Colonel Gordon’s patrol discovers the Prussians are retreating
upon Wavre.—The allied army ordered to retire upon Waterloo.—The
Duke writes to Blücher.—Retreat commenced, followed by the
enemy.—Skirmishing.—Pressed by the lancers, who are charged by
the 7th hussars; the latter are repulsed.—The life-guards make a
successful charge.—Lord Anglesey’s letter, refuting a calumnious
report of his regiment.—Allied army arrives on the Waterloo
position.—The enemy arrive on the opposite heights, and salute
us with round-shot, to which we reply to their cost.—Piquets
thrown out on both sides.—Dismal bivac; a regular soaker.—The
Duke and Napoleon’s quarters.—His Grace receives an answer from
Blücher.—Probability of a quarrel on the morrow.—Orders sent to
general Colville.—Description of the field of Waterloo; Hougoumont
and La Haye-Sainte.—Disposition of the allied army, and the
advantages of our position.—Disposition of the enemy, and admirable
order of battle.—_The eve of Waterloo._—Morning of the 18th wet and
uncomfortable; our occupation.—The Duke arrives; his appearance,
dress, staff, etc.—Positions corrected.—French bands play, and
their troops appear; are marshalled by Napoleon, a magnificent
sight, worth ten years of peaceful life.—Why tarries Napoleon with
his grand martial display?—The Emperor passes along his lines; his
troops exhibit unbounded enthusiasm; his confidence of victory.
Our bivac was quiet during the night, except that the arrival of
cavalry and artillery caused an occasional movement.
About two o’clock in the morning, a cavalry patrol got between the
piquets, and a rattling fire of musketry began, which brought some of
our generals to the spot; Picton was the first that arrived, when it
was found that no attempt to advance had been made, and all was soon
quiet again. After which the stillness of the enemy quite surprised
his Grace, and drew the remark, “They are possibly retreating.”
The Duke, who had slept at Genappe, was early at Quatre-Bras. Up
to this time we had no satisfactory intelligence of the Prussians.
His Grace consequently sent a patrol along the Namur road to gain
intelligence; captain Grey’s troop of the 10th hussars was sent on
this duty, accompanied by lieutenant-colonel the Hon. sir Alexander
Gordon, one of the Duke’s aides-de-camp. Shortly afterwards, captain
Wood, of the 10th, who had been patrolling, informed the Duke that
the Prussians had retreated. Gordon’s patrol discovered, on the
right of the road, some of the enemy’s vedettes and a piquet; they
fell back hurriedly before the patrol, who turned off the high-road
to their left, about five miles from Quatre-Bras, and about an
hour afterwards came up with the Prussian rear. After obtaining
the required information, the patrol returned to head-quarters at
Quatre-Bras, where they arrived about seven o’clock A.M., reporting
that the Prussians were retreating upon Wavre[16].
The Duke immediately issued the following orders:
_To General Lord Hill, G.C.B._
“QUATRE-BRAS, 17th June, 1815.
“The 2d division of British infantry, to march from Nivelles on
Waterloo, at ten o’clock.
“The brigades of the 4th division, now at Nivelles, to march from
that place on Waterloo, at ten o’clock. Those brigades of the 4th
division at Braine-le-Comte, and on the road from Braine-le-Comte
to Nivelles, to collect and halt at Braine-le-Comte this day.
“All the baggage on the road from Braine-le-Comte to Nivelles, to
return immediately to Braine-le-Comte, and to proceed immediately
from thence to Hal and Brussels.
“The spare musket ammunition to be immediately parked behind
Genappe.
“The corps under the command of prince Frederick of Orange will
move from Enghien this evening, and take up a position in front of
Hal, occupying Braine-le-Château with two battalions.
“Colonel Erstorff will fall back with his brigade on Hal, and place
himself under the orders of prince Frederick.”
An officer from the Prussian head-quarters, bearing dispatches,
written, no doubt, in secret characters, or the French would
have immediately discovered the direction in which the Prussians
retreated, had been waylaid and made prisoner in the night. But a
second officer afterwards arrived at our head-quarters, and confirmed
colonel Gordon’s statement that the Prussians had fallen back upon
Wavre. The Duke immediately wrote to Blücher, informing him of his
intention to retreat upon the position in front of Waterloo, and
proposing to accept battle on the following day, provided the Prince
would support him with two corps of his army.
The first hint to Picton of the Duke’s intention to retreat, was an
order conveyed to him, to collect his wounded; when he growled out,
“Very well, sir,” in a tone that showed his reluctance to quit the
ground his troops had so bravely maintained the day before.
The Duke commenced the retrograde movement, masked as much as
possible from the enemy, who followed us with a large force of
cavalry, shouting, _Vive l’Empereur!_
The first part of the day (the 17th) was sultry, not a breath of
air to be felt, and the sky covered with dark heavy clouds. Shortly
after the guns came into play, it began to thunder, lighten, and rain
in torrents. The ground very quickly became so soaked, that it was
difficult for the cavalry to move, except on the paved road: this, in
some measure, checked the advance of the French cavalry, who pressed
us very much.
The regiment to which I belonged covered the retreat of the main
columns. As we neared Genappe, our right squadron, under major Hodge,
was skirmishing. By this time the ploughed fields were so completely
saturated with rain, that the horses sunk up to the knees, and at
times nearly up to the girths, which made this part of the service
very severe. Our other two squadrons cleared the town of Genappe, and
formed on the rising ground on the Brussels side. Shortly after, the
right squadron retired through the town, and drew up on the high-road
in column, when a few straggling French lancers, half tipsy, came up
and dashed into the head of the column; some were cut down, and some
made prisoners. The head of the French column now appeared debouching
from the town, and lord Uxbridge being present, he ordered the 7th
hussars to charge.
The charge was gallantly led by the officers, and followed by the
men, who cut aside the lances, and did all in their power to break
the enemy: but our horses being jaded by skirmishing on heavy ground,
and the enemy being chiefly lancers, backed by cuirassiers, they were
rather awkward customers to deal with, particularly so, as it was
an arm with which we were quite unacquainted. When our charge first
commenced, their lances were erect, but upon our coming within two
or three horses’ length of them, they lowered the points and waved
the flags, which made some of our horses shy. Lord Uxbridge, seeing
we could make no impression on them, ordered us about: we retired,
pursued by the lancers and the cuirassiers intermixed. We rode away
from them, reformed, and again attacked them, but with little more
effect than at first. Upon this, lord Uxbridge brought forward
the 1st life-guards, who made a splendid charge, and drove the
cuirassiers and lancers pell-mell back into Genappe; the life-guards
charging down hill, with their weight of men and horses, literally
rode the enemy down, cutting and thrusting at them as they were
falling. In this affair my old regiment had to experience the loss
of major Hodge and lieutenant Myer, killed; captain Elphinstone[17],
lieutenant Gordon and Peters, wounded; and forty-two men, with
thirty-seven horses, killed and wounded. We were well nigh getting a
bad name into the bargain.
