“I have long intended to write to you ab_A voice from Waterloo: A history of the battle fought on the 18th June, 1815

I recommend that the men should all have the same medal, hung on the

same ribbon as that now used with the medals....

“WELLINGTON.”

[Illustration: (end of Note; decorative separator)]

No. III.

SUMMARY

OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF FIELD-MARSHAL THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON,

WITH THE PUBLIC HONOURS AND EMOLUMENTS THAT HAVE BEEN CONFERRED

UPON HIM.

Born 1st May, 1769.

Ensign 7th March, 1787.

Lieutenant 25th December, 1787.

Captain 30th June, 1791.

Major 30th April, 1793.

Lieutenant-Colonel 30th September, 1793.

Colonel 3d May, 1796.

Major-General 29th April, 1802.

Lieutenant-General 25th April, 1808.

General, in Spain and Portugal 31st July, 1811.

Field-Marshal 21st June, 1813.

Governor of Seringapatam 6th May, 1799.

The inhabitants of Calcutta vote a

sword of the value of 1,000_l._ to

Major-General Wellesley 21st February, 1804.

The officers of his division vote to

Major-General Wellesley a gold

vase, which is afterwards changed

to a service of plate embossed with

“Assye.” 26th February, 1804.

Appointed a Knight Companion of

the Bath 1st September, 1804.

Thanked by parliament 8th March, 1805.

Returned to serve in parliament 12th April, 1806.

Sworn a Privy Counsellor 8th April, 1807.

Secretary to Ireland 19th April, 1807.

Negotiates capitulation at Copenhagen 5th September, 1807.

Thanked in parliament for the same. 1st February, 1808.

A piece of plate, commemorating the

battle of Vimeiro, voted to Lieutenant-General

Sir Arthur Wellesley

by the general and field-officers

who served at it 22d August, 1808.

Thanked in parliament for Vimeiro 27th January, 1809.

Appointed to command the army in

Portugal 2d April, 1809.

Appointed Marshal-General of the

Portuguese army 6th July, 1809.

Created Baron Douro of Wellesley

and Viscount Wellington of Talavera 26th August, 1809.

Thanks of parliament voted for Talavera 1st February, 1810.

Pension of 2,000_l._ per annum, voted

to him and his two succeeding

heirs male 16th February, 1810.

Thanks of parliament for the liberation

of Portugal 26th April, 1811.

License granted in the name of the

King by the Prince Regent, to

accept the title of Conde do Vimeiro,

and the insignia of Knight

Grand-Cross of the Tower and

Sword from the prince regent of

Portugal 26th October, 1811.

Created by the regency of Spain a

Grandé, with the title of Duque

de Ciudad-Rodrigo January, 1812.

Thanks of parliament for Ciudad-Rodrigo 10th February, 1812.

Advanced in the British peerage by

the title of Earl Wellington 18th February, 1812.

Voted 2,000_l._ per annum in addition 21st February, 1812.

Thanks of parliament for Badajoz 27th April, 1812.

The order of the Golden Fleece conferred

by the regency of Spain July, 1812.

Appointed Generalissimo of the

Spanish armies 12th August, 1812.

Advanced in the British peerage by

the title of Marquis of Wellington. 18th August, 1812.

Advanced by the regent of Portugal

to the title of Marquez de

Torres-Vedras 12th September, 1812.

Thanks of parliament for Salamanca. 3d December, 1812.

A grant of 100,000_l._ from parliament,

to be laid out in the purchase of

lands as a reward for his services. 7th December, 1812.

Advanced by the regent of Portugal

to the title of Duque da Victoria. 18th December, 1812.

Elected a Knight of the Garter 4th March, 1813.

Thanks of parliament for the battle

of Vittoria 8th July, 1813.

The regency of Spain, on the proposition

of the Cortes, offers to

bestow on the Duque de Ciudad-Rodrigo

the estate of Soto-de-Roma,

in Granada 22d July, 1813.

Thanks of parliament for San-Sebastian

and the operations subsequent

to Vittoria 8th October, 1813.

The prince Regent grants permission

to the Marquis of Wellington to

accept and wear the insignia of

Grand-Cross of the following orders:

Imperial and Royal Austrian

Military order of Maria-Theresa;

Imperial Russian Military order of

St.-George;

Royal Prussian Military order

of the Black Eagle;

Royal Swedish Military order

of the Sword 4th March, 1814.

Thanks of the Prince Regent and the

parliament for Orthez 24th March, 1814.

Advanced in the British peerage by

the titles of Marquis of Douro and

Duke of Wellington 3d May, 1814.

A grant of 400,000_l._ voted by parliament,

in addition to the former

grants 24th June, 1814.

Ambassador to France 5th July, 1814.

Assists at Congress at Vienna January, 1815.

Takes command of the British forces

on the continent 11th April, 1815.

Battle of Waterloo 18th June, 1815.

Thanks of the Prince Regent and

parliament for Waterloo 22d June, 1815.

A grant of 200,000_l._ voted by parliament,

in addition to the former

grants 6th July, 1815.

Created Prince of Waterloo by the

king of the Netherlands 18th July, 1815.

Commander in chief of the allied

armies of occupation 22d October, 1815.

Appointed Field-Marshal in the Austrian,

Russian and Prussian armies 15th November, 1818.

Visits Waterloo with George IV 1st October, 1821.

Commander in Chief 22d January, 1827.

First Lord of the Treasury 13th February, 1828.

Appointed Lord Warden of the

Cinque Ports 20th January, 1829.

Elected Chancellor of the University

of Oxford 29th January, 1834.

[Illustration: (end of Note; decorative separator)]

No. IV.

The reader should be aware, that in military returns, the figures

which represent the strength of regiments often greatly exceed the

actual number of effective men _present_. There are always numerous

casualties, not accounted for in returns, particularly before a

battle. The _missing_ are not all eventually _loss_; for, if not

taken prisoners most of them join after the strife. The strength of

the British was of course greater on the 16th, before the action at

Quatre-Bras, where the loss was particularly severe, as may be seen

in the subjoined tables, in the 1st foot-guards, 1st Royal Scots,

32d, 33d, 42d, 44th, 69th, 79th, and 92d regiments.

The officers who afterwards died of their wounds, are here returned

_killed_.

RETURNS

_of the strength (officers, non-commissionned officers, drummers,

trumpeters, rank and file) of the British army, on the morning of

the 18th of June 1815; and of the total loss, in killed, wounded

and missing, on the three days: 16th, 17th, and 18th._

STAFF.

KILLED.—The duke of Brunswick, sir Thomas Picton, sir William

Ponsonby. _Colonel_ sir William De Lancey. _Lieutenant-colonel_

Currie. _Captains_: W. Crofton (54th Reg.), T. Smith (93d Reg.).

WOUNDED.—H.R.H. the prince of Orange. _Lieutenant-general_ sir G.

Cooke. _Major-generals_: Sir E. Barnes, sir James Kempt, sir Colin

Halkett, sir Denis Pack, sir Colquhoun Grant, sir W. Dornberg, sir

F. Adam. _Lieutenant-colonels_: Waters, sir G. Berkeley (35th Reg.).

_Majors_: A. Hamilton, Hunter Blair, Hon. G. Dawson. _Captains_: Hon.

E. S. Erskine, E. Fitzgerald (25th Reg.), W. Murray, H. Seymour, T.

Wright, H. M^cLeod, J. Mitchell (25th Reg.), J. Tyler, A. Langton, H.

Dumaresque. _Lieutenants_: W. Havelock (43d Reg.), J. Hamilton (46th

Reg.), J. Rooke, D. Hall.

Officers who were killed or wounded, serving on the staff but

belonging to regiments which were on the field, are here included in

the returns of their respective regiments.

By adding together the figures in the first two columns opposite to

any regiment, the reader may obtain its total effective strength, at

the opening of the campaign.

(page 238)

+------------+--------+-----------+-------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18th. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 1st Life- | 245 | 18 | 65 |_Lieutenant-colonel_ Ferrior. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 2d Life- | 235 | ” | 155 |_Lieutenant-colonel_ Fitzgerald. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Guards. | 246 | 8 | 98 |_Major_ R. Packe. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 1st Dragoon| 571 | ” | 246 |_Majors_: Graham, Bringhurst. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 1st Royal | 428 | ” | 196 |_Lieutenant_ R. Magniac. _Cornet_ |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Dragoons. | 442 | ” | 199 |E. Westby, H. C. Kinchant, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| killing) | 445 | ” | 217 |_Lieutenant_ P. Ruffe. |

(page 239)

+------------+--------+-----------+---------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18th. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 1st Life- | 245 | 18 | 65 |_Captains_: J. Whale, E. Kelly, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 2d Life- | 235 | ” | 155 |_Lieutenant_ Waymouth. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Guards. | 246 | 8 | 98 |sir R. C. Hill, C. Hill. _Lieutenants_:|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| | | | | |

| 1st Dragoon| 571 | ” | 246 |_Captains_: M. Turner, P. Sweny, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 1st Royal | 428 | ” | 196 |A. Clark. _Lieutenants_: G. Gunning, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Dragoons. | 442 | ” | 199 |_Captain_ J. Poole. _Lieutenants_: |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| killing) | 445 | ” | 217 |F. S. Miller, W. F. Browne. |

(page 240)

+------------+--------+-----------+-------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18th. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 7th | 362 | 46 | 150 |_Major_ E Hodge. _Lieutenant_ |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 10th | 452 | ” | 94 |_Major_ Hon. F. Howard. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 11th Light | 435 | 3 | 73 |_Lieutenant_ E. Phelips. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 12th Light | 427 | ” | 111 |_Captain_ E. Sandys. _Lieutenant_ |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 13th Light | 448 | 1 | 105 |_Captain_ J. Gubbins. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 15th | 417 | ” | 70 |_Major_ E. Griffith. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 13th Light | 434 | ” | 32 |_Captain_ J. Buchanan. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 18th | 442 | 2 | 102 | ” |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Dragoons. | 341 | 6 | 72 |_Lieutenant_ S. Coxen. |

(page 241)

