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THE FIELD OF WATERLOO.
HOTEL DU MUSÉE,
AT THE FOOT OF THE LION MOUNT.
This Hotel, kept by a niece of the late Sergeant-Major Cotton, is
situated in the very centre of the field of Waterloo, and is strongly
recommended to visitors on account of its proximity to the scenes of
interest connected with the great battle, and also for the excellent
accomodation and comfort it offers at moderate charges.—_See
Bradshaw’s continental Guide._
_Wines and Spirits of the best quality. Bass’s pale Ale; London
porter, etc._
_N.B._—GUIDE BOOKS,—“The voice from Waterloo” by Sergeant Cotton, the
most correct and cheapest account of the battle published—Plans of
the field views and Photographs of all noted places always on sale at
the Hotel.
A Museum of Relics shewn to visitors.
A VOICE
FROM
WATERLOO.
_Déposé selon la loi._
_Entered at Stationers’ Hall._
BRUSSELS:
J. H. Briard, Printer, 4, Rue aux Laines.
[Illustration: NAPOLEON. WELLINGTON.]
A VOICE FROM
WATERLOO
A HISTORY OF THE BATTLE
FOUGHT ON THE 18TH JUNE 1815
WITH A SELECTION FROM THE WELLINGTON DISPATCHES, GENERAL ORDERS
AND LETTERS RELATING TO THE BATTLE.
ILLUSTRATED WITH ENGRAVINGS, PORTRAITS AND PLANS.
BY
SERGEANT-MAJOR EDWARD COTTON
(LATE 7TH HUSSARS).
“Facts are stubborn things.”
SIXTH EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED.
[Illustration: (decorative separator)]
PRINTED FOR THE PROPRIETOR,
MONT-ST.-JEAN,
SOLD ALSO BY THE PRINCIPAL BOOKSELLERS IN BELGIUM.
LONDON
B. GREEN, PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1862
AS A TESTIMONY
of the profound admiration entertained for His Lordship
by every British soldier,
THIS WORK IS HUMBLY DEDICATED
TO FIELD-MARSHAL THE MOST NOBLE
THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY, K.G., G.C.B., G.C.H.,
_by His Lordship’s grateful servant_,
E. COTTON, Sergeant-Major,
LATE 7TH HUSSARS.
PREFACE
TO THE SIXTH EDITION.
“A Voice from Waterloo” is the unassuming tale of an old soldier who
was an eyewitness of and actor in many of the scenes he attempts to
describe.
My having resided more than fourteen years on the field, as Guide,
and Describer of the battle, may be considered as the parent of the
present memoirs.
No one can be more convinced than I am, of my inability to do justice
to the subject: but I have had great advantages in communicating
personally on the spot with “Waterloo men” of every nation; all of
whom, from the general to the private, have evidently considered
it a duty and a pleasure to assist an old companion in arms. The
inquiries and comments made by those gallant men, have afforded me
opportunities of gleaning much information which no other person has
obtained, and has enabled me to give a fuller and truer history of
the battle, than a more talented man could have done, unless he had
enjoyed the same privilege.
One of my objects in writing, is to correct opinions which have gone
forth, and which are greatly at variance with facts: opinions so
erroneous as to warrant the remark of general Jomini, that “Never was
a battle so confusedly described as that of Waterloo.” It is certain
that the hour of many occurrences on the field has been erroneously
stated: such as of the arrival, or rather becoming engaged, of the
different Prussian corps; the fall of La Haye-Sainte, defeat of the
Imperial guard, etc.
After the publication of so many accounts of the battle of the
18th of June, it may be fairly asked on what grounds I expect to
awaken fresh interest in a subject so long before the public. Can
I reconcile the conflicting statements which have already appeared
in print? Can I add to the information which most of my countrymen
already possess concerning this memorable epoch? Or can I present
that information in a compendious and lucid form, such as the general
reader may still need? Something in all these ways, I hope I have
accomplished.
Putting aside some of the French and English accounts as not
only irreconcilable with facts, but as self-refuted by their
inconsistencies and mutual contradictions,—using such of the French
narratives as agree with those of their opponents, which, as
Wellington observed of Napoleon’s bulletins, may be safely relied
upon as far as they tell against themselves,—I have cleared up a
great number of the points disputed by our own writers, who agree
in the main, but differ in some circumstances involving not merely
questions of time and locality of certain events, but even the
claims of individuals, regiments and brigades to the honour attached
to their deeds on that day. By my long residence at Mont-St.-Jean,
constant study of the surface of the battle field, knowledge of the
composition and even _dress_ of the different bodies of the French
troops which stood before us, and by paying close attention to the
remarks made by many a gallant comrade revisiting the spot, I have in
a great measure succeeded in reconciling discrepancies which perhaps
no other person could explain.