Reports, as false as they were invidious, having been propagated by
some secret enemy of the 7th hussars, it may not be uninteresting to
the military world to be made acquainted with the opinion of their
colonel, the marquis of Anglesey[18], as conveyed in the following
letter:
“BRUSSELS, 28th June 1815.
“MY DEAR BROTHER OFFICERS,
“It has been stated to me, that a report injurious to the reputation
of our regiment has gone abroad, and I do not therefore lose an
instant in addressing you on the subject. The report must take its
origin from the affair which took place with the advance-guard of
the French cavalry, near Genappe, on the 17th inst., when I ordered
the 7th to cover the retreat. As I was with you and saw the conduct
of every individual, there is no one more capable of speaking to
the fact than I am. As the lancers pressed us hard, I ordered you,
(upon a principle I ever did, and shall act upon,) not to wait to be
attacked, but to fall upon them.
“The attack was most gallantly led by the officers, but it failed. It
failed because the lancers stood firm, had their flanks completely
secured, and were backed by a large mass of cavalry.
“The regiment was repulsed, but it did not run away: no, it rallied
immediately. I renewed the attack; it again failed, from the same
cause. It retired in perfect order, although it had sustained
so severe a loss; but you had thrown the lancers into disorder,
who being in motion, I then made an attack upon them with the
1st life-guards, who certainly made a very handsome charge, and
completely succeeded. This is the plain honest truth. However lightly
I think of lancers under ordinary circumstances, I think, posted
as they were, they had a decided advantage over the hussars. The
impetuosity however and weight of the life-guards carried all before
them, and whilst I exculpate my own regiment, I am delighted in being
able to bear testimony to the gallant conduct of the former. Be not
uneasy, my brother officers; you had ample opportunity, of which you
gallantly availed yourselves, of avenging yourselves on the 18th for
the failure on the 17th; and after all, what regiment, or which of
us, is certain of success?
“Be assured that I am proud of being your colonel, and that you
possess my utmost confidence.
“Your sincere friend,
“ANGLESEY, lieutenant-general.”
The 23d light dragoons, supported by the life-guards, covered our
retreat, and we arrived at a position on which was exhibited as noble
a display of valour and discipline, as is to be found either in our
own military annals, or in those of any other nation. This position
was in front of and about two miles and a half from Waterloo, where
most of our army was then drawn up.
The French advance-guard halted on the heights near La
Belle-Alliance, when Napoleon said, he wished he had the power of
Joshua to stop the sun, that he might attack us that day.
They opened a cannonade upon our line, but principally upon our
centre behind the farm of La Haye-Sainte: our guns soon answered them
to their cost, and caused great havock amongst the enemy’s columns,
as they arrived on the opposite heights between La Belle-Alliance and
the orchard of La Haye-Sainte. It was now getting dusk, and orders
were given to throw out piquets along the front and flanks of the
army.
Our left squadron, under captain Verner, was thrown into the valley
in front of the left wing; the rest of my regiment bivacked near
where Picton fell the next day.
The spirit of mutual defiance was such, that in posting the piquets,
there were many little cavalry affairs, which, although of no useful
result to either side, were conducted with great bravery, and carried
to such a pitch, that restraint was absolutely necessary. Captain
Heyliger, of the 7th hussars, (part of our piquet,) with his troop,
made a spirited charge upon the enemy’s cavalry, and when the Duke
sent to check him, his Grace desired to be made acquainted with the
name of the officer who had shown so much gallantry. A better or
more gallant officer, than captain Heyliger, never drew a sword; but
he was truly unfortunate: if there was a ball flying about, he was
usually the target. I was three times engaged with the enemy, serving
with the captain, and he was wounded on each of those occasions: the
first time, foraging at Haspereen; next, at the battle of Orthez; and
thirdly, at Waterloo. The ball he received on the last occasion was
extracted at Bruges, in 1831.
Our bivac was dismal in the extreme; what with the thunder,
lightning and rain, it was as bad a night as I ever witnessed, a
regular soaker: torrents burst forth from the well charged clouds
upon our comfortless bivacs, and the uproar of the elements, during
the night preceding Waterloo, seemed as the harbinger of the bloody
contest. We cloaked, throwing a part over the saddle, holding by
the stirrup leather, to steady us if sleepy: to lie down with water
running in streams under us, was not desirable, and to lie amongst
the horses not altogether safe. A comrade of mine, Robert Fisher,
a tailor by trade, proposed that one of us should go in search of
something to sit on. I moved off for that purpose, and obtained two
bundles of bean-stalks from a place that I now know as Mont-St.-Jean
farm. This put us, I may say, quite in clover. The poor tailor had
his thread of life snapped short on the following day.
The duke of Wellington established his head-quarters opposite the
church at Waterloo, (now the post-house and post-office;) while his
Imperial antagonist, Napoleon, pitched his tent near the farm of
Caillou, about five miles from Waterloo, on the left of the Genappe
road, in the parish of Old-Genappe. The Imperial baggage was also at
this farm.
Most of the houses in the villages adjacent Waterloo were occupied by
our generals, their staff, and the superior officers. Their names and
rank were chalked on the doors, and legible long after a soldier’s
death had snatched many of them from the field of their prowess and
glory.
In the course of the evening the Duke received a dispatch from
Blücher, in answer to his letter sent from Quatre-Bras, requesting
the support of two corps of the Prussian army. The officer bearing
this dispatch was escorted from Smohain, to Waterloo, by a party of
the 1st King’s German hussars. Blücher’s reply was:
“I shall not come with two corps only, but with my whole army, upon
this condition, that should the French not attack us on the 18th, we
shall attack them on the 19th.”
The Duke therefore accepted battle only under these circumstances;
Napoleon’s lauded plan of operations enabling his Grace to ultimately
place the author of those brilliant conceptions between two fires.
Blücher appeared most anxious to fight side by side with the allies
and their chief, deeming an Anglo-Prussian army invincible; while
Wellington, after having defeated most of Napoleon’s best marshals,
was no doubt desirous of measuring swords with their mighty master
himself, the hero of a hundred battles.
There is every reason to believe that the Duke was more apprehensive
of being turned by Hal on his right, and of Brussels being
consequently taken by a _coup de main_, than about any other part of
his position. This fact is confirmed by the following orders, dated
“WATERLOO, 17th June, 1815.