+------------+--------+-----------+---------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18th. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 7th | 362 | 46 | 150 |_Captains_: W. Verner, T. W. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 10th | 452 | ” | 94 |_Captains_: J. Grey, Gurwood, C. Wood. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 11th Light | 435 | 3 | 73 |_Lieutenants_: F. Wood, R. Coles, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 12th Light | 427 | ” | 111 |_Lieutenant-colonel_ Hon. F. Ponsonby. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 13th Light | 448 | 1 | 105 |J. Doherty. _Lieutenant_: G. Doherty, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 15th | 417 | ” | 70 |_Captains_: J. Thuckwell, J. Whiteford,|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 18th Light | 434 | ” | 32 |_Lieutenant-colonel_ J. Hay. _Captain_ |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 18th | 442 | 2 | 102 |_Lieutenant_ C. Hesse. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Dragoons. | 341 | 6 | 72 |C. W. Dance, T. Gerrard. |

(page 242)

+------------+--------+-----------+-------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18th. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Guards, | 781 | 285 | 153 |Miller. _Captains_: T. Brown, Robert |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Guards, | 860 | 262 | 342 |_Captains_: E. Grose, N. Chambers. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Guards, | 1,045 | ” | 308 |E. Sumner, G. R. Buckley, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 3d Foot- | 1,056 | 7 | 239 |Alexander Gordon, C. F. Canning. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Scots, | 453 | 218 | 144 |W. Young. _Ensigns_: Robertson, |

(page 243)

+------------+--------+-----------+---------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18th. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Guards, | 781 | 285 | 153 |sir Henry Hardinge*, sir T. N. Hill, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Guards, | 860 | 262 | 342 |Townshend, H. D’Oyley, G. Fead. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Guards, | 1,045 | ” | 308 |D. M^cKinnon, Hon. A. Abercromby, C. H.|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 3d Foot- | 1,056 | 7 | 239 |E. Bowater, C. West. _Captains_: R. B. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Scots, | 453 | 218 | 144 |_Lieutenants_: A. Morrison, W. J. Rea, |

* Wounded at Ligny.

(page 244)

+------------+--------+-----------+-------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18th. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 670 | ” | 134 |_Lieutenant_ W. Squire. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 630 | ” | 36 | ” |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 23d Royal | 741 | ” | 478 |_Captains_: Hawtyn, C. Jolliffe, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| killing) | 750 | ” | 104 |_Captain_ G. Holmes. _Ensign_ |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 28th Reg. | 556 | 75 | 177 |_Major_ W. P. Meacham. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Foot. | 635 | 51 | 228 |E. Prendergast. _Ensigns_: J. James, |

(page 245)

+------------+--------+-----------+---------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18th. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 670 | ” | 134 |_Lieutenants_: J. Browne, G. Smith, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 630 | ” | 36 |_Ensigns_: A. Cooper, A. Ormsby (24th).|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 23d Royal | 741 | ” | 478 |_Captains_: H. Johnson, J. H. Hill. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| killing) | 750 | ” | 104 |_Lieutenants_: G. M^cDonnell, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 28th Reg. | 556 | 75 | 177 |R. Llewellyn, R. Kelly, J. Bowles, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Foot. | 635 | 51 | 228 |A. Gore. _Lieutenants_: R. C. Elliott, |

(page 246)

+------------+--------+-----------+-------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18TH. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 32d Reg. | 503 | 196 | 174 |_Captains_: J. Boyce, T. Cassan, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 33d Reg. | 576 | 106 | 185 |_Captains_: J. Haigh, H. R. Buck. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 40th Reg. | 862 | ” | 219 |_Major_ R. Heyland. _Captain_ |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 42d | | | |_Lieutenant-colonel_ sir R. M^c Ara. |

|Highlanders,| 329 | 288 | 49 |_Captain_ G. Davidson. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 480 | 138 | 64 |_Ensign_ P. Cooke. |

(page 247)

+------------+--------+-----------+---------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18TH. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 32d Reg. | 503 | 196 | 174 |H. W. Brookes, G. Barr, M. Meighan, D. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 33d Reg. | 576 | 106 | 185 |_Major_ E. Parkinson. _Captains_: M^c |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 40th Reg. | 862 | ” | 219 |_Lieutenants_: R. Moore, J. Anthony, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 42d | | | |A. Menzies. _Captains_: M. M^c Pherson,|

|Highlanders,| 329 | 288 | 49 |D. M^c Donald, D. M^c Intosh, R. Boyle.|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 2d Bat. | 480 | 138 | 64 |_Lieutenants_: R. Russell, R. Grier, |

(page 248)

+------------+--------+-----------+-------------------------------------+-

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18TH. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Infantry. | 619 | ” | 42 | ” |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 52d Light | 1,148 | ” | 199 |_Ensign_ W. Nettles. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 541 | 155 | 85 | B. Hobhouse, Hon. W. Curzon, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 71st | | | | |

| Light | 929 | ” | 202 |_Lieutenants_: J. R. Elwes, J. Todd. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 498 | 56 | 280 |J. Strachan, W. Hollis, J. Acres, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 79th | 440 | 304 | 175 |_Lieutenants_: D. Cameron, |

(page 249)

+------------+--------+-----------+---------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18TH. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Infantry. | 619 | ” | 42 |C. W. Tyndale. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 52d Light | 1,148 | ” | 199 |_Captains_: W. Rowan, J. F. Love, C. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 541 | 155 | 85 |_Lieutenants_: H. Anderson, J. Stewart,|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 71st | | | |_Colonel_ T. Reyneel. _Major_ A. Jones.|

| Light | 929 | ” | 202 |Henderson, C. Johnstone. _Lieutenants_:|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Foot, | 498 | 56 | 280 |Pirch, W. Wharton, J. Garland. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 79th | 440 | 304 | 175 |W. Marshall, M. Fraser, W. Bruce. _ |

(page 250)

+------------+--------+-----------+-------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18TH. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| 92d | | | |_Captains_: W. C. Grant, gu. Little. |

|Highlanders.| 422 | 286 | 116 |_Lieutenants_: J. Chisholm, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

|95th Rifles,| 418 | 64 | 156 |_Majors_: C. Smith, C. Ecles. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

|95th Rifles,| 655 | ” | 246 |_Lieutenant_ Backhouse. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

|two companies| 202 | ” | 50 |_Lieutenant_ W. Lister. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

| Royal | 4,944 | 28 | 476 |_Majors_: Lloyd, N. Ramsay, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+-------------------------------------+

(page 251)

+------------+--------+-----------+---------------------------------------+

| |STRENGTH|-----+-----| |

| | 18TH. | and |18th.| |

| | |17th.| | |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| 92d | | | |G. W. Holmes, D. Campbell, P. Wilkie, |

|Highlanders.| 422 | 286 | 116 |A. Ferrier. _Lieutenants_: R. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

|95th Rifles,| 418 | 64 | 156 |_Majors_: A. Cameron, Beckwith. |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

|95th Rifles,| 655 | ” | 246 |_Captains_: G. Miller,J. G. M^cCulloch.|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

|two companies| 202 | ” | 50 |_Lieutenants_: T. Worsley, |

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

| Royal | 4,944 | 28 | 476 |Winyates, Dansey, R. M^cDonald, Webber,|

+------------+--------+-----+-----+---------------------------------------+

[Illustration: (end of Note; decorative separator)]

No. V.

LETTERS

CONCERNING THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.

_Marshal Blücher to Baron Müffling._

“WAVRE, June 18th, 1815.

“Your Excellency will assure the duke of Wellington from me, that,

ill as I am, I shall place myself at the head of my troops, and

attack the right of the French, in case they undertake anything

against his Grace. If, on the other hand, the day should pass over

without their making any attack, it is then my opinion that we should

jointly attack them to-morrow.

“I beg your Excellency to convey to the Duke my full and firm

conviction, that this is the best measure to be adopted in our

present situation.

“BLÜCHER.”

General count Gneisenau, the chief of the staff, felt alarmed at the

tenor of the above letter, which told plainly the decided manner it

was to be carried out. Fearing the Prussian army might be placed in

a dangerous situation, should the allies be forced to retire before

they could arrive, he wrote the following note:

“General count Gneisenau concurs with the views expressed in the

enclosed letter, but entreats your Excellency to ascertain most

particularly, whether the duke of Wellington _has really adopted the

decided resolution of fighting in his present position_; or whether

he only intends some demonstration, which might become very dangerous

to our army.

“Your Excellency will be so good as to acquaint us with the result of

your observations on this point, as it is of the greatest consequence

that we should be informed of the Duke’s real intention.”

_The Prince de la Moskowa to the Duc d’Otrante._

“MONSIEUR LE DUC,

“The most false and defamatory reports have been spreading for some

days over the public mind, upon the conduct which I have pursued

during this short and unfortunate campaign. The newspapers have

reported those odious calumnies, and appear to lend them credit.

After having fought for twenty-five years for my country, after

having shed my blood for its glory and independence, an attempt is

made to accuse me of treason; an attempt is made to mark me out to

the people, and to the army itself, as the author of the disaster it

has just experienced.

“Forced to break silence, while it is always painful to speak of

one’s self, and, above all, to answer calumnies, I address myself to

you, sir, as the President of the Provisional Government, for the

purpose of laying before you a faithful statement of the events I

have witnessed.

“On the 11th of June, I received an order from the minister of

war to repair to the Imperial presence. I had no command, and no

information upon the composition and strength of the army. Neither

the Emperor nor his minister had given me any previous hint, from

which I could anticipate that I should be employed in the present

campaign; I was consequently taken by surprise, without horses,

without accoutrements, and without money, and I was obliged to

borrow the necessary expenses of my journey. Having arrived on the

12th at Laon, on the 13th at Avesnes, and on the 14th at Beaumont,

I purchased, in this last town, two horses from the duc de Trévise,

with which I repaired, on the 15th, to Charleroi, accompanied by my

first aide-de-camp, the only officer who attended me. I arrived at

the moment when the enemy, attacked by our troops, was retreating

upon Fleurus and Gosselies.

“The Emperor ordered me immediately to put myself at the head of

the 1st and 2d corps of infantry, commanded by lieutenant-generals

d’Erlon and Reille, of the division of light cavalry of

lieutenant-general Piré, of the division of light cavalry of the

guard under the command of lieutenant-general Lefebvre-Desnouettes

and Colbert, and of two divisions of cavalry of count de Valmy;

forming, in all, eight divisions of infantry, and four of cavalry.

With these troops, a part of which only I had as yet under my

immediate command, I pursued the enemy, and forced him to evacuate

Gosselies, Frasnes, Mellet, Heppignies. There they took up a position

for the night, with the exception of the first corps, which was still

at Marchiennes, and which did not join me till the following day.