I am also emboldened to think that my “VOICE FROM WATERLOO” presents
to the general reader all the leading facts of this eventful
struggle, in so concise a manner, and at so moderate a cost, as to
secure it a preference over every other narration of the battle.
Although not strictly belonging to “A VOICE FROM WATERLOO,” I have
added, as a connecting link in the narrative, an outline map, and a
sketch of the military operations of the campaign of 1815.
Most anxious to avoid the imputation of having employed the materials
of others without acknowledgment, I beg to state that, besides
various military periodicals, I have made use of captain Siborne’s
History of the War in France and Belgium: The Military Life of the
Duke of Wellington, by Major Basil Jackson and Captain Rochfort
Scott; The Wellington Dispatches and General Orders, by Colonel
Gurwood; Fall of Napoleon, by Colonel Mitchell; Political and
Military Life of Napoleon, and The Art of War, by General Jomini;
History of the King’s German Legion, by Major Beamish; Prussian
History of the Campaign of 1815, by General Grollman, etc., etc.
As to the manner in which I have executed my task, I know I am open
to criticism. No doubt many of my remarks will be considered too
digressive. Some persons will think I am too hard upon Napoleon: my
authorities in this are more frequently French than English. Others
will judge me too partial to the immortal Wellington.
Waterloo was termed by Napoleon, “a concurrence of unexempled
fatalities, a day not to be comprehended. Was there treason? or was
there only misfortune?”
Wellington said, that “he had never before fought so hard a battle,
nor won so great a victory.” If the reader derive the same impression
from his attention to “A VOICE FROM WATERLOO,” I shall be satisfied,
because I shall have succeeded.
EDWARD COTTON,
_Waterloo Guide, and Describer of the Battle_.
MONT-ST.-JEAN, February, 1849.
CONTENTS.
TO THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY _Page_ V
PREFACE VII
CHAPTER I.
Napoleon leaves Elba; lands in France.—Louis XVIII quits
Paris.—Napoleon, joined by the army, arrives in Paris.—Hostile
declaration of the great powers of Europe against Napoleon,
which he treats with contempt, and prepares for war.—France soon
appears one vast camp.—Allied armies assemble in Belgium.—The
duke of Wellington arrives and takes the command; adopts
precautionary measures.—In consequence of rumours, his Grace
issues a secret memorandum, and draws the army together.—Strength,
composition and distribution of the allied, Prussian, and French
armies.—Continued rumours; and certain intelligence of the enemy’s
advance.—Importance of holding Brussels.—Napoleon’s attempt to
surprise us frustrated.—Blücher concentrates his forces.—Napoleon
joins his army, and issues his order of the day; attacks the
Prussian outposts, and takes Charleroi.—Intelligence reaches the
Duke.—Distribution of the enemy.—The Duke orders the army to
prepare, and afterwards to march on Quatre-Bras.—The duchess of
Richmond’s ball.—The troops in motion at early dawn.—His Grace
proceeds by Waterloo to Quatre-Bras, and from thence to Ligny,
where he meets Blücher, whom he promises to support, and returns
to Quatre-Bras.—Picton’s division and the Brunswickers arrive at
Quatre-Bras, and are attacked by the French left column under Ney;
more of our troops arrive.—Outline of the battles of Quatre-Bras
and Ligny.—Observations. 1
CHAPTER II.
Colonel Gordon’s patrol discovers the Prussians are retreating
upon Wavre.—The allied army ordered to retire upon Waterloo.—The
Duke writes to Blücher.—Retreat commenced, followed by the
enemy.—Skirmishing.—Pressed by the lancers, who are charged by
the 7th hussars; the latter are repulsed.—The life-guards make a
successful charge.—Lord Anglesey’s letter, refuting a calumnious
report of his regiment.—Allied army arrives on the Waterloo
position.—The enemy arrive on the opposite heights, and salute
us with round-shot, to which we reply to their cost.—Piquets
thrown out on both sides.—Dismal bivac; a regular soaker.—The
Duke and Napoleon’s quarters.—His Grace receives an answer from
Blücher.—Probability of a quarrel on the morrow.—Orders sent to
general Colville.—Description of the field of Waterloo; Hougoumont
and La Haye-Sainte.—Disposition of the allied army, and the
advantages of our position.—Disposition of the enemy, and admirable
order of battle.—_The eve of Waterloo._—Morning of the 18th wet and
uncomfortable; our occupation.—The Duke arrives; his appearance,
dress, staff, etc.—Positions corrected.—French bands play, and
their troops appear; are marshalled by Napoleon, a magnificent
sight, worth ten years of peaceful life.—Why tarries Napoleon with
his grand martial display?—The Emperor passes along his lines; his
troops exhibit unbounded enthusiasm; his confidence of victory. 19
CHAPTER III.
