends

and officeholders of Mr. Van Buren, most of whom are obnoxious to the

mass of the Democrats. It now does pretty well; but it harped too long

on the two-thirds rule.

I have had several times to assure influential individuals in that city,

without pretensions, however, to know your sentiments, that as you were

a new man yourself, and would be anxious to illustrate your

administration by popular favor as well as sound principle, you would

not select old party hacks for office, merely because they had already

held office under Mr. Van Buren. By the by, this gentleman’s conduct

since your nomination deserves all commendation.

In my late political tour through the northern counties of Pennsylvania,

I met many New Yorkers at Towanda. Among the rest were some of the

members of the late Syracuse convention. They assured me, that after

canvassing the information brought by the delegates from all parts of

the State, they had arrived at the confident conclusion it would vote

for Polk and Dallas. I have this moment received a letter from the Hon.

Mr. Hubbard of Bath, in that State, a member of the present Congress,

which assures me that we shall carry it by a majority of from 15,000 to

20,000, and so mote it be!

Please to remember me in the very kindest and most respectful terms to

Mrs. Polk. Tell her that although I have nothing to ask from the

President, I shall expect much from the President’s lady. During her

administration, I intend to make one more attempt to change my wretched

condition, and should I fail under her auspices, I shall then surrender

in despair.

With sentiments of the highest regard, I remain your friend sincerely,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO THE HON. JNO. B. STERIGERE.]

LANCASTER, July 17, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

It was both pleasant and refreshing to receive a letter under your well

known hand. It is so long since I have enjoyed such a treat, that I

consider it a “bonne bouche.” I hope it may never again be such a

rarity.

Nearly half my time is now occupied in writing answers to mass, county,

township and association meetings; and many of them are not satisfied

with a single answer. I scarcely know what to do. If I once begin, to

which I am very reluctant, I must continue. A public man cannot make

selections. Besides, I have not been well since the adjournment of

Congress, and must go to Bedford or have a bilious fever. I have never

been in the Northern counties of the State; and if I make a start at

all, I shall visit there in September. Should I commence earlier, I

would be broken down long before the election. I would thank you,

therefore, not to have me invited to address your meeting. Indeed, it is

very uncertain whether I can attend.

When you and I served with Mr. Polk in Congress, neither of us probably

supposed that he would ever be President. He has since greatly improved.

The last time he was in Washington he dined and passed the afternoon

with me; and the change forcibly impressed itself on me. Under all the

circumstances, I believe no better selection could have been made. I

think there is but little doubt that he will carry Pennsylvania and be

elected, even without New York or Ohio, unless we have been greatly

deceived by our Democratic friends in the strength of the Texas question

in the South. The returns from Louisiana do not please me.

I am much urged to attend the Nashville meeting on the 15th August; but

the thing is impossible. I fear that the “hot bloods” of the South may

say or do something there to injure us in the North. They are becoming

rabid again on the subject of the tariff. I have written to Donelson

this day, strongly urging caution and discretion in their proceedings.

Please to remember me very kindly to my friend Slemmer, and believe me

ever to be, sincerely and respectfully,

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO THE HON. JAMES K. POLK.]

LANCASTER, November 4, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I think I may now congratulate both yourself and the country on your

election to the highest and most responsible office in the world. After

our glorious victory on Friday last, I can entertain no doubt of the

final result. I feel confident that New York will follow in our

footsteps, notwithstanding their majority may be greatly reduced, as

ours has been, by an unholy union of the Native Americans with the

Whigs.

Never have there been such exertions made by any party in any State as

the Whigs have made since our Governor’s election to carry the Keystone.

They have poured out their money like water; but our Democracy has stood

firm everywhere, except the comparatively few who have been seduced on

the tariff question, and those whom the Native American humbug has led

away. Immediately after the first election, we requested our honest and

excellent Governor elect to come East of the mountains and take the

stump in your favor; and this was no sooner said than done. He produced

a powerful impression wherever he went. I attended two mass meetings

with him, and he made speeches at several other places. In “Old Bucks,”

he gave it to them both in Dutch and English much to their satisfaction.

Whoever has observed with a reflecting eye the progress of parties in

this country, must have arrived at the conclusion that there is but one

mode of reuniting and invigorating the Democratic party of the Union and

securing its future triumph, and that is, whilst adhering strictly to

the ancient landmarks of principle, to rely chiefly on the young and

efficient Democrats who have fought the present battle. These ought not

to be forgotten in the distribution of offices. The old officeholders

generally have had their day, and ought to be content. Had Mr. Van Buren

been our candidate, worthy as he is, this feeling, which everywhere

pervades the Democratic ranks, would have made his defeat as signal as

it was in 1840. Clay would most certainly have carried this State

against him by thousands; and I firmly believe the result would have

been similar, even in New York. The Native American party in

Philadelphia never could have become so strong had it not been for the

impression which, to some extent, prevailed there, that your patronage

would be distributed in that city amongst those called the Old Hunkers

by the Democratic masses.