“The army retired this day from its position at Quatre-Bras, to its
present position in front of Waterloo.
“The brigades of the 4th division at Braine-le-Comte are to retire
at day-light to-morrow morning upon Hal.
“Major-general Colville must be guided by the intelligence he
receives of the enemy’s movements, in his march to Hal, whether he
moves by the direct route, or by Enghien.
“Prince Frederick of Orange is to occupy with his corps the
position between Hal and Enghien[19], and is to defend it as long
as possible.
“The army will probably continue in its position, in front of
Waterloo, to-morrow.
“Lieutenant-colonel Torrens will inform lieutenant-general sir
Charles Colville of the position and situation of the armies.”
[Illustration: FIELD OF WATERLOO, LA HAYE-SAINTE AND MONUMENTS.]
The field of Waterloo is an open undulating plain; and, on the day of
the battle, was covered with splendid crops of rye, wheat, barley,
oats, beans, peas, potatoes, tares and clover; some of these were of
great height. There were a few patches of ploughed ground. The field
is intersected by two high-roads which branch off at Mont-St.-Jean;
these are very wide: the one on the right, leading to Nivelles and
Binche, since planted with trees, is straight as an arrow for miles;
that on the left, lying in the centre of both armies, leading
south to Genappe, Charleroi and Namur, is not so straight as the
former: about eleven hundred yards in advance of the junction, is a
gently elevated ridge which formed a good natural military position.
Nearly a year before these events, the Duke had written to lord
Bathurst, enclosing “a Memorandum on the defence of the Netherlands,”
in which he says:
“About Nivelles, and between that and Binche, there are many
advantageous positions; and the entrance of the _forêt de Soigne_,
by the high-road which leads to Brussels from Binche, Charleroi and
Namur, would, if worked upon, afford others[20].”
The great advantage was that the troops could rest in rear of the
crest of the ridge, screened in a great measure from the enemy’s
artillery and observation, whilst our guns were placed at points,
from whence they could sweep (they are wonderful brooms) the slope
that descends to the valley in front. Upon the crest is a cross-road
running east and west, intersecting the Genappe road at right angles,
about two hundred and fifty yards on this side of the farm of La
Haye-Sainte. The cross-road marks the front of the allied position.
Near where the Lion now stands, the cross-road or line runs curving
forward a little for about six hundred yards, when it first gently
and then abruptly falls back into the Nivelles road, near the
termination of the ridge, where it takes a sweep to the rear.
This point was at first our right centre, but became our right when
lord Hill’s troops were brought forward into the front line, between
four and five o’clock P.M.
About four hundred and fifty yards south of this point, is the
important post of Hougoumont, destined to become so celebrated in the
annals of history, and which even now stands a noble monument of the
determined valour of both the assailed and assailants.
It was then a gentleman’s seat, with farm, out-buildings, walled
garden, orchard and wood. The latter has been since cleared, in
consequence of the injury the trees sustained in the battle. The
buildings are more than two hundred years old, and were erected for
defence. Many of the stone loop-holes made in the garden walls when
first built, are still quite perfect, as are also those made by our
troops on the spur of the moment. The hedges were all banked up, and
with the ditches on the inner side formed excellent breastworks.
A ravine or hollow-way, called by colonel Hepburn “our friendly
hollow-way,” runs along the northern boundary of the premises, which
during the battle frequently served as a covered communication with
the walled enclosures and buildings, as also for a rallying point and
cover.
[Illustration: NORTH VIEW OF THE FARM OF HOUGOUMONT.]
Hougoumont was formerly the property of Arrazola Deonate, who had
been viceroy of Naples. In 1815 it was in the occupation of M. de
Luneville, a descendant of the above family; it is now the property
of count Robiano. This post is situated about midway between the
positions of the two hostile armies. The château, farm, walls, etc.,
were at the time of the battle of a substantial nature. The garden,
or park, was enclosed, on the east and south sides, by a wall, in
which our troops made additional loop-holes; they also cut down a
portion of the buttresses, on the inside of the south wall, for the
purpose of erecting a scaffolding which would enable them to fire
over the top of the wall, or to bayonet intruders. At the east wall,
an embankment, and the scaffolds erected with some farming utensils,
enabled the Coldstream to throw such a fire upon the enemy’s left
flank when in the large orchard, that colonel Hepburn, who commanded
there from about two o’clock, considered it (the east wall) as the
strength of his position. Loop-holes were also made in the stables
joining the south gate, and a scaffold was erected against the
wall on the west, that ran from the south stables to the barn. The
flooring over the south gateway was partly torn up, to enable our men
to fire down upon the enemy, should they force the gate which had
been blocked up, and was not opened during the action. The little
chapel and crucifix still remain; but the numerous autographs of
persons visiting the field since 1815, are all destroyed, the walls
having been lately fresh plastered. The most interesting objects now
at Hougoumont, for visitors to see, are the north gateway facing
our position, by which the enemy entered, its burnt beams, the
small barn where many of the wounded were burnt, the cannon-ball
hole in the east gable of the building attached to the present
farm-house[21], the well perforated top part of the south gate,
the battered front of the house, stables, and the loop-holed walls
with the banked-up hedges, hollow-way, and some perforated trees in
front of the walls. In the garden is a tomb, beneath which lie the
remains of captain Blackman of the Coldstream, (brother to sir George
Harnage,) who fell on that spot[22]. Hougoumont presents even at this
moment a scene of shattered ruins, which cannot be viewed without
exciting feelings of the deepest interest.
On the troops being thrown into Hougoumont on the 17th, all means
were employed to strengthen it as much as possible, and there are
still to be seen many of the intended loop-holes in an incomplete
state, from which it may be inferred that the troops were called off
to defend the post, whilst in the act of making them.
Hougoumont was first occupied on the afternoon of the 17th by the
light companies of the 1st division of British guards: the light
troops of the 1st regiment, under colonel lord Saltoun, held the
orchard and wood; those of the Coldstream and 3d guards, under
colonel Macdonell, held the buildings and garden. In the out-grounds
and wood there were also a battalion of Nassau troops, a company
of Hanoverian field riflemen, and a hundred men from the Luneburg
battalion. The supernumerary light companies of the guards were
thrown into the valley on our side of the enclosures, as a support,
and to keep up a communication with the main line.
On the east side of the Genappe road, the cross-road was lined by
two broken banked-up hedges, extending about half a mile; near the
termination of which is a knoll, with a bit of copse or brushwood
on the rear slope: this mound, or knoll, overlooks the farms of
Papelotte, La Haye, Frischermont, and the hamlet of Smohain in the
valley.