“On the 16th, I received orders to attack the English in their

position at Quatre-Bras. We advanced towards the enemy with

an enthusiasm difficult to be described. Nothing resisted our

impetuosity. The battle became general, and victory was no longer

doubtful, when, at the moment that I intended to order up the first

corps of infantry, which had been left by me in reserve at Frasnes, I

learned that the Emperor had disposed of it without adverting me of

the circumstance, as well as of the division of Girard of the second

corps, on purpose to direct them upon St.-Amand, and to strengthen

his left wing, which was vigorously engaged with the Prussians.

The shock which this intelligence gave me, confounded me. Having

no longer under me more than three divisions, instead of the eight

upon which I calculated, I was obliged to renounce the hopes of

victory; and, in spite of all my efforts, in spite of the intrepidity

and devotion of my troops, my utmost efforts after that could only

maintain me in my position till the close of the day. About nine

o’clock, the first corps was sent me by the Emperor, to whom it had

been of no service. Thus twenty-five or thirty thousand men were, I

may say, paralyzed, and were idly paraded during the whole of the

battle from the right to the left, and the left to the right, without

firing a shot.

“It is impossible for me, sir, not to arrest your attention for a

moment upon these details, in order to bring before your view all

the consequences of this false movement, and, in general, of the

bad arrangements during the whole of the day. By what fatality,

for example, did the Emperor, instead of leading all his forces

against lord Wellington, who would have been attacked unawares,

and could not have resisted, consider this attack as secondary?

How did the Emperor, after the passage of the Sambre, conceive it

possible to fight two battles on the same day? It was to oppose

forces double ours, and to do what military men who were witnesses

of it can scarcely yet comprehend. Instead of this, had he left a

corps of observation to watch the Prussians, and marched with his

most powerful masses to support me, the English army had undoubtedly

been destroyed between Quatre-Bras and Genappe; and this position,

which separated the two allied armies, being once in our power, would

have opened for the Emperor an opportunity of advancing to the right

of the Prussians, and of crushing them in their turn. The general

opinion in France, and especially in the army, was, that the Emperor

would have bent his whole efforts to annihilate first the English

army; and circumstances were favourable for the accomplishment of

such a project: but fate ordered otherwise.

“On the 17th, the army marched in the direction of Mont-St.-Jean.

“On the 18th, the battle began at one o’clock, and though

the bulletin, which details it, makes no mention of me, it

is not necessary for me to mention that I was engaged in it.

Lieutenant-general count Drouot has already spoken of that battle,

in the House of Peers. His narration is accurate, with the exception

of some important facts which he has passed over in silence, or of

which he was ignorant, and which it is now my duty to declare. About

seven o’clock in the evening, after the most frightful carnage which

I have ever witnessed, general Labédoyère came to me with a message

from the Emperor, that marshal Grouchy had arrived on our right, and

attacked the left of the English and Prussians united. This general

officer, in riding along the lines, spread this intelligence among

the soldiers, whose courage and devotion remained unshaken, and who

gave new proofs of them at that moment, in spite of the fatigue

which they experienced. Immediately after, what was my astonishment,

I should rather say indignation, when I learned, that so far from

marshal Grouchy having arrived to support us, as the whole army had

been assured, between forty and fifty thousand Prussians attacked

our extreme right, and forced it to retire!

“Whether the Emperor was deceived with regard to the time when the

marshal could support him, or whether the march of the marshal was

retarded by the efforts of the enemy longer than was calculated upon,

the fact is, that at the moment when his arrival was announced to us,

he was only at Wavre upon the Dyle, which to us was the same as if he

had been a hundred leagues from the field of battle.

“A short time afterwards, I saw four regiments of the middle guard,

conducted by the Emperor, arriving. With these troops, he wished

to renew the attack, and to penetrate the centre of the enemy. He

ordered me to lead them on: generals, officers, and soldiers, all

displayed the greatest intrepidity; but this body of troops was too

weak to resist, for a long time, the forces opposed to it by the

enemy, and it was soon necessary to renounce the hope which this

attack had, for a few moments, inspired. General Friant had been

struck with a ball by my side; and I myself had my horse killed,

and fell under it. The brave men who will return from this terrible

battle will, I hope, do me the justice to say, that they saw me on

foot with sword in hand during the whole of the evening, and that I

only quitted the scene of carnage among the last, and at the moment

when retreat could no longer be prevented. At the same time, the

Prussians continued their offensive movements, and our right sensibly

retired; the English advanced in their turn. There remained to us

still four squares of the old guard to protect the retreat. These

brave grenadiers, the choice of the army, forced successively to

retire, yielded ground foot by foot, till, overwhelmed by numbers,

they were almost entirely annihilated. From that moment, a retrograde

movement was declared, and the army formed nothing but a confused

mass. There was not, however, a total rout, nor the cry of _Sauve

qui peut_, as has been calumniously stated in the bulletin. As for

myself, constantly in the rear-guard, which I followed on foot,

having all my horses killed, worn out with fatigue, covered with

contusions, and having no longer strength to march, I owe my life

to a corporal who supported me on the road, and did not abandon me

during the retreat. At eleven at night, I found lieutenant-general

Lefebvre-Desnouettes; and one of his officers, major Schmidt, had

the generosity to give me the only horse that remained to him. In

this manner I arrived at Marchiennes-au-Pont at four o’clock in the

morning, alone, without any officers of my staff, ignorant of what

had become of the Emperor, who, before the end of the battle, had

entirely disappeared, and who, I was allowed to believe, might be

either killed or taken prisoner. General Pamphile Lacroix, chief of

the staff of the second corps, whom I found in this town, having told

me that the Emperor was at Charleroi, I was led to suppose that his

Majesty was going to put himself at the head of marshal Grouchy’s

corps, to cover the Sambre, and to facilitate to the troops the means

of rallying towards Avesnes, and, with this persuasion, I went to

Beaumont; but parties of cavalry following on too near, and having

already intercepted the roads of Maubeuge and Philippeville, I became

sensible of the total impossibility of arresting a single soldier

on that point, to oppose the progress of the victorious enemy. I

continued my march upon Avesnes, where I could obtain no intelligence

of what had become of the Emperor.

“In this state of matters, having no knowledge of his Majesty nor

of the Major-General, confusion increasing every moment, and, with

the exception of some fragments of regiments of the guard and of

the line, every one following his own inclination, I determined

immediately to go to Paris by St.-Quentin, to disclose, as quickly as

possible, the true state of affairs to the minister of war, that he

might send to the army some fresh troops, and take the measures which

circumstances rendered necessary. At my arrival at Bourget, (two

leagues from Paris,) I learned that the Emperor had passed there at

nine o’clock in the morning.

“Such, _M. le duc_, is the history of this calamitous campaign.

“Now I ask those who have survived this fine and numerous army, how I

can be accused of the disasters of which it has been the victim, and

of which our military annals furnish no example. I have, it is said,

betrayed my country, I who, to serve it, have shown a zeal which I

perhaps have carried to an extravagant height: but this calumny is

supported by no fact, by no circumstance. But how can these odious

reports, which spread with frightful rapidity, be arrested? If, in

the researches which I could make on this subject, I did not fear

almost as much to discover as to be ignorant of the truth, I would

say, that all was a tendency to convince that I have been unworthily

deceived, and that it is attempted to cover, with the pretence of

treason, the faults and extravagancies of this campaign; faults which

have not been avowed in the bulletins that have appeared, and against

which I in vain raised that voice of truth which I will yet cause to

resound in the House of Peers.

“I expect, from the candour of your Excellency, and from your

indulgence to me, that you will cause this letter to be inserted in

the _Journal_, and give it the greatest possible publicity.

“MARSHAL PRINCE DE LA MOSKOWA.

“PARIS, June 26th, 1815.”

[Illustration: (end of Note; decorative separator)]

No. VI.

ANECDOTES

RELATIVE TO THE CAMPAIGN OF WATERLOO.

At a period of the battle, when the Duke was surrounded by his staff,

it was evident they had become the object of the fire from a French

battery. The shot fell fast around them. Their horses became restive,

and Copenhagen himself (the Duke’s horse,) so fidgety, that the Duke

became impatient, and having reasons for remaining on the spot, said,

“Gentlemen, we are rather too close together: better divide a little.”

On one occasion Wellington rode up to Picton’s division, just as a

hot fire of musketry opened upon the 92d. The staff expected every

instant to see him drop, as he sat coolly watching the effect of the

enemy’s fire: but he remained untouched; as did also lord Arthur

Hill, who was the only officer that had accompanied him to the crest

of the ground.

During the battle, a British artillery officer rode up to the duke of

Wellington and said, “Your Grace, I have a distinct view of Napoleon,

attended by his staff: my guns are well pointed in that direction,

shall I open fire?” The Duke replied, “Certainly not, I will not

allow it; it is not the business of commanders to fire upon each

other.”

From this it is evident that circumstances alter cases, as may be

seen by the following expression of the Duke: “I cannot discover the

policy of not hitting one’s enemy as hard as one can, and in the most

vulnerable place.” (_Dispatches_, vol. XI, page 547.)

Whilst the Duke was occupied intently in observing with his telescope

a movement in the enemy’s line, some of their skirmishers were

pressing on, and the musket-balls began to whistle round his Grace in

such profusion, that colonel Gordon was induced to take the bridle of

the Duke’s charger, and lead him forward to a hollow, where he was in

shelter; and so intent was his Grace in observing the enemy, that it

was accomplished without his noticing it. Throughout this long and

trying day, the Duke was always to be seen where danger threatened,

or difficulties arose, fearlessly passing from point to point, and

constantly exposed to the fire of the enemy, protected doubtlessly by

a merciful and all-wise Providence, to add still further lustre to

his name by his continued services to his country.

During the heat of the battle, the Duke was about to pass in front of

a Nassau square, the troops composing which had served Napoleon, when

several of his staff requested his Grace to pass by its rear: had he

rode along the front, the simple process of pulling a single trigger

might have blasted all our expectations, and injured the cause of

Europe more than did the whole efforts of Napoleon and his army.

The arms, clothing, and general bearing of the Nassau-men were truly

French: their splendid rifle-green uniform, broad buff cross-belts,

handsome white cased cap and tall black plume, produced a martial and

imposing appearance.