Yours is a grand mission; and I most devoutly trust and believe that you

will fulfil it with glory to yourself and permanent advantage to the

country. Democrats have been dropping off from their party from year to

year on questions not essentially of a party character. It will be your

destiny to call home the wanderers and marshal them again under the

ample folds of the Democratic flag. It is thus that the dangerous Whig

party will be forever prostrated, and we shall commence a new career of

glory, guided under the old banner of our principles.

From the violence of the Southern papers and some of the Southern

statesmen, I apprehend that your chief difficulty will be on the

question of the tariff. They seem to cling with great tenacity to the

horizontal ad valorem duty of the compromise act, which would in

practice prostrate the Democracy of the Middle and Northern States in a

single year, because it would destroy all our mechanics who work up

foreign materials. If the duty on cloth and ready-made clothing were

both 20 per cent. ad valorem, we should soon have no use for tailors in

our large towns and cities. So of shoemakers, hatters, etc. Foreigners

would perform the mechanical labor.

The tariff ought to have been permanently settled in 1842. That was the

propitious moment. With much difficulty I have prevented myself from

being instructed that I might be free to act according to my own

discretion. I then proposed to our Southern friends to adopt the

compromise act as it stood in 1839. The Treasury required fully that

amount of duties; whilst such a measure would have saved their

constituency. For some time I thought they would have gladly embraced

this proposition which was presented by Mr. Ingersoll in the House; but

at a great caucus of the party several of the ultras opposed the

measure, and the consequence has been the extravagant tariff of 1842.

Had my proposition been adopted the country would have been just as

prosperous as it is at present, and this would have been attributed in

the North to that measure, as it now is to the tariff of 1842; you would

then have received a majority of 25,000 in Pennsylvania.

With sentiments of the highest respect, I remain

Sincerely your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO GOVERNOR SHUNK.]

WASHINGTON, December 18, 1844.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I do most heartily rejoice that those who communicated to me expressions

used by our friend Magraw must have been mistaken in the inferences

which they deduced from his language. He was much in the company of my

deadly enemy —— who is ——’s most unscrupulous tool, and of ——. That he

did use some unguarded language is beyond a doubt; but all this shall be

as if it never had been. I venerated his deceased father, and have

always been so much attached to him, that it almost unmanned me, when I

learned that he had spoken unkindly of myself. Please to say nothing to

him of what my former letter contained.

The income tax of England has never been resorted to except in cases of

extreme necessity. That tax at present in existence imposes seven pence

per pound upon the annual rent of land and houses, upon the income from

titles, railways and canals, mines and iron-works; also upon the income

of tenants or renters of land, upon public lands and securities,

dividends on bank stock, Indian stock, and foreign stock payable in

England, upon the profits of trades and professions, upon the income of

public officers, salaries, etc. _All incomes under £150 sterling per

annum are exempt from this tax._ Under the British government, they have

adopted the means necessary to secure a just return of all incomes;

under ours, this, in many cases, would prove almost impossible, without

resorting to an inquisition unknown to our form of government. Indeed,

as far as I know, our present taxes on income are eluded to a most

shameful extent. The income tax has always been odious in England; and

it would prove to be so, if carried to anything like the same extent, in

this country. The more I reflect upon the subject the more I am

convinced that your “inaugural” should not specifically recommend any

new mode of taxation. I know that, in common with myself, you entertain

a horror of repudiation, either express or implied, and this might be

expressed in the strongest terms, together with a willingness on your

part to concur with the legislature in adopting any measures necessary

to prevent so disgraceful a catastrophe; leaving to your administration,

after it shall get fairly under way, to adopt the necessary measures to

redeem the faith of the State.

In regard to your selection for secretary of state, I entertain the same

opinion, more strongly now than ever, which I have held from the

beginning. Your attorney-general ought to be a Muhlenberg man, and such

an one as will be satisfactory to that branch of the party. After his

appointment, I hope to hear no more of these distractions; and I trust

that then we shall all be united under the broad banner of Democracy in

support of your administration.

I know John M. Read well; and I also know, that he enjoyed and deserved

the confidence of Mr. Muhlenberg and his friends in an eminent degree.

After his death, Mr. Read’s conduct towards you was worthy of all

praise. There are few lawyers, if any, in Philadelphia, his superiors;

and he is a man of such firmness, energy, and industry, that he will

always be found an efficient supporter in the hour of need. He holds a

ready and powerful political pen, and is a gentleman of the strictest

honor and integrity. I know you would be safe with him. Of both Mr.

Brewster and Mr. Barr, I also entertain a high opinion; and I think the

appointment of either would give satisfaction to the friends of

Muhlenberg. I confess I do not like Mr. Kane’s political associations;

but he is a gentleman and a man of honor.

There is one subject to which I desire to direct your attention. I know,

from various quarters, that Porter is making a desperate effort to be

elected United States Senator. He calculates upon seducing a sufficient

number of Democrats from their allegiance to the party, which, when

united with the Whigs, would constitute a majority. —— and —— have both

been here, and, on several occasions, expressed their confident belief

in his success. From the conversation of the Whigs here and elsewhere, I

think they will be mistaken as to the votes of their members; but this I

know, that it is of the last importance to you to maintain the caucus

system. Should it be broken down at the commencement of your

administration, it is easy to predict the consequences which may follow.