The undulation in rear of the ridge afforded excellent protection to
the second line, cavalry and reserves, which were quite concealed
from the enemy’s view. Beyond the right of the main ridge, on the
right of the Nivelles road, is a deep valley which runs round
Hougoumont in the direction of Merbe-Braine, and from the valley
cutting through the ridge to the little white chapel on the Nivelles
road, runs a deep ravine, which is the one mentioned by the Duke in
his dispatch, and intersects the second ridge or plateau, that was
occupied by part of the 2d corps, under lieutenant-general lord Hill,
who were to act as a right wing, _en potence_[23], or as a reserve,
as circumstances might require.
The principal part of the troops occupying this plateau and valley,
belonged to the 2d British division under lieutenant-general sir
Henry Clinton: it was composed of the 3d light brigade, major-general
F. Adam; the 52d, colonel sir John Colborne (now lord Seaton);
the 71st, colonel T. Reynell; the 2d battalion 59th rifles[24],
colonel Norcott, with two companies of the 3d battalion 95th, under
lieutenant-colonel Ross, who were posted near Merbe-Braine.
The 1st brigade, King’s German legion, under colonel Duplat, was
composed of the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th line battalions. The 3d,
Hanoverian brigade, under colonel Hugh Halkett, consisted of
the militia battalions, Osnabruck, Salzgitter, Bremeverden, and
Quakenbruck.
The Brunswick corps, after their duke had fallen, were under colonel
Olfermann, also near Merbe-Braine. Along the Hougoumont avenue and
the road leading from it to Braine-l’Alleud, were some light troops,
who, in conjunction with the hussars posted on their right, had in
the morning, before the battle began, a sharp skirmish with the
enemy. They were part of the fourth brigade of the 4th division,
under colonel Mitchell, and attached to the 2d division, composed
of the 51st regiment, lieutenant-colonel Rice, the 15th regiment,
lieutenant-colonel Tidy, and of the 32d fuzileers, colonel sir H.
Ellis; the latter came into front line during the afternoon.
On the right of the former, was a squadron of the 15th hussars, under
captain Wodehouse, who threw out vedettes and kept a look-out upon
our extreme right. Upon the Nivelles road, opposite the Hougoumont
avenue, was an _abattis_, or barricade. Near Mitchell’s brigade were
posted, about two o’clock, two companies of the Coldstream guards,
with their colours, in reserve.
Upon the ridge above and overlooking, Hougoumont was posted the 1st
division of British guards, composed of the 2d battalion of the
Coldstream guards, colonel Woodford, who was a little in advance; the
2d battalion of the 3d guards, colonel Hepburn, posted a little in
rear of the crest of the ridge. The whole were in battalion columns,
with deploying intervals, and in chequer.
On their left was the first brigade, composed of the 2d battalion of
the 1st guards[25], colonel Askew, and posted in rear; and of the 3d
battalion, colonel the Hon. W. Stuart, posted a little in advance of
the crest.
On the left of Maitland, was the 3d division, under
lieutenant-general count Alten; the 5th British brigade, composed of
the 30th, colonel Hamilton, and the 73d, colonel G. Harris, posted in
advance; and of the 33d, colonel Elphinstone, with the 69th, colonel
Morice, posted upon the right rear of the 30th and 73d. The four
regiments formed and acted as two.
On their left was the 1st Hanoverian brigade, under major-general
count Kielmansegge. The field battalions of Bremen, Verden, York,
Grubenhagen and Luneburg were posted three in front and two in second
line.
On Kielmansegge’s left, was the 2d brigade of the King’s German
legion, under colonel Ompteda, which formed Alten’s left and rested
upon the Genappe high-road: it was composed of the 1st light
battalion, major Bussche, and the 2d, colonel Baring; of the 5th
line, colonel Linsingen, and the 8th, colonel Schröder: the 1st and
5th were a little in rear of the cross-road upon the ridge; the 8th
in reserve.
The 2d light, under colonel Baring, held La Haye-Sainte, a post far
from being so commodious as Hougoumont, but considerably nearer our
position, consequently easier of access, although more exposed to
the enemy’s attacks and cannonade. It was a strong stone and brick
building, with a narrow orchard in front, and a small garden in the
rear, both of which were hedged round, except the east side of the
garden, on which there was a strong wall running along the high-road
side, then taking a western direction terminated upon the east end of
the barn; a large and small gate opened on the road; a yard and barn
door led to the orchard and fields which now face the Lion. At this
point was the chief tug of war.
A passage led through the house from the farm-yard into the garden,
which lies on the north or allied side of the buildings, the door
of which was four feet wide; there were also on the same side
four windows and ten loop or air-holes, by which any quantity of
ammunition might have been thrown in; consequently, the oft-told
tale that a breach should have been made on that side but was
forgotten, falls to the ground, like many other false reports. A
dozen loop-holes in the west or Lion side of the buildings would have
added considerably to the strength of the post. Loop-holes were made
in the south and east walls as well as in the roofs, and the post
strengthened on being occupied by our troops.
A barricade was thrown across the high-road, near the south-east
angle of the wall; but there were several drawbacks to the
strengthening of this post. The working tools had been lost, the
carpenters had been sent to assist at Hougoumont; half of the large
west barn door was wanting, and in addition, the post was exposed
to a line of batteries, that had been pushed forward upon the inner
ridge of the French right wing, at a range of from six to eight
hundred yards.
In rear of the interval between Halkett’s and Kielmansegge’s brigades
stood the Nassau brigade, three battalions of the 1st regiment of
Nassau, under general Kruse.
Upon the left of the Genappe road, in columns just under the crest
of the ridge, was the 5th division: the 8th brigade, composed of
the 28th, colonel sir P. Belson; the 32d, colonel Hicks; the 79th
Highlanders, colonel Douglas, and of the 1st battalion 95th rifles,
colonel Sir A. Barnard. In front of the right of the brigade, and
about a hundred and forty yards from the cross-road, stood a knoll,
in front of which was a sand-hole, (where the Hanoverian monument now
stands;) on our side of the knoll and parallel with our front, was a
hedge slightly studded with trees, about a hundred and forty yards
long. The whole of this ground was occupied by three companies of
riflemen, under major Leach, who made a barricade across the road:
more of the rifles lined the straggling hedge along the cross-road;
their reserve was at the junction of the roads.
On their left was the 9th brigade, consisting of the 1st or Royal
Scots, colonel Campbell; the 42d Royal Highlanders, colonel sir R.