A hussar and a cuirassier had got entangled in the _mêlée_, and met

in the plain, in full view of our line; the hussar was without a

cap, and bleeding from a wound in the head, but that did not hinder

him from attacking his steel-clad adversary. He soon proved that the

strength of cavalry consist in good horsemanship, and the skilful use

of the sword, and not in being clad in heavy defensive armour. The

superiority of the hussar was visible the moment the swords crossed:

after a few wheels a tremendous facer made the Frenchman reel in his

saddle, and all his attempts to escape his more active foe became

unavailing; a second blow stretched him on the ground, amidst the

cheers of the light horseman’s comrades, the 3d German hussars, who

were ardent spectators of the combat.

During the cavalry charges, a man, named Gilmore, of captain

Elphinstone’s troop, and belonging to my regiment, was lying under

his wounded grey horse, about two hundred yards in our front. The

cuirassiers were advancing; and as I was aware they spared none who

fell into their hands, I sprang from my saddle, soon reached the

spot, and seizing the bridle raised the horse’s head; when the animal

making a struggle, Gilmore was enabled to extricate himself, and to

reach our line just before the enemy’s cavalry came up. The pleasure

I felt on this occasion will be understood by any one who has had the

opportunity of saving life.—Two other human beings, one, a lad, David

Bale, at Clapham, in Surrey; another, a boy, named Tannis, in the

village of Mont-St.-Jean, I was providentially enabled to rescue from

drowning.

I witnessed an encounter during the battle, between an artillery-man

and a cuirassier: the former was under his gun; the latter dodging

round, endeavouring to run his sword through him. At length the

cuirassier’s horse was shot, and the gunner, getting from his place

of shelter, dealt a blow with his ramrod upon the head of his

antagonist, which felled him to the ground: he then seized upon the

cuirassier’s sword, and collaring him, proceeded towards the rear.

On passing us, the gunner gave his prisoner a kick on the hind part

of his person, saying, “Be off to the rear.”

On the morning of the 18th, colonel Ellis, of the 23d Royal Welsh

fuzileers, issued an order that no man was to fall out of the ranks

to assist the wounded. Upon the colonel being severely wounded,

captain Brown ordered two men to follow and assist him to the rear;

but the gallant colonel declined their services, observing, “There

are not too many bayonets in the Royal Welsh, return to your post.”

This strict adherence to discipline, and disinterestedness, no doubt

cost him his life, and deprived the service of one of its brightest

ornaments. (See _Dispatches_, vol. XII, p. 610-611.)

The day before the battle of Waterloo, captain Elphinstone, of the

7th hussars, was grievously wounded and taken prisoner. His condition

was noticed by Napoleon, who immediately sent one of his surgeons

to dress his wounds; and perceiving that, from loss of blood,

Elphinstone had swooned away, he sent a silver goblet full of wine

from his own store. On the arrival of the Bellerophon in England,

lord Keith presented his grateful thanks to Napoleon, for having

saved the life of his nephew.

On the 29th of May, (prior to the battle,) we had a grand review

of the cavalry and horse artillery. After the review most of the

superior officers breakfasted with lord Uxbridge, at Ninove. Old

Blücher was amongst them, and openly declared, he had not given the

world credit for containing so many fine men as he had seen that day.

Our infantry, although not such fine-looking fellows, still bore away

the foremost laurels of the day of battle. On parting, Blücher wished

all a good day, exclaiming, “We shall soon meet again in Paris.”

In 1818, Blücher was one of a large party at Berlin, where much

merriment and jesting went on from the proposal and solution of

enigmas. Blücher at once absorbed the attention of all the guests,

by saying, “I will do what none of you can, I will kiss my own head;”

and while all were wondering how that was to be done, the old man

added with the utmost assurance, “This is the way;” when rising, he

approached his friend Gneisenau, whom he kissed and embraced most

heartily.

Blücher, when at dinner with the ministers of several different

states of Europe, gave as a toast, “May the diplomatists not again

spoil with their pens, that which the armies have with so much cost

won with their swords!”

Happening to meet the Prussian minister, prince Hardenberg, he thus

boldly addressed him, “I only wish I had you gentlemen of the pen,

exposed for once to a pretty smart skirmishing fire, that you might

learn what it is when the soldier is obliged to repair with his

life’s blood the errors which you so thoughtlessly commit on paper.”

The following fact shows that no personal considerations restrained

him from indulging in his splenetic humour against the great

diplomatist of the day:

Nearly everybody knows that, immediately after the convention of

Paris, Blücher was desirous to destroy the bridge of Jena, and that

he would undoubtedly have carried his intentions into effect, had it

not been for the urgent representations of the duke of Wellington.

On that occasion, count von der Golz, formerly his aide-de-camp, and

then Prussian ambassador in Paris, made a written application to

him in behalf and in the name of prince Talleyrand, beseeching the

preservation of the bridge. Blücher replied in his own hand-writing,

“I have resolved upon blowing up the bridge, and I cannot conceal

from your Excellency how much pleasure it would afford me, if

Monsieur de Talleyrand would previously station himself upon it; and

I beg you will make my wish known to him.”

When Blücher was at Oxford, in 1814, with the emperors and kings, the

Prince Regent and the duke of Wellington, he received an intimation

that the heads of the University intended to confer upon him the

dignity of a Doctor. Blücher, who never dreamed of becoming one

of the learned, could not refrain from laughter, and jocularly

remarked, “Well, if I am to be a doctor, they cannot do less than

make Gneisenau an apothecary: for we both work together; and it

is he who has to make up the pills, which I am in the habit of

administering[110].”

On the 15th of June, 1815, the French general Bourmont, colonels

Clouet and Villoutreys, with three captains, deserted Napoleon, and

came over to the Prussians. When Bourmont was presented to Blücher,

the latter could not refrain from evincing his contempt for the

faithless soldier. Some officers tried to impress him more favourably

towards the general, by directing his attention to the white

cockade which he wore in a conspicuous fashion: the Prince bluntly

remarked, “It matters not what a man sticks in his hat for a mark; a

mean-spirited scoundrel always remains the same.”

In a private letter from Blücher to sir Hudson Lowe, written many

months anterior to Bonaparte’s quitting Elba, after disavowing all

desire for future triumphs, he expressed a hope, that if again called

upon to act, it might be in conjunction with the general and army

that had immortalized themselves in the Peninsula, when Wellington

and himself would go hand in hand to victory. It was truly a

prophetic epistle.

“It has always occurred to me, however,” says the Duke, (upon the

battle of Leipsick,) “that if Bonaparte had not placed himself in a

position that every other officer would have avoided[111], and had

not remained in it longer than was consistent with any notions of

prudence, he would have retired in such a state, that the allies

could not have ventured to approach the Rhine.” (_Dispatches_, vol.

XI, page 435.)

It is always interesting to know what estimate great commanders

have formed of one another. During the Peninsular campaign, marshal

Marmont, with about sixty thousand men, approached Wellington’s

position at Fuente-Guinaldo, when the iron Duke’s force did not

exceed two thousand five hundred horse, and two weak divisions of

infantry. Still he exhibited the same coolness and imperturbable

self-possession, which, in emergency, invariably marked his

distinguished and successful career. On this occasion, the Spanish

general Alava, whose enlightened patriotism and high military

qualities had endeared him to the Duke, thus accosted him, “Here you

are with a couple of weak divisions in front of the whole French

army; and you seem quite at your ease! Why, it is enough to put

any man in a fever!”—“I have done according to the very best of my

judgment all that can be done,” was the characteristic reply of the

British commander, “and therefore I care not either for the enemy in

front, or for anything which they may say at home.”

Upon Marmont’s being informed, that, for thirty-six hours,

Wellington, with about fourteen thousand men, had lain within cannon

range of him, his astonishment was unbounded; and he is said to have

exclaimed, that, “Brilliant as was Napoleon’s star, Wellington’s was

more brilliant still.” Marshal Marmont’s discrimination was amply

proved at Waterloo.

Lieutenant-colonel Ponsonby, of the 12th light dragoons, gives the

following account of himself on being wounded. He says,

“In the _mêlée_ (thick of the fight) I was almost instantly disabled

in both my arms, losing first my sword, and then my rein; and,

followed by a few of my men who were presently cut down, no quarter

being asked or given, I was carried along by my horse, till,

receiving a blow from a sabre, I fell senseless on my face to the

ground. Recovering, I raised myself a little to look round, being

at that time in a condition to get up and run away, when a lancer

passing by, cried out, ‘_Tu n’es pas mort, coquin!_’ and struck his

lance through my back. My head dropped, the blood gushed into my

mouth, a difficulty of breathing came on, and I thought all was over.

Not long after, a skirmisher stopped to plunder me, threatening my

life: I directed him to a small side-pocket, in which he found three

dollars, all I had; but he continued to threaten, tearing open my

waistcoat, and leaving me in a very uneasy posture.

“But he was no sooner gone, than an officer bringing up some troops,

and happening to halt where I lay, stooped down, and addressing me,

said, he feared I was badly wounded. I answered that I was, and

expressed a wish to be moved to the rear. He said it was against

orders, to remove even their own men; but that, if they gained the

day, (and he understood that the duke of Wellington was killed, and

that six of our battalions had surrendered,) every attention in his

power should be shown me. I complained of thirst, and he held his

brandy bottle to my lips, directing one of his soldiers to lay me

straight on my side, and place a knapsack under my head: they then

passed on into action, soon perhaps to want, though not to receive,

the same assistance; and I shall never know to whose generosity I was

indebted, as I believe, for my life.

“By and by, another skirmisher came up, a fine young man, full of

ardour, loading and firing: he knelt down and fired over me many

times, conversing with me very gaily all the while: at last he ran

off, saying, ‘_Vous serez bien aise d’apprendre que nous allons nous

retirer. Bonjour, mon ami._’ (‘You will be pleased to learn that we

are going to fall back. Good day, my friend.’) It was dusk, when

two squadrons of Prussian cavalry crossed the valley in full trot,

lifting me from the ground, and tumbling me about cruelly.

“The battle was now over, and the groans of the wounded all around

me, became more and more audible: I thought the night never would

end. About this time, I found a soldier lying across my legs, and

his weight, his convulsive motions, his noises, and the air issuing

through a wound in his side, distressed me greatly; the last

circumstance most of all, as I had a wound of the same nature myself.