I would, therefore, most respectfully advise that you should be at

Harrisburg at the commencement of the session, not to take any part in

favor of any candidate for the Senate, but to express your opinion

strongly and decidedly in favor of an adherence to caucus nominations.

We have no authentic news here from President Polk; all is as yet

conjecture. His path will be beset by many difficulties. The first which

will present itself, is Mr. Calhoun. To remove him will give great

offence to many of the Southern gentlemen, who were mainly influential

in procuring the nomination of Mr. Polk; to retain him, will exasperate

Colonel Benton and that wing of the party.[76] It is hoped that he may

retire, or consent to accept the mission to England. Then there are the

Texas and tariff questions, which it will be difficult to settle to the

satisfaction of the party. Colonel Polk has a cool and discreet head

himself, and he will be surrounded by cool and discreet friends.

Philadelphia is now in a state of office-hunting excitement, never known

before. The office-hunters have taken it into their heads that Mr.

Dallas, because he has been elected Vice President, can procure them all

offices, and they are turning his head with their incense. _I venture to

predict that they will prove to be greatly mistaken._ The moment they

discover this, their plans will be directed to some other divinity.

You ask my advice in regard to recommendations from you to President

Polk. I think you ought to be cautious in giving them, if you desire

that they shall produce the effect your recommendations well deserve. I

hope, however, to meet you at the inauguration.

I have sat up until a late hour to write you this long letter. I receive

at the rate of about thirty letters a day; and between important private

calls and public business, I have found time to answer very few of them.

Please remember me most kindly and respectfully to Mrs. Shunk and the

young ladies, and believe me to be sincerely and devotedly

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

Before the following letters were written, Mr. Polk’s nomination to the

Presidency had occurred.

[FROM MRS. CATRON.[77]]

NASHVILLE, July 4, 1844.

DEAR SIR:—

I have received your kind letter of the 23d of June, and I feel a just

appreciation of the compliment, in being selected from the number of

your many fair and accomplished friends, as the companion of your

solitude. I know “it is not good for man to be alone,” and if you could

but take time to remember the sage advice I have often given you to the

contrary of such an unchristian and vain attempt, you would now be

basking in the charms of some blooming widow, and not be driven to the

humble necessity of seeking stray rays of comfort from the “old head on

young shoulders” of other men’s wives. As, however, you are brought to

the sad predicament—and strange to say, I am but little better off

during the court,—and as nothing I just now think of affords me more

pleasure than to add a crumb of support to your forlorn condition by

boarding with you next session of Congress, and as Mr. Catron is the

most generous of husbands to risk such dangerous associations, he will

write to Mr. Carroll to engage us a house.

N. B.—The court and Congress now meet at the same time, and Polk runs

for President only once—positively only once—and all anti-annexation men

are dead and buried. So _I_ think, and that you know is law to you, as

in Miss Gardiner’s case, of whose ambitious aspirations I don’t believe

one word. In conclusion, permit me to say that on this occasion I have

availed myself of your once offered kindness of the liberty of speech.

Most truly your friend,

M. CATRON.

The Hon. JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO MRS. CATRON.]

MY DEAR MADAM:—

I sincerely thank you for having taken compassion on my forlorn and

destitute condition. I can assure you that I greatly prefer the stray

rays of comfort from yourself to “basking in the charms of any blooming

widow” in the land. I do not like everlasting sunshine, or too much of a

good thing:—and as to widows, “I’ll none of them. Comparisons are

odoriferous,” as Dogberry says.

Ere this you have learned that with all your shrewdness you were

mistaken. The President is the most lucky man that ever lived. Both a

belle and a fortune to crown and to close his Presidential career.[78]

I hope you will be able to give Polk Tennessee. All appearances indicate

his signal triumph in the Keystone State. His tariff letter to Kane was

a good thing for us. Under the circumstances, I do not think a better

nomination could have been made; and as I had the honor of being Mrs.

Polk’s candidate I feel myself bound both in gallantry and in gratitude

to do my best for the election of her husband.

When she becomes the lady of the White House, as I believe she will be,

I shall both expect and desire to be a favorite. As to yourself you

stand fair under all administrations.

Remember me most kindly to the judge, and believe me ever to be

sincerely and respectfully

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

-----

Footnote 75:

Wife of the Hon. James J. Roosevelt of New York.

Footnote 76:

Mr. Calhoun was Secretary of State under President Tyler.

Footnote 77:

Wife of Mr. Justice Catron of the Supreme Court of the United States.

Footnote 78:

President Tyler’s marriage to Miss Gardiner is the event here alluded

to. The letter is without date.

-----

CHAPTER XVIII.

1842–1849.

HARRIET LANE.