Mac Ara; the 44th, colonel Hamerton; and the 92d Highlanders, colonel
Cameron; their left near the brushwood, upon the rear face of the
knoll on our left. From this to Wavre, which is concealed by woods
and high ground, and from whence the Prussians had to march, the
distance is about twelve miles: consequently the Duke had good reason
for calculating on a much earlier support by Blücher.
In Pack’s left front was the 4th Hanoverian brigade, under colonel
Best, composed of the militia battalions, Luneburg, Verden and
Osterode; the Munden in reserve.
In Best’s left rear, and posted a little under the crest of the
ridge, was the 5th Hanoverian brigade, 5th division, under colonel
Vincke, in columns of battalions: namely, those of Hameln and
Hildesheim, Peine and Gifhorn.
The hamlet of Smohain, with the farms of Papelotte and La Haye, and
the houses and enclosures in the valley, were occupied by the second
brigade of the 2d Dutch-Belgian division, under general Perponcher.
This brigade, under the duke of Saxe-Weimar, was composed of the two
battalions of Orange-Nassau, and the 2d and 3d battalions of the
regiment of Nassau, the 1st battalion of which was at Hougoumont.
Upon our extreme left was the 6th cavalry brigade, under
major-general sir Hussey Vivian, composed of the 10th hussars,
colonel Quentin; the 18th hussars, colonel the Hon. H. Murray, and
of the 1st hussars of the German legion, colonel de Wissel. A piquet
of the 10th, under captain Taylor[26] was thrown into Smohain in the
valley; their vedettes were posted on the rising ground beyond.
Before the battle began, a Prussian patrol arrived at this piquet,
and informed captain Taylor, that part of Bulow’s (4th) corps was at
St.-Lambert; this intelligence was immediately sent to the duke of
Wellington.
On Vivian’s right was the 4th cavalry brigade, under major-general
sir J. O. Vandeleur, composed of the 11th light dragoons, colonel
Sleigh; the 12th, colonel the Hon. F. Ponsonby, and the 16th, colonel
J. Hay. In advance of the hedge, in front of the centre of the left
wing, was Byland’s brigade of the Netherlands, deployed in line,
composed of the 27th Dutch light infantry, the 5th, 7th, and 8th
Dutch militia, and the 7th of the Belgian line; the 5th Dutch was in
reserve.
On the left of the Genappe road, in rear of Picton’s division, was
the 2d cavalry brigade, under major-general sir William Ponsonby,
composed of the 1st Royal dragoons, colonel Clifton; the 2d or Scots
Greys, colonel Hamilton, and the 6th, Inniskilling, colonel Muter.
Near the farm of Mont-St.-Jean[27], was the 10th brigade of the 6th
division, which was to have been under lieutenant-general the Hon.
sir L. Cole, but he had not joined. Sir J. Lambert commanded this
brigade, which was composed of the 4th, colonel Brook; the 27th,
Inniskilling, major Hare, and the 40th, major Heyland; they had
just landed from America, and had made forced marches from Assche.
These were what the Duke termed Spanish, or old tried infantry, most
of whom being on their way from America did not arrive until the
battle was fought. Sir Harry Smith (the hero of Aliwal) was on sir J.
Lambert’s staff.
In the hollow, on the right of the high-road in rear of Ompteda,
was the 1st or household brigade, under major-general lord Edward
Somerset, viz. the 1st life-guards, colonel Ferrior; the 2d ditto,
colonel the Hon. E. Lygon; the Royal horse-guards (Blues,) colonel R.
Hill; 1st dragoon guards, colonel Fuller.
In rear of Alten’s centre were the 3d hussars of the King’s German
legion, under colonel sir F. Arentschild. Behind the centre was
the cavalry division of the Netherlands, under lieutenant-general
baron Collaert: the 1st brigade, major-general Tripp, the 1st and 3d
Dutch, and 2d Belgian carabineers. The second brigade, major-general
de Ghigny, consisted of the 4th Dutch light dragoons, and the 8th
Belgian hussars. The 3d brigade, major-general Merle, was composed of
the 5th Belgian light dragoons and the 6th Dutch hussars.
On the right of the 3d German hussars were the Cumberland Hanoverian
hussars, under colonel Hake.
In rear of Halkett’s right was the 3d cavalry brigade, under
major-general sir William Dornberg, consisting of the 23d light
dragoons, major Cutcliffe, and of the 1st and 2d light dragoons of
the King’s German legion.
In rear of Byng was the 5th cavalry brigade, under major-general
sir Colquhoun Grant, composed of the 7th hussars, colonel Kerrison,
of the 15th hussars, colonel L. Dalrymple, and of the 13th light
dragoons, lieutenant-colonel Boyse. The 13th did not properly belong
to this brigade.
The 3d division of the Netherlands, lieutenant-general Chassé, (who
so gallantly defended the citadel of Antwerp in 1832,) was under lord
Hill: its 1st brigade, under colonel Ditmers, was composed of the 33d
battalion of Belgian light infantry, and the 2d of the line, with the
4th, 6th, 17th, and 19th battalions of Dutch militia. It occupied the
town of Braine-l’Alleud; the 17th was posted a little nearer to the
2d British division, to keep up the communication.
The 2d brigade, under major-general d’Aubremé, composed of the
36th Belgian light infantry, the 3d, the 12th, and the 13th line,
and the 10th militia, was at the farm of Vieux-Forêt, beyond
Braine-l’Alleud, for the security of our right flank, and to keep
open the communication with our detached forces at Hal, etc., for
the protection of our extreme right. The 6th British brigade thus
detached was composed of the 35th, 55th, 59th, and 91st regiments,
under major-general Johnstone, with the 6th Hanoverian brigade,
major-general sir James Lyon, and two regiments of Hanoverian
cavalry, under colonel Erstorff, and a division of Netherlanders,
under prince Frederick of Holland. These troops were thus posted for
the protection of Brussels against a _coup de main_ by any detached
force of the enemy[28].
The reader will observe that the principal advantages of the allied
position were.
1º The junction of the two high-roads immediately in rear of our
centre, from which branched off the paved broad road to Brussels,
our main line of operation, and the paved road to the capital
by Braine-l’Alleud and Alsemberg. This added to the facility of
communication, and enabled us to move ammunition, guns, troops,
the wounded, etc., to or from any part of our main front line, as
circumstances demanded.
2º The advanced posts of Hougoumont, La Haye-Sainte, Papelotte, and
La Haye farms, near which no enemy could pass without being assailed
in flank by musketry.
3º The continuous ridge from flank to flank towards which no hostile
force could advance undiscovered, within range of our artillery
upon the crest. Behind this ridge our troops could manœuvre, or lie
concealed from the enemy’s view, while they were in great measure
protected from the fire of the hostile batteries.