It was not a dark night, and the Prussians were wandering about to

plunder: many of them stopped to look at me as they passed; at last

one of them stopped to examine me: I told him that I was a British

officer, and had been already plundered. He did not however desist,

and pulled me about roughly.

“An hour before midnight, I saw a man in an English uniform, coming

towards me; he was, I suspected, on the same errand. I spoke

instantly, telling him who I was: he belonged to the 40th, and had

missed his regiment. He released me from the dying soldier, took up a

sword, and stood over me as sentinel. Day broke, and at six o’clock

in the morning a messenger was sent to Hervé: a cart came for me, and

I was conveyed to the village of Waterloo, and laid in the bed, as

I afterwards understood, from which Gordon had but just before been

carried out. I had received seven wounds; a surgeon slept in my room,

and I was saved by excessive bleeding.”

_Related by an officer._

... “Early on the following morning, the survivors arose and hurried

out to seek, amidst the dying and the dead, those comrades and

friends of whose fate they were as yet ignorant[112]. But even

earlier still had the wretches who hang on the skirts of every army,

for the purpose of rifling the new-made corpse, been at work: the

watches and purses of many were already gone; while many a brave

heart, still throbbing, had received its _coup de grâce_ from the

hands of these merciless plunderers.

“Waterloo was won; the sun set upon a scene of slaughter, and the

stillness of death succeeded the roar of battle. The thunder of

five hundred cannons, the roll of musketry, the shock of mail-clad

horsemen, the Highland slogan, the Irish huzza, were heard no more;

and the moon gleamed coldly on a field of death, whose silence was

only broken by the groans of the wounded, as they lay in helpless

wretchedness beside their dead companions.

“While many a sufferer listened to every sound in anxious expectation

of relief, a dropping fire was occasionally heard in the direction

of Genappe, announcing that the broken army of Napoleon was fiercely

followed by its conquerors.

“Wearied by the unparalleled exertions of the tremendous day of

Waterloo, the British pursuit gradually relaxed, and the light

cavalry halted on the right of the road to Quatre-Bras; but the

Prussians, less fatigued, continued to harass the flying enemy,

and the mingled mass of fugitives were forced from every village

where they had attempted to form bivacs. A barrier was hastily

thrown across the entrance of Genappe, to arrest the progress of the

_jägers_ and hussars that hung upon the rear of the guard; but it was

blown down by a few discharges of a howitzer, and the French were

driven from the town. Throughout the disastrous night not a moment of

repose was granted to the terror-stricken. To attempt anything like

serious resistance to their pursuers, where all were inextricably

confused, was absurd. Officers and soldiers were mobbed together;

discipline had ended: none attempted to direct, where none were found

to obey; and with unrelenting fury the Prussian cavalry sabred the

exhausted fugitives, till, after passing Gosselies and Charleroi, the

wreck of Napoleon’s army found a temporary shelter beneath the walls

of Philippeville.

“That night, the British bivac was on the same ridge which their

beaten enemy had occupied on the preceding one; and as I lay upon

the ground, I heard at times, and at no great distance from me, the

voices of my more fortunate companions who had escaped from the

slaughter, and some were roaming over the field in search of plunder.

Momentarily, I expected that a friendly straggler would pass by. I

must have been for a considerable period insensible; for the place

where I fell, although the theatre of the final struggle between

the relics of Ney’s columns and the British guards, was now totally

deserted by the living, and cumbered only with the dying and the dead.

“I seemed as if awakening from a dream: a difficulty of respiration

painfully annoyed me, and I endeavoured to rise; but a weight,

too mighty to be removed, pressed me to the earth. My sight was

imperfect, my eyelids felt closed. I disengaged my left hand, and

raising it to my face, found that a mask of congealed blood covered

it. I rubbed it away, and, prepared as I was for a sanguinary

spectacle by the continuous moanings of wounded men and dying horses,

I closed my eyes in horror, when the clear cold moonlight revealed

the sickening scene.

“Directly over me, and in the very attitude in which he had groaned

his last, an officer of the old guard was stretched: our faces were

nearly touching, and his open eyes had fixed their glassy stare on

mine. A sword-cut had divided his upper lip, and, exposing the teeth,

gave to the dead man’s countenance a grin so horrible and ghastly,

that I who had witnessed death in every form, was glad to avert my

eyes. I made a desperate effort to shake him off; but a horse’s neck

rested on my legs, and my feeble exertions were quite unequal to rid

me of this double load.

“While suffering great inconvenience of position, I felt the cold

intense, and thirst intolerable. No relief was attainable; the groans

of the dying were unheard, and I sullenly submitted to my fate. But

morning must soon break, and then probably I should be succoured.

Could I but disengage myself from the dead man who pressed me almost

to suffocation, I might endure pain, cold, and thirst. I made another

effort, it failed; and, in despair, I laid my head upon the ground,

moistened with my own blood and that of my departed enemy. Just then

a voice immediately beside me, uttered a feeble supplication for

some water. I turned my head, and saw a young ensign, whose leg had

been shattered by the wheels of a gun, raise himself upon his elbow,

and look across the field, in hope of discovering some one who would

relieve him. Nor were his cries unheard: a man dressed in the dark

uniform of a Prussian _jäger_, and armed with the short sword which

rifle-troops carry, approached the sufferer; but, alas! he was not on

the errand of mercy. Seizing the wounded man rudely, and deaf to his

entreaties, he commenced his work of plunder. I heard the chinking

of a purse, and a trinket, a watch, or locket, glittered in the

moonlight, as he tore it from the bosom of the prostrate ensign.

“Oh! no, no, I cannot, will not part with that!” a low weak voice

muttered; “it was my mother’s dying gift: I will never part with it!”

A struggle ensued, but it was a short one: the ruffian, irritated

at resistance, raised himself, and with a home-thrust silenced the

poor youth for ever. Great God! that such a scene of death should be

increased by the hand of murder!

“I grew sick; I feared to breathe: my death was to be the next,

for he had quickly plundered the body of his victim, and turned to

the dead guardsman who lay across my breast. Suddenly he stopped,

listened, and gazed suspiciously around; then sank down behind, and

stretched himself upon the field.

“My heart beat again. Two men came forward, and they too were

plundering. But surely, all could not be so ruthless as the crouching

wretch beside me! Nearer and nearer they approached; and, sounds of

joy! they conversed in my native tongue. I listened with exquisite

delight, and never did human voices appear so sweet as theirs. They

were grenadiers of the line, and one of them wore a sergeant’s

stripes. Without a moment’s hesitation I addressed them; and an

appeal in their native language was not disregarded, I was promptly

answered in kindly tones; and while one caught the defunct Frenchman

by the collar and flung him aside, his comrade extricated my legs

from the dead charger, and assisted me to rise up.

“I found myself in the centre of a heap of corpses; to take a second

step without treading on a body was impossible; yet I scarce regarded

the scene of slaughter: my eyes were riveted upon one corpse, that of

the poor lad whom the crouching _jäger_ had so brutally murdered.

“I stood up with difficulty; a faintness overpowered me: I

staggered, and would have fallen, but the sergeant supported me,

while his comrade held a canteen to my mouth. It contained brandy

diluted with water, and, to one parched as I was, the draught was

exquisitely grateful. My deliverers appeared anxious to move off,

either to obtain fresh plunder, or secure that already acquired; and

which, to judge from the size of their havresacs, must have been

considerable. I begged them to assist me from the field; but they

declined it, alleging that they must rejoin their regiment before

day-break. At this moment my eyes encountered those of the _jäger_,

who lay as motionless behind the dead horse as any of the corpses

that surrounded him. If I remained, (and I could not walk without

support,) the chances were immense that the villain would speedily

remove one who had witnessed a deed of robbery and murder, and I made

a fresh appeal to my worthy countrymen:

“Sergeant, I will reward you handsomely: do not desert me.”

“I cannot remain longer, sir: morning is breaking, and you will soon

have relief enough,” was the reply.

“It will never reach me: there is one within three paces, who will

not permit me to look upon another sun.”

“Both soldiers started.

“What do you mean?” exclaimed the sergeant eagerly.

“Mark you that Prussian sharp-shooter who skulks behind the horse?”

“What of him?” asked the grenadier.

“Yonder dead officer supplicated assistance from that scoundrel, and

he answered him with curses, and commenced plundering him directly. I

saw him take a purse, and tear away his epaulette. Some other article

the poor fellow feebly attempted to retain; and the villain, before

my eyes, stabbed him to the heart. Hearing your approach, he hid

himself behind that charger: need I add, that there he lies until you

leave this spot, and that I shall most probably be his next victim?”

“You shall not, by Heaven!” exclaimed the sergeant, as he drew his

sword and stepped over the dead horse. The Prussian, who had no

doubt watched the conference attentively, sprang upon his feet on

the first movement of the grenadier; but his fate was sealed: before

the sergeant’s comrade could unsheath his bayonet, the _jäger_ was

cut down, and the murderer rolled in the agonies of death beside the

unfortunate youth whom but a few minutes before he had so ruthlessly

slaughtered.

“The corpse was speedily plundered by the grenadiers, and the spoil

of the rifleman, when united to their booty, made, as I suspect, a

valuable addition.

“The moonlight was now yielding to the grey tint of early day, and

the chief cause of my apprehensions being removed by the _jäger’s_

death, I found leisure to scrutinize my deliverers.

“The first was a very powerful and athletic man, whose years might

be set down at forty: his vigorous frame was perfectly unbroken,

and his look bespoke a daring and unhesitating resolution. Indeed,

his whole appearance was much above his rank; he seemed a war-worn,

dissipated soldier: to him a field of battle was no novelty; and the

perfect _nonchalance_ with which he dispatched the Prussian, betrayed

a recklessness regarding human life, rather befitting a bandit than a

soldier.

“His companion, a very young man, was a fine strapping flanker,

and in everything appeared to be wholly governed by the will of

his comrade. He touched the dead, I thought, with some repugnance,

and seemed of gentler heart and milkier disposition than might be

expected in a midnight plunderer upon a battle field.

“See, the dawn breaks rapidly,” said the non-commissioned officer to

the young grenadier: “we must be off, Macmanus.... We leave you safe,

sir; yonder black sharp-shooter will never draw another trigger. Pick

up a musket for the gentleman; we must not leave him without the

means of keeping stragglers at a distance, should any come prowling

here, before the fatigue-parties arrive to carry off the wounded.

Here, sir, take another pull at the brandy-flask; nothing keeps up a

sinking heart so well.”