From all “the heady currents of a fight” of politics, from the toils of

statesmanship and the objects of ambition, the reader can now turn to

the sweet charities of domestic and social life; for these,

notwithstanding his bachelor state, were not wanting to the public man

whose life is traced in these volumes. A biography of Mr. Buchanan would

be exceedingly imperfect without mention of that member of his family

who, for the last twenty-five years of his life, stood in a very

intimate domestic relation with him. It is a delicate matter to write of

a living lady; but the name of Harriet Lane will recall to many readers

one who occupied with singular grace positions in her uncle’s household

that were almost public, and whose domestic connection with him formed a

most important element in his private happiness. Mr. Buchanan discharged

with great fidelity all his duties to the various members of his family

who could be said to have any claims upon him. Of that family he was

always regarded as the head; and when, in consequence of the death of

one of his sisters and her husband, the care of four orphans devolved

upon him, the youngest was at such an age that he could form her as he

wished, and his wish was guided by the nicest sense of what belongs to

the highest female excellence.

His sister, Mrs. Lane, wife of Elliott T. Lane, died at Mercersburg, in

the year 1839. Her husband survived her for only two years. They left

four children: James Buchanan, Elliott Eskridge, Mary Elizabeth Speer,

and Harriet Rebecca.[79] They each inherited from their parents a

moderate property. After the death of her father, Harriet, the youngest

of the four orphans, was brought to Lancaster, and resided in her

uncle’s house, when he was at home in that city. During his absences in

Washington, she occasionally lived with two ladies in Lancaster, friends

of her uncle,—the Misses Crawford. For a few years she attended a school

in Lancaster, and also had private teachers. She and her sister Mary

were then placed at a boarding-school in Charlestown, Virginia, in the

neighborhood of some of their father’s relatives. Harriet’s education

was finished at the well-known Roman Catholic convent at Georgetown, in

the District of Columbia. The present superintendent of that institution

was one of her school-mates.

To direct the education of this young girl, to form her religious and

moral principles, to guard her against the temptations that beset an

impulsive temperament, and to develop her into the character of a true

woman, became one of the chief objects of Mr. Buchanan’s busy life. At

first there was danger that the hoyden might become a “fast” and dashing

young lady. There was an exuberance of animal spirits, the accompaniment

of a fine physical organization and a healthy youth. There was an

abundance of the generous, frank and joyous qualities of the female

heart, along with its delicacy and purity. Such a nature required much

discipline and a careful training; and it might, perhaps, be thought

that an old-bachelor uncle, absorbed in public life, was not exactly the

person to undertake this duty; that, after spoiling the child as a pet,

he would leave her to take her chances as a woman. But Mr. Buchanan was

a man in whom authority and affection could be most happily blended. He

knew just how to exercise the one and to bestow the other. He knew the

girl whom he had to influence, and he had a perfectly true sense of what

a woman and a lady should be.

It is not my purpose, or according to my taste, to enlarge on my own

estimate of the results which he produced. The methods by which they

were attained will sufficiently exhibit themselves in what I am to give

to the reader; and what is widely known of the lady who is unavoidably

the subject of these observations, attests that a beautiful woman, whom

flattery and adulation could not injure, and who became alike an

ornament to society and a model of the domestic virtues, was formed by

one of the busiest statesmen of our time, without a mother’s aid and a

mother’s love. There is rarely to be met, in any literature of real life

with which I am acquainted, a more interesting and instructive picture

of a wise man’s care for a woman’s education, manners, deportment, and

inner character, than is to be traced in Mr. Buchanan’s charming letters

to his niece. They began when she was a school-girl, were continued when

she became the companion of his age and the friend of his declining

years; and they did not cease when he gave her to the husband of her

choice. They are so numerous that it is difficult to make the selections

to which my space confines me. After Miss Lane had grown up, whenever

she was absent from her uncle, he wrote to her almost daily. But his

affection for her was unselfish. He never failed to let her know how

welcome would be her return, but he never exacted from her an abridgment

of her pleasures, unless it was for her good that they should be

interrupted. He could guide her, when she was away from him, by a dozen

written words, just as infallibly as if she were under his eye and

within the sound of his voice. One of her letters to him, which has come

into my hands among the great mass of his papers, shall be given in its

proper place, as an artless proof that he had his reward, and knew that

he had it. I shall make many extracts from this correspondence, because

nothing that has come within my reach can so well reveal a beautiful

side of Mr. Buchanan’s character, of which the world, as yet, knows very

little. One is reminded by these letters of many well-known instances of

such a tender care for a young relative, evinced by a series of letters.

Lord Eldon’s letters to his grandson and heir will occur to the reader;

but the chancellor was always a stiff and formal writer, although his

letters to his young kinsman are admirably wise. Lord Chatham’s letters

to his son William afford delightful reading; but even in his

expressions of affection, the “Great Commoner” could not be otherwise

than stately, classical, and a little dramatic. Lord Chesterfield’s

letters to his son, although written, like everything that came from his

pen, with the utmost correctness of a marvellous grace, lack, of course,

the religious and moral basis of all sound philosophy of life. Madame De

Sévigné’s lively letters to her adored daughter, Burke’s to the son whom

he strangely over-estimated, are among the treasures that the world

would not willingly lose. But I should omit a very interesting part of

my duty in this work, if I did not place before the reader as many of

the letters of President Buchanan to his niece as I can find room for;

and although they are not to be ranked in all respects side by side with

the most renowned specimens of the class to which they belong, they seem

to me to exhibit a happy union of the tenderest affection, deep

religious principle, sound inculcation, minute direction of conduct,

playfulness, vivacity, and an abounding confidence in the person to whom

they were written. They are unique also in this—that they were written

to a female relative, whom Providence had cast upon the care of an

unmarried uncle, intensely occupied with the pursuits and interests of a

statesman.