4º Our extreme left was strong by nature. The buildings, hollow-ways,
enclosures, trees and brushwood, along the valley from Papelotte to
Ohain, thickly peopled with light infantry, would have kept a strong
force long at bay. Our batteries on the left on the knoll commanded
the valley and the slopes. The ground from those batteries to Ohain,
which was occupied till near eight o’clock P.M. by Vandeleur’s and
Vivian’s brigades, was admirably adapted for cavalry.
5º Our extreme right was secured by numerous patches of brushwood,
trees and ravines, and further protected by hamlets, and by lord
Hill’s troops _en potence_, part of which occupied Braine-l’Alleud
and the farm of Vieux-Forêt, on the height above that town.
Between nine and ten o’clock, the French began to take up their
position in our front, on an opposite ridge running nearly parallel
to ours; their centre being near La Belle-Alliance, about fourteen
hundred yards from ours; their right running east along the ridge
towards Frischermont. At two hundred yards behind La Belle-Alliance
is a cross-road, leading from Plancenoit to the Nivelles road,
and intersecting the latter about midway between Hougoumont and
Mon-Plaisir, at which point there are now two small houses built, and
visible from the allied right wing. It was near this point that the
French left terminated.
The French right wing was the 1st corps, under lieutenant-general
count d’Erlon, the same, (with the exception of Durutte’s infantry
and Jacquinot’s cavalry divisions, which were at Ligny,) that had
been marching and countermarching between Gosselies, Ligny and
Frasnes on the 16th, and which, up to this time, had not fired a shot
during the campaign. It was composed of four divisions of infantry,
and one of light cavalry. The 2d or left division, under general
Donzelot, had its left upon La Belle-Alliance. It consisted of the
13th light, and 17th, 19th, 51st of the line, and was drawn up, like
the whole of their front, in two lines about sixty yards apart. On
their right was the 1st division, under general Alix: the 28th, 54th,
55th, and 105th of the line. On their right was the 3d division,
under lieutenant-general Marcognet: the 21st, 25th, 45th, and 46th of
the line. On their right was the 4th division, under general Darutte:
the 8th, 29th, 85th, 95th of the line. The 1st division of cavalry,
under general Jacquinot, was on the right of this corps: it consisted
of the 3d and 7th light dragoons, and the 3d and 4th lancers, with
seven batteries to the corps.
The left wing was the 2d corps, under lieutenant-general count
Reille, composed of three divisions of infantry and one of cavalry.
The right division, the 5th, under lieutenant-general Bachelu, rested
its right upon La Belle-Alliance, and its left in the valley that
runs round the south enclosures of Hougoumont: it comprised the 12th,
61st, 72d, and 108th line. Girard’s division was during the 16th and
17th at Ligny, where it was left on the 18th, it is said, by mistake.
Upon their left, and facing the wood of Hougoumont, was the 9th
division, under lieutenant-general Foy; viz. the 4th light, the 92d,
93d, and 100th line. On the left of the 9th division, upon the ridge
facing the buildings of Hougoumont, was the 6th division, under
general prince Jérôme Napoleon, comprising the 1st and 2d light,
and 1st, 2d, and 3d line; the last three regiments were composed of
three battalions each. On the left of the corps was the 2d cavalry
division, under lieutenant-general Piré, being the 1st and 6th light
dragoons, and the 5th and 6th lancers; they crossed the Nivelles
road in lines, and threw forward piquets towards Braine-l’Alleud and
Uphain; thus keeping a look-out upon the extreme left of their army.
Their artillery, composed of five batteries, was ranged along the
front of the divisions.
Behind their centre, close along their left of the Genappe road,
was the 6th corps, under lieutenant-general count de Lobau (George
Mouton). The 19th and 20th divisions only were present: they were
formed in close columns of battalions, by divisions. The 19th
division was about two hundred yards behind the right of the
2d corps; the 20th about two hundred yards in rear of the 19th
division. The former was under lieutenant-general Simmer, being the
5th, 11th, 27th, and 84th of the line. The 20th division, under
lieutenant-general Jeannin, was formed of the 5th light, and 10th,
47th, and 107th line. There were five batteries to this corps. The
21st, or Teste’s division, was with Grouchy.
Upon the right of the 6th corps, separated only by the road, was the
3d cavalry division, under lieutenant-general Domont, being the 4th,
9th, and 12th light dragoons; and the 5th cavalry division, under
lieutenant-general Subervie, being the 1st and 2d lancers, and the
11th light dragoons. They were in close columns. Their two troops of
artillery were on their right.
Behind the centre of the right wing was the 4th cavalry corps, under
lieutenant-general count Milhaut.
The 13th cavalry division, under lieutenant-general Wattier,
comprised the 5th, 6th, 9th, and 10th cuirassiers; and the 14th
division, under lieutenant-general Delort, consisted of the 1st, 4th,
7th, and 12th cuirassiers. Their two troops of artillery were in the
centre.
In rear of those divisions, in reserve, was the light cavalry of
the Imperial guard, composed of light dragoons and lancers, under
generals Lefebvre-Desnouettes and Colbert, like the rest, drawn up in
two lines; their artillery in the centre.
In rear of the centre of the left wing was the 3d cavalry corps,
under lieutenant-general Kellermann. It comprised the 11th cavalry
division, the 2d and 7th dragoons, and 8th and 11th cuirassiers,
under lieutenant-general L’Héritier; and the 12th division, viz.
the 1st and 2d carabineers (brass-clad cuirassiers,) and 2d and 3d
cuirassiers, under lieutenant-general Roussel. Their two troops of
artillery were upon their flanks.
In rear of those two divisions were the horse-grenadiers and dragoons
of the Imperial guard, in reserve, under the generals Guyot and
Hoffmeyer; their artillery was in their centre.
In rear of the 6th corps and the 3d and 5th cavalry divisions,
near the farm of Rossomme, was the infantry of the Imperial guard,
in reserve, under lieutenant-general Drouot: it consisted of
four regiments of grenadiers, four regiments of chasseurs, two
regiments of tirailleurs and two of voltigeurs, of two battalions
each. The 1st and 2d regiments of grenadiers and chasseurs formed
the old guard, under lieutenant-general Friant; the 3d and 4th
regiments of grenadiers and chasseurs formed the middle guard, under
lieutenant-general count Morand; and the four regiments of voltigeurs
and tirailleurs formed the young guard, under lieutenant-general
Duhesme. They were drawn up in six lines of four battalions each; the
Genappe high-road divided them into two equal parts; their artillery
(six batteries) was on their flank. The reserve artillery of the
guard (twenty-four guns) was in their rear.