“Thanks, my kind fellow, I owe you my life. Had you left me to yon

black scoundrel, he would have served me as he did our comrade there.

What are your names, your regiment? I shall take care to report your

timely services to....”

The elder of the grenadiers laughed: “You are but a young soldier,

sir, and this, as I suspect, your first field. I know you mean us

kindly, but silence is the best service you can render us. We should

have been with the advance near Genappe, instead of collecting lost

property upon the plains of Waterloo. Well, we fought hard enough

yesterday to allow us a right to share what no one claims, before

the Flemish clowns come here by cock-crow. Adieu!” As he spoke, his

companion handed me a musket, after trying the barrel with a ramrod,

and ascertaining from flint and pan that it was both loaded and

serviceable.

“Enough; I ask no questions. But here are a few guineas.”

“Which we do not require,” said the sergeant. “We have made a good

night’s work, and your money, young sir, we neither want, nor take.

If we have rendered you service, it was for the sake of the old

country. It is hard to shut one’s ears, when the first language that

we lisped in from the cradle asks pity in the field. Farewell, sir;

morning a comes on apace.”

“And yet,” I replied, “I might perhaps at some time serve you. You

know the fable: the Mouse once cut a net, and saved a Lion. I am

indeed but a young soldier: but should I be able to be serviceable at

any future period, ask for J—— B——, and he will remember the night of

Waterloo.”

“Of all the fields that ever were seen, Waterloo presented perhaps

the most bloody. The small space over which the action had been

fought, rendered the scene indeed appalling: masses of dead appearing

as it were piled on each other.”

The field of Waterloo is twelve miles and a quarter from

Brussels; Quatre-Bras, twenty-one; and Ligny, twenty-eight miles:

notwithstanding the great difference in the distances of those

places, the firing at Ligny and Quatre-Bras was more distinctly heard

at Brussels on the 16th, than that of Waterloo on the 18th.

Our detached force at Hall, which is about nine miles from Waterloo,

heard nothing of the firing, nor did they know until the following

morning, (the 19th,) how busily we had been engaged.

[Illustration: (end of Note; decorative separator)]

No. VII.

As a tribute of the Author’s respectful gratitude for the information

he has obtained from many officers who have visited the field,

and, with all the advantages of being on the spot, have discussed

the leading questions which have been raised in the United Service

Journal, and so many other publications, respecting the details of

the battle, their names are subjoined:

GENERALS.

Lord John Hay.

Sir Hussey Vivian.

Sir A. Barnard.

Sir H. Ross.

Sir Colin Campbell.

Sir Guy Campbell.

Sir F. Adam.

Alexander Macdonald.

J. B. Parker.

D. Mercer.

W. Mayne.

T. Reynell.

H. Murray.

Thomas Hunter Blair.

T. W. Robbins.

J. S. Kennedy.

COLONELS.

Hon. Keppell.

Sir W. Verner, Bart.

Sir Henry Floyd, Bart.

Sir G. Hoste.

G. Gurwood.

T. Wildman.

Bussche.

Vigouroux.

Forbes.

N. Norcliffe.

Gilbourne.

Lord Douro.

Grey.

Calvert.

Tinling.

Parkinson.

Wallace.

Grove.

Bruce.

Kuhlman.

Lord Grosvenor.

Lord Wellesley.

Hon. G. Cathcart.

Brown.

MAJORS.

Turner.

Tindale.

Browne.

Dawson.

Jackson.

Edward Macready.

Belcher.

Fowler.

Cox.

Rice.

Lloyd.

Maddox.

Ainsley.

Hawley.

Two other officers of high rank, who served on the Duke’s staff,

have given me information respecting some of the most important

occurrences of the day, but not permission to publish their names,

as they had previously refused this favour to several writers of

distinction.

The following letters are submitted to the reader as offering

satisfactory evidence of the Author’s competency to attempt a

narration of the battle, and to act as guide to the visitors to the

field, as well as of the authenticity of the spoils and relics, which

any one may inspect at his residence, Mont-St.-Jean:

“EMS, July 23d, 1839.

“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,

“I promised to write to you, but I have not had time to do so till

now, since I saw you at Waterloo. You were desirous of having my

testimony of the authenticity of the different articles collected

from the field, that I saw in your house. I can have no hesitation in

giving it generally. Many of the things I saw, I could speak to as

having belonged to regiments of my own brigade.

“It is but just also to you to say, that the account you gave me of

the various occurrences of the day, was, as far as I knew, extremely

correct, and by no means exaggerated, and I give you full credit

for the pains you have taken to collect the details. I sincerely

hope, that from the occupation you have undertaken, you will derive

the means of passing the remainder of your days in competence and

comfort; and thus reap the reward of your intelligence, on a field

where you had previously proved your courage.

“Your friend,

“HUSSEY VIVIAN, lieutenant-general.”

“I have seen at various times, Sergeant-Major Cotton’s collection of

spoils of the campaign of 1815, and I am of opinion that they are

genuine relics, and such as may be relied on.

“HENRY FLOYD, Bart., colonel unattached,

captain 10th hussars at Waterloo.

“BRUSSELS, 1848.”

“BRUSSELS, October 2d, 1845.

“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,

“I received so much satisfaction from our walk over the field

of Waterloo yesterday, that I am induced to leave with you the

expression of it.

“Being anxious to satisfy myself regarding certain operations of

the day, particularly the movements of the light brigade, (52d,

71st, 95th,) to which I belonged, I found your exact knowledge of

the ground, and the numerous details you have collected, highly

instructive and interesting.

“I am glad to learn that you intend publishing a memoir of the

battle, and will not fail to become a purchaser as soon as it appears.

“Your sincere well-wisher,

“THOMAS HUNTER BLAIR, colonel.”

“NAMUR, June 29th, 1846.

“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,

“I have read your book ... with very great interest.... Thinking from

our conversation on the field respecting the present condition of the

ground on which Halkett’s brigade acted, that you would be pleased

to know the opinion of even so undistinguished a member of that body

as myself, respecting your explanation of the events of the battle

thereabouts, ... I hesitate not to say that I was at once surprised

and gratified to hear from you ... the best and most correct detail

of the proceedings ... that I have either heard or read.... Further

... you made me far better acquainted with the details of what

occurred at Hougoumont, and to its right, than I ever was before.

“Hoping you may long enjoy health to pursue the interesting

occupation for which your soldierly qualities and intelligence so

well fit you, I remain, etc.

“EDWARD MACREADY, major unattached;

of the 30th, at Waterloo.”

The following document is to the Author, and probably it will be to

not a few of his readers, deeply interesting: it is from the late

lamented colonel Gurwood, whose labour in collecting and publishing

the Wellington Dispatches, whilst it rendered an invaluable, perhaps

an unrequited service to his country and to civilization, broke his

health, and bore down his gallant spirit:

“70, LOWNDES-SQUARE, LONDON, June 18th, 1843.

“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,

“I have had a set of the _Dispatches of the Duke of Wellington_

packed up to be forwarded to you, which I shall endeavour to send you

on the return of king Leopold to Brussels, to the care of sir G. H.

Seymour, her Majesty’s minister, to whom I shall write to inform you

when they arrive.

“The marquis of Anglesey has much enhanced the value of my present

to you, in writing his name in the title page at my request, and he

appeared much pleased at gratifying an old soldier of his regiment.

“Very faithfully yours,

“J. GURWOOD.”

A RELIC.

On the 15th of May 1846, colonel Macdonald, of the Royal artillery,

visited the Author’s interesting collection at Mont-St.-Jean, of

arms, etc., spoils of the Waterloo campaign. The gallant veteran

recognized his own sword of a curious workmanship, that had been lost

on the field, when he was wounded.

This precious relic the colonel left with the Author, giving him the

following certificate:

“This sword I wore at the battle of Waterloo, and after I was

wounded my servant left it on the field.

“ALEXANDER MACDONALD, colonel,

“Royal horse artillery[113].

“WATERLOO, May 15th, 1846.”

Amongst the kind presents which the Author has received from his

countrymen, for his Waterloo Museum and library, at Mont-St.-Jean, he

gratefully mentions the following:

“_Selections from Dispatches, etc., of the Duke of Wellington, by

colonel Gurwood_;

“Presented by Lieutenant-Colonel N. Norcliffe, K. H., of

Langton-Hall, Yorkshire, to his fellow soldier, Sergeant-Major

Cotton, late of the 7th hussars.

“July 25th, 1842.”

“BLACKHEATH, July 30th, 1846.

“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,

“Alderman Moon rejoiced in being able to gratify the patriotic

feelings of an old Waterloo hero, and at once offered to present you

with a copy of his celebrated engraving of the Waterloo Banquet,

which he trusts you will frame and place in your Museum.

“FRANCIS BENNOCK.”

“Mr. Billen has much pleasure ... in sending Sergeant-Major Cotton

an engraved portrait of the brave general Sir James Kempt, and

further promises, should he have the honour to engrave any other

officers who took part in that eventful day, to send an impression to

Sergeant-Major Cotton.

“23, HIGH-STREET, CAMDEN-TOWN, 6th September, 1842.”

Of the _first edition_ of this work, the following notice appeared in

a London journal:

“The author of the unpretending little volume before us is principal

guide to the field of battle. This duty he is well qualified to

perform from his intimate knowledge of the ground, near which he

has resided during eleven years, and from his zealous endeavours

to render himself master of facts, by studious research, and by

communicating on the spot with military men of all ranks and nations.

“The qualifications that recommend sergeant-major Cotton as guide,

have facilitated his efforts to put in print those events which he

is daily required to narrate verbally; and it is but justice to say

that he has accomplished his task lucidly, impartially, and in plain,

straight-forward language, becoming his position and antecedents.

“He states in sober and graphic terms, how the tempest first gathered

and suddenly burst forth in advance of Charleroi, next upon our

allies at Ligny, and our own advance corps at Quatre-Bras; he informs

us of the principal incidents that led to the grand crisis, as well

as of the measures adopted by the British commander to stem the

torrent. The author likewise gives an intelligible sketch of the

limited tactical movements executed during the battle.