But by way of preface to such of these letters as can be quoted, it will

be well to inform the reader that until the year 1848, Mr. Buchanan,

when at home in Lancaster, resided in a bachelor establishment, at the

head of which, as housekeeper, was a lady who was always called “Miss

Hetty.” I am indebted to his nephew, Mr. James Buchanan Henry, for the

following description of their domestic circle:

In consequence of the death, in 1840, of my surviving parent, the

youngest sister of Mr. Buchanan, I became a member of his immediate

family. He was executor of my mother’s will, and by it he was appointed

my guardian. I was then seven years old. Mr. Buchanan at that time lived

in a spacious brick house in the quiet inland city of Lancaster, on the

principal street, called East King Street. This ancient town—one of the

oldest in Pennsylvania, still retained the loyal names of colonial

times, its best streets being named King, Queen, Duke, Orange, etc. At

that date, Mr. Buchanan was in the Senate, and of course much of his

time was passed in Washington; but during the recess of Congress he

resided in Lancaster, where he was much honored and beloved by its

citizens; and this personal attachment continued in a marked degree

until his death. At the time of which I speak, his family consisted of a

housekeeper, Miss Parker, always called “Miss Hetty,” myself and his

servants. At a little later period, my cousin, Harriet Lane, after the

death of her parents, also became a member of our uncle’s household.

This little family circle continued unbroken, excepting during the

temporary absences of my uncle in Washington, or on other public duty,

or when my cousin and I were at boarding school or college, until my

marriage in 1860, and until my cousin’s departure for her new home in

Baltimore, after her marriage. No father could have bestowed a more

faithful and judicious care upon his own children, than this somewhat

stern but devoted bachelor uncle of ours bestowed upon us. While I was

at school, in the little Moravian town of Litiz near by, when I was

eleven years old, he required me to write to him once every month with

great exactitude, and to each boyish letter he would write a prompt

reply, carefully but kindly criticizing every part of it; and if I had

been careless in either penmanship or spelling, he would give me sharp

reproof, which, coming from the hero of my youthful worship, made an

impression which I remember to this day.

Miss Hetty Parker, now a venerable lady of seventy-eight, residing in

Lancaster in a comfortable house provided for her by my uncle’s will,

belonged to a respectable and quite “well-to-do” family in Philadelphia.

She became his housekeeper, I think, in 1834, or soon after, and was, by

him and all of us, treated as a valued member of the family, and as a

friend. She was always present at the table, and dispensed the

hospitalities of my uncle’s house until my cousin had grown to

womanhood, and assumed a part of such duties. “Miss Hetty” continued to

be one of the family circle, and to perform her duties most acceptably

to Mr. Buchanan through the remainder of his life. I do not hesitate to

say that, it was largely owing to her vigilant care of his interests,

and her wise economy, that his moderate private fortune, mainly earned

by him in the practice of the law, and before he entered public life,

not only proved sufficient for his wants, but slowly increased,

amounting, at his death, to about $300,000.[80] Miss Hetty was for

nearly forty years his faithful attendant in health and nurse in

sickness; and he was so much attached to her, that I have often heard

him say that nothing should ever part her from him while he lived. He

would let her do what she pleased, and say to him what she pleased, and

even scold him, without rebuke;—a privilege I never knew him to accord

to any one else. No biography of Mr. Buchanan would be complete that did

not mention this humble, unselfish and most faithful companion, who was

so well known to the frequenters of Wheatland, and to the whole circle

of Mr. Buchanan’s friends.

Although the dates of the following letters run somewhat beyond the

period at which the last chapter terminated, they embrace the six years

of Miss Lane’s school-girl life and her entrance into society, and I

therefore do not separate them. The foot-notes explain the public

positions held by Mr. Buchanan at the respective dates, and some of the

allusions to persons.

[LETTERS TO MISS LANE.]

WASHINGTON, February 16th, 1842.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

Your letter afforded me very great pleasure. There is no wish nearer my

heart than that you should become an amiable and intelligent woman: and

I am rejoiced to learn that you still continue at the head of your

class. You can render yourself very dear to me by your conduct; and I

anticipate with pleasure the months which, I trust in Heaven, we may

pass together after the adjournment of Congress. I expect to be in

Lancaster for a week or ten days about the 1st of April, when I hope to

see you in good health, and receive the most favorable reports of your

behavior.