Such was Napoleon’s disposition of his eager and gallant followers.
“This admirable order of battle,” observes a distinguished military
writer, “at once grand, simple and imposing, and presenting to its
skilful designer the most ample means of sustaining, by an immediate
and efficient support, any attack from whatever point he might wish
to direct it, and of possessing everywhere a respectable force at
hand to oppose any attack made upon himself, from whatever quarter
it might be made, was no less remarkable for the regularity and
precision with which the several masses, constituting thirteen
distinct columns, advanced to their destined stations, than for the
unusual degree of warlike pomp and high martial bearing with which
the lines drew up in this mighty battle array.” (SIBORNE, vol. I.)
Both positions, whatever some prejudiced French writers may assert,
offered everywhere fair fighting ground, on which all arms could act
without any disadvantage.
THE EVE OF WATERLOO.
“Kneel, warrior, kneel: to-morrow’s sun
May see thy course of glory run;
And batter’d helm and shiver’d glave
May lie neglected near thy grave.
Kneel; for thy prayer in battle field
May sanctify thy sword and shield,
And help to guard, unstain’d and free,
Our altars, home and liberty.
“Arm, warrior, arm: the hostile bands
Now grasp in haste their whetted brands,
And seek the vantage of the height,
Ere the first blush of morning light;
And hark! the trumpet’s stormy bray!
God speed thee, warrior, on thy way!
The stirring word of onset be,
Our altars, home and liberty!
“Shout, warrior, shout: the field’s thine own,
The Emperor’s ranks are all o’erthrown;
His columns dense and squadrons vast
Were but as dust before the blast.
Shout, till the mountain voice replies
In thunder, as Napoleon flies;
And leaves again, unstain’d and free,
Our altars, home and liberty.”
Sunday the 18th June 1815, which cast such a brilliant lustre on
the military annals of Britain, broke but slowly through the heavy
clouds. The rain descended in torrents, succeeded, as the morning
advanced, by a drizzling shower which gradually ceased. Soon after
break of day, all who were able were on the move. Many, from cold and
fatigue, could not stir for some time; fortunately, on most of us the
excitement was too powerful to allow this physical inconvenience to
be much felt; although, in after-years, many suffered most severely
from it. Some were cleaning arms; others fetching wood, water, straw,
etc., from Mont-St.-Jean, (my present place of abode;) some trying,
from the embers of our bivac, to light up fires, most of which had
been entirely put out by the heavy rain. At this time there was a
continual irregular popping along the line, not unlike a skirmish,
occasioned by those who were cleaning their fire-arms, discharging
them, when practicable; which was more expeditious and satisfactory
than drawing the charges. Our bivac had a most unsightly appearance:
both officers and men looked blue with cold; our long beards, and wet
and dirty clothing drying upon us, were anything but comfortable. As
morning advanced and all were in motion, one might imagine the whole
plain itself to be undergoing a movement. Imagine seventy thousand
men huddled together. The buzzing resembled the distant roar of the
sea against a rocky coast.
Between nine and ten o’clock, the duke of Wellington, with his usual
firm countenance, passed along the line and was loudly cheered. His
Grace was dressed in his ordinary field costume, white buckskin
pantaloons, hessian boots and tassels, blue frock coat with a short
cloak of the same colour, white cravat, sword, a plain low cocked hat
without plume or ornament, except the large black cockade of Britain,
and three smaller ones of Spain, Portugal and the Netherlands. In
his right hand he carried a long field telescope, drawn out, ready
for use. His Grace was mounted on his favourite chesnut charger,
Copenhagen. He was followed by a numerous staff, several foreign
officers, and the Russian, Austrian, Prussian and Spanish ministers,
count Pozzo di Borgo, baron Vincent, baron Müffling, and general
Alava. I observed several in his train dressed in plain clothes.
Their number was much diminished ere the day was over.
The Duke generally rode alone, or rather without having any one by
his side, and rarely spoke, unless to send a message or to give
orders; sometimes he would suddenly turn round and glide past his
followers; halting occasionally, and apparently paying no attention
to his own troops, his Grace would observe through his telescope
those of the enemy, which the docile Copenhagen appeared perfectly to
understand, from his showing no impatience nor getting restive.
The troops had been previously placed in their respective positions,
and afterwards the cavalry dismounted.
About this time, the French bands struck up, so that we could
distinctly hear them. I have no doubt, this was the moment when
Napoleon assembled all his generals, and forming a circle, placed
himself in the centre, and gave his orders. This was in the hamlet of
La Maison-du-Roi, about a mile in the rear of his centre.
Not long after, the enemy’s skirmishers, backed by their supports,
were thrown out; extending as they advanced, they spread over the
whole space before them. Now and then, they saluted our ears with
well-known music, the whistling of musket-balls.
Their columns, preceded by mounted officers to take up the
alignments, soon began to appear; the bayonets flashing over dark
masses at different points, accompanied by the rattling of drums and
the clang of trumpets.
Could any one behold so imposing a spectacle without awe, or without
extreme excitement? Could any one witness the commencement of the
battle with indifference? Can any one forget the impressions that
are made upon the mind at such a moment? What a magnificent sight!
Napoleon the Great, marshalling the chosen troops of France, against
those of Britain and her allies under the renowned Wellington! Here,
on one side, were the troops that had held nearly all Europe in
bonds, and by whom kings and princes had been humbled and deposed;
and although it was not the first time that many of us had faced
them, yet, on the present occasion, they were under the immediate
command of their idolized Napoleon. It was impossible to contemplate
so formidable a power in battle array, without a feeling of
admiration towards such noble antagonists.
It presented altogether a sight that must be seen and felt to be duly
appreciated, a sight that “survivors recollect in after-years.”
Such a scene fires the blood of the brave, and excites feelings and
hopes, compared with which, all other emotions are cold and powerless:
“To him who’s born for battle’s strife,
Or bard of martial lay,
’Twas worth ten years of peaceful life,
One glance at this array.”
Picture their infantry in front, in two lines sixty yards apart,
flanked by lancers with their fluttering flags. In rear of the centre
of the infantry wings were the cuirassiers, also in two lines. In
rear of the cuirassiers, on the right, the lancers and chasseurs of
the Imperial guard, in their splendid but gaudy uniforms: the former
clad in scarlet; the latter like hussars, in rifle-green fur-trimmed
pelisse, gold lace, bear-skin cap. In rear of the cuirassiers on the
left, the horse-grenadiers and dragoons of the Imperial guard, with
their dazzling arms.