“Sergeant-major Cotton shows us how the lion-hearted Glengary,

with Hepburn, Saltoun, and their indomitable brother guardsmen,

immortalized Hougoumont. He carries us with Hamilton and his Grey

squadrons into the thick of the onslaught, where the Household

cavalry and Union brigades, the pride of English chivalry, hurled

themselves upon their brave antagonists. He does not forget the ‘Up,

guards, and make ready!’ or the resistless charge that followed;

nor does he pass over in silence the unflinching valour with which

Baring’s Hanoverians so long maintained their dangerous post. The

author points out where the ardent Irish, thigh by thigh with

heroic Highlanders, or knee by knee with stalworth English, bore

down compactly upon advancing infantry, or with admirable coolness

threw themselves into those impenetrable squares, wherein our

devoted gunners found momentary shelter, when the field was swept

by cuirassed hosts, more impetuous and daring than successful. We

could willingly quote several interesting and graphic passages from

sergeant-major Cotton’s clear and well-written narrative, from which

we have risen with a more distinct acquaintance with the subject and

scene, than we had hitherto derived from works of higher pretensions.

But, as the whole volume merits perusal, we will content ourselves

with expressing hopes that this VOICE FROM WATERLOO may find an echo

in public favour, and that our veteran hussar’s pen may gain for him

laurels more substantial than those already earned by his well-tried

sabre.” (_Morning Chronicle_, 22d January, 1846.)

_Extract from the Brussels Herald._

We have much pleasure in reprinting, from the _Literary Gazette_ of

last Saturday, the following notice of sergeant-major Cotton’s new

work, A VOICE FROM WATERLOO:

“The author was in the fight in the 7th hussars. He has since resided

for years at Mont-St.-Jean, where this volume is published; and he

acts as a guide to visitors when they desire to inspect this famous

battle field.

“Sergeant-major Cotton says, (page 201,) ‘Facts are stubborn things;’

and with the qualifications we have noticed, he is the very man to

tell us all about it. And he has told us in a very circumstantial

manner, separating details from masses, and altogether afforded us

a better idea of this dreadful encounter than we have gathered from

any other quarter. We had, by a curious coincidence, just arrived at

this conclusion on reading his book, when we had an opportunity, in

common with a number of leading artists and connoisseurs, of seeing

Mr. Sidney Cooper’s Battle of Waterloo, painted for the approaching

exhibition in Westminster-Hall. We were at once wonderfully struck

with the apparent realization of the accounts which had just made

such an impression on our minds. It seemed as if the artist had

been present with the writer, and transferred in the most graphic

and spirited manner to the canvass what he had committed with such

particular effect to the paper. The chivalrous encounters, the almost

single combats, the groups of cavalry slaughterings, the flight, the

rally, the rush of riderless horses, the dying and the dead scattered

among the trampled corn: all told the terrible tale of the last

charge and effort of the French to retrieve the discomfiture of the

day. Of these Mr. Cooper has made a stirring and splendid use. It is

indeed a battle-piece, and upon the largest scale, such as never has

been produced before by English painter, if by the greatest foreign

master, in this style of art. The artist is sublime in the mysteries

of moving human columns under the canopy of smoke, through which the

spectator may easily imagine he hears the cannon boom. The whole is

real, yet imaginative; and inspires at the same moment feelings of

intense individual interest, and general awe. With regard to the

author we need not add any other comment. Though he mentions that the

Duke and Blücher met at La Belle-Alliance after the battle, we think

he shows that this could not have been the case; and we have reason

to believe that no such meeting ever took place[114].”

FOOTNOTES:

[103] _See_, page 229, the proclamation of Louis XVIII to the French

people, dated Cambray, the 28th June, 1815.

[104] _See_ lord Bathurst’s dispatch of the 7th July, and the Duke’s

answer of the 13th, GURWOOD, vol. XII, page 557.

[105] _See_ the duke of Wellington’s dispatch to lord Bathurst of the

8th July. (GURWOOD, vol. XII, page 549,) detailing a conversation

which took place with the duc d’Otrante at Neuilly, on the night of

the 5th July; the whole of which turned upon a recommendation given

by the duc d’Otrante, that the king should give a _general amnesty_.

[106] “As well as the duke of Wellington recollects, there is in

the war department a letter from the prince d’Eckmühl to marshal

St.-Cyr on this subject, in which he urges every argument against

the proclamation of the 25th July, excepting the 12th article of the

convention of Paris.”

[107] _Scott._

[108] La Haye-Sainte.

[109] _See_ the covering of this book.

[110] Gneisenau was the chief of the Prussian staff. He was at once

the life and soul, main-spring and working head of their army.

[111] At Leipsick, Napoleon selected his own position, and there he

chose a field with a defile over a morass, a mile and a half broad,

which probably was the principal cause of his defeat.

[112] Several ladies were on the field on the morning of the 19th,

going about like ministering angels tending the wounded. How truly in

this instance do Scott’s lines picture the soft sex!

“O woman! In our hours of ease,

Uncertain, coy, and hard to please,

And variable as the shade

By the light quivering aspen made;

When pain and anguish wring the brow,

A ministering angel thou!”

[113] Brother to sir John Macdonald, the adjutant-general at the

Horse-Guards.

[114] I wish I were as positive of every part of my narrative. E.C.

THE END

SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON’S

WATERLOO CABINET.

[Illustration: (decorative separator)]

THIS INTERESTING MUSEUM CONTAINS

1. The following highly finished engravings: Napoleon, Wellington,

Blücher; Wellington and Napoleon at Waterloo; the Waterloo Banquet;

Sir James Kempt; Battle of Waterloo; Capture of an Eagle; the Prince

of Orange wounded.

2. Medallion portraits of Napoleon, Wellington, Blücher, King of the

Netherlands, Lords Hill and Anglesey, Sir Thomas Picton, Count Alten,

Marshals Ney and Soult; General Cambronne, or “_La garde meurt et ne

se rend pas_.”

3. General view of the Field, (oil;) View of Hougoumont.

4. Plans showing different periods of the Battles of Ligny,

Quatre-Bras, Waterloo and Wavre; Map on which is indicated the

distribution of the respective armies at the commencement of

hostilities.

5. Autographs of the following Waterloo Commanders and Officers:

Napoleon, Wellington, Field-Marshal the Marquis of Anglesey, Lord

Somerset, Lord Love, Sir Edward Somerset, Major General Sir William

Gomme, Marshal Grouchy; Generals Vivian, Harris, Sir E. Kerrison,

Hunter Blair, and Macdonald; Colonels Sir Henry Floyd, Bart.,

Gurwood, Hon. G. Cathcart, and Muttlebury; Majors Kennedy, Macready,

and Lindam, Captain J. Braman, etc.

6. The London Gazette of Thursday 22d June 1815, and the Times of the

same date.

7. An interesting collection of RELICS, warranted spoils of the

Waterloo campaign, a part of which are labelled for sale at moderate

prices, although not so cheap as the spurious articles with which the

neighbourhood abounds.

The collection of relics is composed of arms, cuirasses, casques,

caps, clothing, accoutrements, various military ornaments, trappings,

gold and silver Crosses of the Legion of honour, Prussian Crosses and

Medals, etc., etc.

_The most interesting relic is the Sword, of General Alexander

Macdonald, which he left on the field of battle when wounded, and

recognized amongst the relics of the Waterloo Cabinet on revisiting

the field in May 1846. The General’s certificate is attached to the

Sword._

A pair of Napoleon’s silver spurs.

Several pieces of Napoleon’s kitchen utensils, marked with the

Imperial crown, letter _N_, and “_Tuileries_,” or “_Voyage_.”

A Dragoon’s saddle-bags, with the stains of blood still visible,

etc., etc., etc.

[Illustration: (end of section separator)]

SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON.

_The celebrated Waterloo Guide and author of the sketch of the battle

entitled: “A voice from Waterloo.”_

Pause, stranger as you pass this hallowed spot,

Where guardian angels hover round unseen!

Reposing here brave Cotton sleeps, whose lot

On earth has one of dauntless valour been.

At Hugoument his bleaching ashes lie,

And mingle with the dust beneath his grave;

Whilst seraphs waft his loosened soul on high,

To life eternal which awaits the brave.

Bold, as a soldier, faithful, as a friend,

To enemies forgiving and humane,

He strove through life his country to defend,

With character unsullied by a stain.

When War’s rude thunders rent the loaded air,

And clashing arms bespoke the dread dispute,

When Heroes pressed the cannon’s front to dare,

Each heart for Glory in the wild pursuit.

Amongst them Cotton fought; and lived to tell

To countless eager ears the mighty fray,

In which his comrades and opponents fell,

When victory to Britons gave the day.

His mortal course he thus pursued by choice,

And thus performed the labour from him due;

’Till lo! as recompense, from Heaven a voice

Has called to bliss, the “Voice from Waterloo.”

[Illustration: FIELD OF WATERLOO

TOWARDS SUNSET, ON JUNE 13TH, 1815.]

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Footnote [72] is referenced from Footnote [71], not from the

main text.

The seven wide tables on pages 238 to 251 of the original book

have each been split into two parts. The first four columns

have been duplicated in each part for readability.

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been

corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within

the text and consultation of external sources.

Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,

when a predominant preference was found in the original book.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,

and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

Pg viii: ‘many occurences’ replaced by ‘many occurrences’.

Pg viii: ‘only irreconcileable’ replaced by ‘only irreconcilable’.

Pg ix: ‘discrepances which’ replaced by ‘discrepancies which’.

Pg xi: ‘Prussian ontposts’ replaced by ‘Prussian outposts’.

Pg xi: ‘CHATER II’ replaced by ‘CHAPTER II’.

Pg xv: ‘its retread’ replaced by ‘its retreat’.

Pg xvii: ‘Waterloo at it is’ replaced by ‘Waterloo as it is’.

Pg 2: ‘allied sovereings’ replaced by ‘allied sovereigns’.

Pg 2 FN [1]: ‘a good jonrney’ replaced by ‘a good journey’.

Pg 2 FN [1]: ‘from Napoleau’ replaced by ‘from Napoleon’.

Pg 4: ‘Napoleons’s name’ replaced by ‘Napoleon’s name’.

Pg 5: ‘strengh of the enemy’ replaced by ‘strength of the enemy’.

Pg 6: ‘were to be groud’ replaced by ‘were to be ground’.

Pg 6: ‘in the propable’ replaced by ‘in the probable’.

Pg 8 FN [7]: ‘of tha 1st German’ replaced by ‘of the 1st German’.

Pg 10: ‘of the Prussiam’ replaced by ‘of the Prussian’.