Buck Yates is now a midshipman in the navy.[81] He is now at Boston, on

board of the John Adams, and will sail in a few days for the Brazilian

station. He may probably be absent for two or three years. He is much

pleased with his situation, and I trust that his conduct may do both

himself and his friends honor. When he left Meadville they were all

well, except your aunt Maria, who still complains of a cough. Elizabeth

is better than she has been for years.

I send you $——, the remains of poor Buck’s money when he arrived here.

It was of no use to him and would be of no use to me here. Please to

hand it to your brother James, and tell him to place it to my credit for

what it is worth.

When you write to your sister Mary, give her my kindest and best love.

Remember me affectionately to your brother James, Miss Hetty and the

Miss Crawfords, and believe me to be ever your affectionate uncle. May

Heaven bless you.

JAMES BUCHANAN.

Lancaster, March 20, 1843.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

It affords me sincere pleasure to receive your letter. It is one of the

first desires of my heart that you should become an amiable and a good

girl. Education and accomplishments are very important; but they sink

into insignificance when compared with the proper government of the

heart and temper. How all your relatives and friends would love you,—how

proud and happy I should be to acknowledge and cherish you as an object

of deep affection, could I say, she is kind in heart, amiable in temper,

and behaves in such a manner as to secure the affection and esteem of

all around her! I now cherish the hope that ere long this may be the

case. Endeavor to realize this ardent hope.

What a long list of studies you are engaged upon! The number would be

too great for any common intellect; but it would seem that you manage

them all without difficulty. As mythology and history seem to be your

favorites, I shall expect, when we meet, that you will have all the gods

and heroes of Greece and Rome at your fingers’ ends. At a dinner table

at Washington, during the last session, a wager was made that no person

at the table could name all the Muses; and the wager was won. Had you

been one of the company, the result would doubtless have been different.

I presume that the Muses and Graces are great favorites with you. Attend

diligently to your studies; but above all, govern your heart and your

conduct.

Your friends, the Miss Crawfords, are about to move to a much more

comfortable house; so that should you return to school in Lancaster, you

may be better accommodated. I presume your partiality still continues

for these good ladies; but to be serious, you must acknowledge that you

did not treat them as they deserve.

Our recent news from poor Elizabeth is very discouraging. Dr. Yates, who

has been to see her, considers her case hopeless. Poor thing! She seems

destined to tread the path that so many of our family have already

trodden. Her husband is kind, affectionate and attentive, and she is

surrounded by every comfort. She is in full communion with the Episcopal

church.

I know of no news here which would interest you. Lancaster has been very

dull; and is likely so to continue. Your music mistress, Miss Bryan, was

married a few evenings since to a Mr. Sterrett of Pittsburg. Annie

Reigart and Kate Reynolds will take their degrees in a fortnight, and

enter the world as young ladies. Judge Hayes has removed into town.

Miss Hetty says that both Mary and yourself promised to write to her,

but that neither of you has written. She desires me to give her love to

you both. Your brother James is well.

Had Mary written to me that you were a good girl, and had behaved

yourself entirely well, I should have visited you during the Christmas

holidays. Tell her, I shall expect her to write soon; and as I rely

confidently that she will not deceive me, I shall most heartily rejoice

should her account of you be favorable. In that event, God willing, I

intend to pay you a visit.

Remember me most kindly to Mrs. Kennedy, whom I remember with much of

“auld lang syne;” also to Miss Annie.

Give my kindest love to Mary, and believe me to be yours,

Most affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

P. S.—Your uncle Edward and the family are well except your aunt. She

has been in delicate health all winter, but is now much better. Jessie

Magaw is in Baltimore, but will return home to Meadville soon. Your

letter is without date, and does not purport to come from any particular

place.

LANCASTER, July 25th, 1843.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

I enclose you a letter which I have received from Buck Yates, as your

name is honorably mentioned in it. I wrote to him that it was ungallant

for a young naval officer to inform a “lady faire” that he would answer

her letters should she write, and that he should himself commence the

correspondence.

I intend to leave for Bedford Springs in a day or two, and it is my

purpose to return by Charleston, after two or three weeks, and pass a

day with Mary and yourself. Give my kindest love to Mary, and believe me

to be

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, July 17th, 1845.[82]

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

Although I should most gladly have you with me, yet I can not ask you to

come here in this excessive heat. I have never felt the heat so

oppressive as it has been for some time past; and I should fear you

might become sick were you to visit Washington. Besides, you could not

have any enjoyment.

I entertain a hope that I may be able to visit Bedford about the first

of August. In that event, I should be willing to take you along with me.

But whether it will be in my power to leave this city is still

uncertain. Please to write to me how you intend to spend your vacation,

and where a letter would reach you. Should the heat moderate, I still

hope to see you in Washington.

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, July 27th, 1845.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

I believe, although I am not yet quite certain, that I shall be able to

leave here for the Bedford Springs on Thursday next. I shall be glad if

you will accompany me. Unless you hear from me in the meantime, you may

be at Harper’s Ferry on Thursday, before the cars pass from Baltimore to

Cumberland. If I should not be able to go on that day, _you may still be

there_. Mrs. Pleasonton,[83] Miss Pleasonton and Mrs. Bancroft will take

charge of you to Bedford; and there you will find Mr. and Mrs. Plitt,

under whose care I will place you until I can reach the Springs myself.