Immediately in rear of the centre was the reserve, composed of the
6th corps, in columns; on the left, and on the right of the Genappe
road, were two divisions of light cavalry.
In rear of the whole, was the infantry of the Imperial guard in
columns, a dense, dark mass, which, with the 6th corps and cavalry,
were flanked by their numerous artillery. Nearly seventy-two thousand
men, and two hundred and forty-six guns, ranged with matches lighted,
gave an awful presage of the approaching conflict.
The enemy were quite in hand, all within call, there was nothing
to prevent a movement being made. Why tarries Napoleon, so often
termed “the thunderbolt of war?” Every minute’s delay is loss to
him, and gain to Wellington, whose game it was to stand fast until
the Prussians arrived. Was the Emperor tampering with a portion of
the allies who had formerly fought in his ranks, and who might again
rally round his eagles, (as he had been led to believe,) should a
favourable opportunity present itself? French writers reply, and
with some justice, that Napoleon waited for the partial drying of
the ground, which the night’s rain had rendered very unfavourable
for cavalry and artillery. The grand martial display was calculated
to heighten the enthusiasm of his legions, at the same time that it
gratified the Emperor’s unbounded ambition.
The allied army, a motley group, of nearly sixty-eight thousand men
and a hundred and fifty-six guns, though almost as numerous as that
of the enemy, did not present so imposing a spectacle, being for the
most part drawn up in chequered columns of battalions at deploying
intervals, the cavalry being on the flanks and in the rear. According
to the nature of the ground, the guns were skilfully ranged at points
whence the melancholy work of destruction could be best effected;
yet, from its undulating form, it concealed from the enemy’s view a
great portion of our force.
“Never,” said Napoleon, “had his troops been animated with such
spirit, nor taken up their ground with such precision. The earth
seemed proud of being trodden by such combatants.... Never yet, I
believe,” said he at St.-Helena, “has there been such devotion shown
by soldiers, as mine have manifested to me; never has man been served
more faithfully by his troops.”
The two armies were now fairly in presence of each other.
The French lines being completed, the Emperor passed along them,
attended by a brilliant and numerous staff: a forest of plumes waved
around him. The troops hailed him with repeated shouts of _Vive
l’Empereur!_ the infantry raising their caps upon their bayonets, and
the cavalry their casques or helmets upon their swords and lances.
The parade over, the whole instantly formed columns.
With an army thus animated by one sentiment, and doubtless
calculating on being joined during the fray by more than a few of
the motley group who stood in his front, it may readily be conceived
that Napoleon fully participated in the general confidence of a
signal victory.
“The force of the two armies,” said the Emperor just before the
battle began, “could not be estimated by a mere comparison of
numbers; because the allied army was composed of troops more or
less efficient: so that _one Englishman might be counted for one
Frenchman_; but two Netherlander, Prussians, Germans, or soldiers of
the Confederation, were required to make up one Frenchman.”
[Illustration: (end of chapter; image of a sword)]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] “I did in truth,” said Ney at his trial, “kiss the hand of the
king, his Majesty having presented it to me when he wished me a good
journey. I spoke of the descent of Napoleon with indignation, and
made use of the expression, _the iron cage_. During the night of the
13th of March, (down to which time I protest my fidelity,) I received
a proclamation from Napoleon, which I signed.” On the following day
he published the fatal proclamation to his troops, which afterwards
cost him his life. _See_ Appendix, No. II.
[2] _See_ GURWOOD, _Dispatches_, vol. XII, pages 350, 356.
[3] _Ibid._, page 363.
[4] _See_ GURWOOD, _Dispatches_, vol. XII, page 365.
[5] _See_ Appendix, No. I.
[6] The 3d guards and 42d Highlanders had near eight hundred
militia-men in their ranks. The guards actually fought in their
Surrey militia jackets.
[7] Colonel de Wissel, of the 1st German hussars, reported the fact
to general Vivian, who went to the outposts next day, and, finding
the enemy ready to attack, informed the Duke.
[8] _See_ the following page, and the beginning of chap. XI.
[9] _See_ GURWOOD, _Dispatches_, vol. XII, page 290.
[10] One would say, after such language as this to his devoted
and enthusiastic followers, and maintaining as Napoleon did, that
Frederick the Great was right in carrying poison about his person to
put an end to his existence in case of a great reverse of fortune,
“He was right, he was right, it would have been dastardly indeed
to live like a wretch (_pleutre_) after having once attained to
the highest pinnacle of fame;” the Emperor would have brought his
actions more in unison with his words, if, when on finding the day of
Waterloo going against him, he had, in person, led his Imperial guard
to attack our position.
[11] _See_ Outline map of the Waterloo campaign.
[12] Had general Zieten been equally alert in making the duke of
Wellington acquainted with the attack of the French, as he was in
communicating the intelligence to Blücher, the battle of Ligny might
have either not been fought at all, or would have terminated less
disastrously to his countrymen. (GLEIG’S _Story of the Battle of
Waterloo_.)
[13] _See_ Appendix, No. I.
[14] A pity the poet did not put, _Soigné_.
[15] What appears most astonishing is, that the real line of retreat
of the Prussian columns was not discovered by the victorious French
until the afternoon of the 17th.
[16] The road by which the Prussians retreated upon Wavre, was
examined by lieutenant-colonel Jackson, of the Royal staff corps,
and a report thereof sent to the Prussian head-quarters, before the
campaign opened.
[17] _See_ anecdote, Appendix, No. VI.
[18] Lord Uxbridge was created Marquis of Anglesey, for his
distinguished conduct on the field of Waterloo.
[19] _See_ Outline map of the Waterloo campaign.
[20] _See_ GURWOOD, _Dispatches_, vol. XII, page 129.
[21] The cannon-ball entered the west end of the large building still
in existence; consequently must have passed through four, if not five
walls, before it came out at the east end looking into the garden, or
park.
[22] Sergeant-major Cotton, the author of this “VOICE FROM WATERLOO,”
also lies buried in the same garden, not far from captain Blackman’s
grave. He died at Mont-St.-Jean, the 24th June, 1849. (_Editor._)
[23] _En potence_, is a military phrase which expresses a bending or
throwing back of either flank or wing of an army.
[24] Now the Rifle brigade.
[25] Since called Grenadier guards, on account of their gallant
conduct when opposed to the Imperial grenadiers of France, at the
close of the day of Waterloo.
[26] Now Major-General Taylor and deputy governor of Sandhurst
college.
[27] Every house in the neighbourhood was used for the wounded; the
farm of Mont-St.-Jean was the chief hospital, or the head-quarters
for the medical staff.
[28] _See_ Outline map of the Waterloo campaign.