Pg 10: ‘as ta be concealed’ replaced by ‘as to be concealed’.

Pg 11: ‘at the independance’ replaced by ‘at the independence’.

Pg 11: ‘of agressions’ replaced by ‘of aggressions’.

Pg 12: ‘The centre colum’ replaced by ‘The centre column’.

Pg 18: ‘Nothwithstanding the’ replaced by ‘Notwithstanding the’.

Pg 19: ‘Description o the’ replaced by ‘Description of the’.

Pg 20: ‘aids-de-camp. Shortly’ replaced by ‘aides-de-camp. Shortly’.

Pg 20: ‘marche from Nivelles’ replaced by ‘march from Nivelles’.

Pg 21: ‘in somme measure’ replaced by ‘in some measure’.

Pg 32: ‘but was forgotton’ replaced by ‘but was forgotten’.

Pg 38: ‘lieutenand-general’ replaced by ‘lieutenant-general’.

Pg 39: ‘dragoons and lanccrs’ replaced by ‘dragoons and lancers’.

Pg 40: ‘immediate and efficent’ replaced by ‘immediate and efficient’.

Pg 41: ‘them, when praticable’ replaced by ‘them, when practicable’.

Pg 42: ‘und forming a circle’ replaced by ‘and forming a circle’.

Pg 42: ‘up the alignements’ replaced by ‘up the alignments’.

Pg 44: ‘the enemy, dit not’ replaced by ‘the enemy, did not’.

Pg 44: ‘chequered colums’ replaced by ‘chequered columns’.

Pg 49: ‘at a goad pace’ replaced by ‘at a good pace’.

Pg 54: ‘which he commited’ replaced by ‘which he committed’.

Pg 55: ‘galop from the French’ replaced by ‘gallop from the French’.

Pg 55: ‘of la La Haye-Sainte’ replaced by ‘of La Haye-Sainte’.

Pg 57: ‘nowithstanding the major’ replaced by ‘notwithstanding

the major’.

Pg 59: ‘the position ot this’ replaced by ‘the position of this’.

Pg 59: ‘staggered the Freneh’ replaced by ‘staggered the French’.

Pg 60: ‘be gallantly’ replaced by ‘he gallantly’.

Pg 61: ‘to be wondered as’ replaced by ‘to be wondered at’.

Pg 62: ‘he hid so’ replaced by ‘he did so’.

Pg 62: ‘lay and on’ replaced by ‘lay hand on’.

Pg 64: ‘disloged the German’ replaced by ‘dislodged the German’.

Pg 65: ‘his coat ant killed’ replaced by ‘his coat and killed’.

Pg 67: ‘time so catch’ replaced by ‘time to catch’.

Pg 75: ‘au unknown spot’ replaced by ‘an unknown spot’.

Pg 76: ‘Hamilton, aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘Hamilton, aide-de-camp’.

Pg 76 FN [42]: ‘maintened fop a few’ replaced by ‘maintained for a few’.

Pg 79: ‘the sergeant sadler’ replaced by ‘the sergeant saddler’.

Pg 86: ‘home: stil the’ replaced by ‘home: still the’.

Pg 86: ‘Prince, notwihstanding’ replaced by ‘Prince, notwithstanding’.

Pg 87: ‘Freemantle, aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘Freemantle, aide-de-camp’.

Pg 89: ‘ther huge camp’ replaced by ‘their huge camp’.

Pg 91: ‘Alten’s divison’ replaced by ‘Alten’s division’.

Pg 91: ‘sent an aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘sent an aide-de-camp’.

Pg 91: ‘ther dislike to’ replaced by ‘their dislike to’.

Pg 92: ‘his men howerer’ replaced by ‘his men however’.

Pg 100: ‘were the fate’ replaced by ‘where the fate’.

Pg 100: ‘as well as be could’ replaced by ‘as well as he could’.

Pg 107: ‘smyptom of falling’ replaced by ‘symptom of falling’.

Pg 109: ‘having sarcely fired’ replaced by ‘having scarcely fired’.

Pg 112: ‘aid-de-camp and many’ replaced by ‘aide-de-camp and many’.

Pg 113: ‘who prolonghed this’ replaced by ‘who prolonged this’.

Pg 115: ‘the dreadful carnarge’ replaced by ‘the dreadful carnage’.

Pg 117: ‘to be inflictied’ replaced by ‘to be inflicted’.

Pg 117: ‘his own officiers’ replaced by ‘his own officers’.

Pg 117 FN [64]: ‘by Vandersmiesen’s’ replaced by ‘by Vandersmissen’s’.

Pg 118: ‘lientenant Banner’ replaced by ‘lieutenant Banner’.

Pg 119: ‘in a angle’ replaced by ‘in an angle’.

Pg 125: ‘alongh is front’ replaced by ‘along his front’.

Pg 126: ‘lieutement Gunning’ replaced by ‘lieutenant Gunning’.

Pg 129: ‘the Erench position’ replaced by ‘the French position’.

Pg 129: ‘aid-de-camp to general’ replaced by ‘aide-de-camp to general’.

Pg 130: ‘The Prussian dragroons’ replaced by ‘The Prussian dragoons’.

Pg 131: ‘most dreaful struggle’ replaced by ‘most dreadful struggle’.

Pg 135: ‘connduct of the French’ replaced by ‘conduct of the French’.

Pg 135: ‘so long a perriod’ replaced by ‘so long a period’.

Pg 136: ‘full of enthusiam’ replaced by ‘full of enthusiasm’.

Pg 137: ‘is life and strength’ replaced by ‘his life and strength’.

Pg 137: ‘he abbors insult and’ replaced by ‘he abhors insult and’.

Pg 138: ‘ministering angles’ replaced by ‘ministering angels’.

Pg 140: ‘commencing hostilites’ replaced by ‘commencing hostilities’.

Pg 141: ‘Ny interest in’ replaced by ‘My interest in’.

Pg 141: ‘the follewing day’ replaced by ‘the following day’.

Pg 143: ‘downfal of Napoleon’ replaced by ‘downfall of Napoleon’.

Pg 147: ‘and majors-generals’ replaced by ‘and major-generals’.

Pg 147: ‘the battalton of’ replaced by ‘the battalion of’.

Pg 148: ‘Neitheir did he attempt’ replaced by ‘Neither did he attempt’.

Pg 150: ‘Higness’s approbation’ replaced by ‘Highness’s approbation’.

Pg 151: ‘the adjudant-general’ replaced by ‘the adjutant-general’.

Pg 154: ‘excesive difficulties’ replaced by ‘excessive difficulties’.

Pg 158: ‘three in the afternon’ replaced by ‘three in the afternoon’.

Pg 160: ‘the wole army’ replaced by ‘the whole army’.

Pg 162: ‘attaked in their turn’ replaced by ‘attacked in their turn’.

Pg 162: ‘embarrassement arising’ replaced by ‘embarrassment arising’.

Pg 167: ‘throughout our narritive’ replaced by ‘throughout

our narrative’.

Pg 168: ‘that pratically shown’ replaced by ‘that practicality shown’.

Pg 175: ‘your Highnees will’ replaced by ‘your Highness will’.

Pg 177: ‘by my aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘by my aide-de-camp’.

Pg 179: ‘fitfty thousand men’ replaced by ‘fifty thousand men’.

Pg 180: ‘nessary to overcome’ replaced by ‘necessary to overcome’.

Pg 184: ‘Yon wrote from Gembloux’ replaced by ‘You wrote from Gembloux’.

Pg 186: ‘attaking the French’ replaced by ‘attacking the French’.

Pg 191: ‘wits great military’ replaced by ‘with great military’.

Pg 192: ‘everthrow the throne’ replaced by ‘overthrow the throne’.

Pg 192: ‘cause have the fallen’ replaced by ‘cause have they fallen’.

Pg 193: ‘hehold! these are’ replaced by ‘behold! these are’.

Pg 196: ‘gaeat in desolation’ replaced by ‘great in desolation’.

Pg 196: ‘dishonourable fligt’ replaced by ‘dishonourable flight’.

Pg 199: ‘it they believe’ replaced by ‘if they believe’.

Pg 200: ‘render them unavailling’ replaced by ‘render them unavailing’.

Pg 201: ‘Prussians head-quaters’ replaced by ‘Prussians’ head-quarters’.

Pg 214: ‘and the roards are’ replaced by ‘and the roads are’.

Pg 216: ‘and honour to’ replaced by ‘an honour to’.

Pg 219: ‘The Field-Marshall cannot’ replaced by ‘The Field-Marshal

cannot’.

Pg 222: ‘At this measure’ replaced by ‘As this measure’.

Pg 223: ‘the greatitude of’ replaced by ‘the gratitude of’.

Pg 224: ‘I send yon a letter’ replaced by ‘I send you a letter’.

Pg 225: ‘have throught proper’ replaced by ‘have thought proper’.

Pg 225: ‘adressed to me’ replaced by ‘addressed to me’.

Pg 227: ‘as the proprety of’ replaced by ‘as the property of’.

Pg 227: ‘By whom weere these’ replaced by ‘By whom were these’.

Pg 227: ‘who had ad interest’ replaced by ‘who had an interest’.

Pg 227: ‘anglais el prussiens’ replaced by ‘anglais et prussiens’.

Pg 230: ‘at which, they occured’ replaced by ‘at which they occurred’.

Pg 232: ‘throught the farm’ replaced by ‘thought the farm’.

Pg 234: ‘Douro of Wellesly’ replaced by ‘Douro of Wellesley’.

Pg 253: ‘presenc I had’ replaced by ‘presence. I had’.

Pg 253: ‘my first aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘my first aide-de-camp’.

Pg 261: ‘frem loss of blood’ replaced by ‘from loss of blood’.

Pg 262: ‘his aid-de-camp, and’ replaced by ‘his aide-de-camp, and’.

Pg 264: ‘best of my judment’ replaced by ‘best of my judgment’.

Pg 268: ‘almost to snffocation’ replaced by ‘almost to suffocation’.

Pg 271: ‘your timely serviees’ replaced by ‘your timely services’.

Pg 275: ‘highly instruetive’ replaced by ‘highly instructive’.

Pg 276: ‘invaluable, perharps’ replaced by ‘invaluable, perhaps’.

A voice from Waterloo: A history of the battle fought on the 18th June, 1815 · 第 12 / 12 章

“I have long intended to write to you about the medal for Waterloo.