Still, I hope to be able to go on Thursday. Of course you will get some

one of your friends to accompany you from Charleston to Harper’s Ferry.

Please to write to me immediately on the receipt of this.

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, July 6th, 1846.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

Your welcome letter has been received, and I rejoice to learn...... I

trust you will soon be well enough...... I think of all places for you

the nunnery at Georgetown would be the best. Your religious principles

are doubtless so well settled that you will not become a nun.

My labors are great; but they do not “_way_” me down, as you write the

word. Now I would say “_weigh_;” but doctors may differ on this point.

I hope Mary has recovered ere this from her bruises. Give my love to

her, and tell her to have her saddle girthed tighter the next time she

rides.

It will be easy for you to find Dr. Jackson’s remedy in any hay-field

near Lancaster at this season. It would be quite romantic and

interesting to witness your exploits on such a theatre.

Your friends, Mrs. Bancroft and the Pleasontons, often inquire for you

with kindness. They have given you somewhat of a name here; and Mrs.

Polk and Miss Rucker, her niece, have several times urged me to permit

you to come and pass some time with them. I have been as deaf as the

adder to their request, knowing, to use a word of your grandmother, that

you are too “outsetting” already. There is a time for all things under

the sun, as the wise man says, and your time will yet come.

I intend to go to the Bedford Springs this summer, if possible; but as

Congress may not adjourn until the 10th August, the fashionable season

will then be over. I had thought of giving Mary and yourself a polite

invitation to accompany me there; but I fear it will be too late in the

season for Mary to enact the character of a belle, and you are quite too

young to make the attempt.

Miss Hetty requests me to send her love to you, and to say that she

would be very glad to see you in Washington...... I fear she might be

twice glad, once on your arrival, and still more so on your departure.

She will be in Lancaster in September.

James Henry is here.[84] I intend to commence with him to-morrow and

make him eat vegetables, or he shall have no meat. I have not yet

determined upon a school for him.

I wish you to embrace the first opportunity to remember me very kindly

to Mrs. Franklin. I never lived beside a better or more agreeable

neighbor. Give my love to Mary, though I perceive this is the second

time, and Patt, and believe me ever to be

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, July 19, 1847.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

The Secretary of the Treasury,[85] with his mother-in-law, Mrs. Bache,

and Miss Bache, will leave here for Rockaway, to enjoy the benefit of

sea-bathing, on Thursday morning next. I know of no other opportunity of

sending you, and this will be an excellent one. It is impossible for me

to accompany you myself. I hope that the good sister Cecilia may permit

you to leave with them. You will lose but a few days by this

arrangement. Your clothes, if they should not be ready, can be placed in

order at Rockaway under the direction of Mrs. Bache. Besides, it is

uncertain how long our friends, the Pleasontons, may remain at Oyster

Bay, and whether they will like it. Mr. Walker has hired a cottage at

Rockaway, and you may remain with his family as long as you please.

I am extremely anxious that this arrangement should be made, because I

know of no other means by which you can reach the sea-shore. If

possible, please to send me an answer by the bearer.

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, July 8, 1848.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

I suppose you will now, within a week or ten days, return to the

exhibition, and we shall all be happy to see you. If you should not have

good company all the way through, I could meet you in Baltimore without

inconvenience almost any evening, leaving here in the cars at 5 o’clock

P. M. You would arrive in Baltimore, probably, a little before my

arrival; but whoever might accompany you to Baltimore could take you to

Barnum’s until my arrival. If you should adopt this course, inform me

certainly of the day you will leave Lancaster, so that there may be no

mistake.

We have no news here which would interest you. Everything has been quiet

since you left. The Pleasontons and others often inquire of your health.

I am glad to learn that Mary has turned out to be “a grand housekeeper.”

You could not have given me any more agreeable information. If she had

proved to be idle and extravagant in youth, the promise of her age would

have been poverty and dependence. There is no spectacle more agreeable

to me than that of a young married woman properly sensible of the

important duties of her station, and acting upon those high principles

which add lustre to the female character. Give her my kindest love, with

my best respect to Mr. Baker.

Remember me affectionately to James, and the family, and believe me to

be

Yours, as ever,

James Buchanan.

WASHINGTON, August 2, 1848.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

I have this moment received your letter of the 30th ultimo, and hasten

to give it an answer. I regret very much that you are not pleased with

Rockaway. You went there for the benefit of your health, under the

advice of physicians, and I should be very sorry you should leave it

without giving sea-bathing a fair trial.

It is certainly out of the question for me to accompany you on a tour to

West Point, Niagara, Boston, etc. If I should be able to leave

Washington at all, I cannot go to any place from which I could not

immediately return in case of necessity. I require rest and quiet.

Besides, _under existing circumstances_, which I need not explain, I

could not visit the States of New York and Massachusetts, unless it

might be to pass through them quietly and rapidly. It is possible, if

the weather should be suitable towards the close of August, that I may

go to Saratoga for a few days; but my movements are altogether

uncertain.

I am much gratified that you have acquitted yourself so handsomely as to

obtain medals and premiums; and under other circumstances, I should

cheerfully accompany you on your travels. It is possible that I may take

you to West Point.

Miss Hetty is gradually, but slowly, recovering. Please to remember me

very kindly to Mrs. Bache, Mrs. Walker, and the ladies, and believe me

to be

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, August 22, 1848.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

I have this moment received your letter of the 20th instant. I answered

your former letter very soon after it was received, and am sorry that my

answer miscarried.

I expect sister Maria here to-day or to-morrow, and of course ——.[86] At

this moment I was interrupted by the agreeable information that she had

arrived, and I have just seen her. It is now four years since I enjoyed

that pleasure. How long she will remain I do not know; but it will be

impossible to leave before her departure. She will remain until

James[87] shall receive his appointment in the revenue cutter service,

which was kindly promised him by Mr. Walker, but which cannot be

conferred until after the President’s return, who is not expected until

this day week, the 29th instant. From present appearances I shall not be

able to leave Washington before the first of September. I cannot,

therefore, promise positively to visit Rockaway.

I hope you are enjoying yourself, and may be benefited in your health by

the sea-bathing.

Should I go to New York, I may take you as far as West Point. I presume

the season will be too late for the Saratoga Springs.

Give my kindest regards to Mrs. Bache and the ladies, and believe me to

be

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

WASHINGTON, January 8, 1849.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

You have acted wisely in controlling your inclinations and remaining at

home. This act of self-restraint has raised you in my estimation. Let

nothing divert you from your purpose.

Washington now begins to be gay. Mrs. Walker is at home to-night,—the

first assembly will be held to-morrow evening. Mrs. Polk gives a

drawing-room on Wednesday evening; and on Thursday evening Miss Harris

will be married, and there will be a party at Captain McCauley’s at the

Navy Yard. I now give dinners myself once a week. I rarely go out to

evening parties. I have had my day of such amusement, and have enjoyed

it. Yours is just commencing, and I hope it may be a happy one. I dare

say Mr. Sullivan[88] will be inconsolable when he learns that you will

not be here during the present winter.

I wish now to give you a caution. Never allow your affections to become

interested or engage yourself to any person without my previous advice.

You ought never to marry any man to whom you are not attached; but you

ought never to marry any person who is not able to afford you a decent

and immediate support. In my experience, I have witnessed the long years

of patient misery and dependence which fine women have endured from

rushing precipitately into matrimonial connections without sufficient

reflection. Look ahead, and consider the future, and act wisely in this

particular.

Mrs. Pleasonton of Philadelphia left here on Saturday morning last. I

saw her and her two daughters on Friday evening. They all inquired for

you very affectionately; and the Pleasontons of this city are, I

believe, sincerely anxious that you should pass some time with them. At

a proper period you may enjoy this pleasure.

It may be that I shall not reach Lancaster until the first of April, as

I have some business to attend to here which may require a fortnight or

three weeks after I shall be relieved from office. When I reach there, I

shall be happy to have you with me.

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

P. S.—Give my love to Mary and all the rest.

-----

Footnote 79:

Mary married George W. Baker, and died in San Francisco in 1855, while

Mr. Buchanan was Minister to England. Eskridge died in 1857; James in

1862. Harriet dropped the name of Rebecca after she had grown up, and

was always known as Miss Lane, or Miss Harriet Lane.

Footnote 80:

In these days of millions, such a fortune, accumulated by a man who

had been in public life for about forty years, seems moderate indeed.

It will appear, as we draw near the end of Mr. Buchanan’s life, that

he did not enrich himself out of the public, and that such fortune as

he did accumulate must have been, as Mr. Henry says, the slow increase

of means honorably acquired and carefully husbanded. Yet he was not a

parsimonious, but, on the contrary, he was a generous man.

Footnote 81:

James Buchanan Yates, son of Mr. Buchanan’s sister Maria, who married

Dr. Yates, a physician in Meadville, Pennsylvania.

Footnote 82:

Mr. Buchanan became Secretary of State under President Polk in March

of this year.

Footnote 83:

Wife of the Hon. Stephen Pleasonton, for very many years Fifth

Auditor of the Treasury Department. He possessed the entire confidence

of all administrations.

Footnote 84:

James Buchanan Henry: very averse as a boy to a vegetable diet.

Footnote 85:

The Hon. Robert J. Walker of Mississippi, Secretary of the Treasury

under President Polk, appointed March 6, 1845.

Footnote 86:

Mrs. Yates.

Footnote 87:

James Buchanan Yates.

Footnote 88:

John Sullivan, Esq., an Irish gentleman of advanced years, long a

resident of Washington, famous for his good dinners.

-----

CHAPTER XIX.

1844–1845.

ANNEXATION OF TEXAS—ELECTION OF PRESIDENT POLK—THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE

ACCEPTED BY MR. BUCHANAN.