The Duke at Hougoumont, makes a slight change, returns to the
ridge.—Battle commences at Hougoumont; Jérôme’s columns put in
motion, drew the fire of our batteries upon them, to which theirs
replied.—Close fighting at Hougoumont.—Our left menaced by the
enemy’s cavalry.—Howitzers open upon the enemy in the wood of
Hougoumont.—The enemy press on and approach the masked wall,
from whence the crashing fusillade astounds them.—Our troops
under lord Saltoun charge and rout the enemy; a portion of whom
pass Hougoumont on their right, and enter the gate; a desperate
struggle ensues.—Gallantry of colonel Macdonell, sergeant Graham,
and the Coldstream.—The enemy’s light troops drive off our
right battery.—Colonel Woodford, with a body of the Coldstream,
reinforces Hougoumont.—Sergeant Graham rescues his brother from the
flames.—Prussian cavalry observed.—Hougoumont a stumbling-block to
the enemy, who now prepare to attack our left.—Napoleon observes
apart of Bulow’s Prussian corps, and detaches cavalry to keep
them in check.—A Prussian hussar taken prisoner; his disclosures
to the enemy.—Soult writes a dispatch to Grouchy.—Oversight of
Napoleon, who orders Ney to attack our left.—D’Erlon’s columns
advance; terrific fire of artillery.—La Haye-Sainte and Papelotte
attacked.—Picton’s division, aided by Ponsonby’s cavalry, defeat
the enemy.—Shaw the life-guardsman killed.—Struggle for a colour.—A
female hussar killed.—Picton killed.—Scots Greys and Highlanders
charge together.—Two eagles captured, with a host of prisoners.—Our
heavy cavalry get out of hand.—Ponsonby killed.—12th dragoons
charge.—Our front troops drawn back.—Charge of Kellermann’s
cuirassiers, repulsed by Somerset’s household brigade, who
following up the enemy mix with Ponsonby’s dragoons on the French
position.—Captain Siborne’s narrative of the attack upon our left
and centre.—Heroism of lord Uxbridge. 47
CHAPTER IV.
Hougoumont reinforced, the enemy driven back.—The enemy’s
cavalry charge, and are driven off.—Struggle in the orchard
continued.—Advance of a column of French infantry, who suffer
and are checked by the terrific fire of our battery.—Napoleon
directs his howitzers upon Hougoumont, which is soon set on
fire; notwithstanding, the Duke ordered it to be held at any
cost.—La Haye-Sainte again assailed.—A _ruse_ of the enemy’s
lancers.—Fire of the enemy’s artillery increases.—Importance of
our advanced posts.—Ney’s grand cavalry attacks; destructive
fire of our guns upon them, and their gallantry.—After numerous
fruitless attempts against our squares, the enemy get mixed; are
broken, and driven back by our cavalry.—Their artillery again
open fire upon us.—Extraordinary scene of warfare.—An ammunition
waggon in a blaze.—The earth trembles with the concussion of the
artillery.—Ney, reinforced with cavalry, continues his aggressions,
and, as before, after repeated fruitless attacks, the assailants
are driven off.—Terrific fire of artillery.—Not so many saddles
emptied by our musketry as expected.—The enemy’s attacks less
frequent and animated.—Captain Siborne’s lively description of
Ney’s grand cavalry attack. 73
CHAPTER V.
Difficulties encountered by the Prussians on their march from
Wavre; a portion of them are about debouching.—Blücher encourages
them by his presence.—The Duke had been in constant communication
with the Prussians, who take advantage of Napoleon’s neglecting
to protect his right.—Two brigades of Bulow’s corps advance
upon the French right.—A Prussian battery opens fire.—Cavalry
demonstrations.—Napoleon orders De Lobau’s (sixth) corps to his
right, to oppose the Prussians, and brings the old and middle
guard forward.—Bulow extends his line and presses on.—De Lobau’s
guns exchange a brisk cannonade with the Prussian batteries.—La
Haye-Sainte again assailed and set on fire, which was got
under.—Loss of a colour.—Destructive fire of our battery upon the
French cavalry.—Our artillery suffer dreadfully from that of the
enemy.—Hanoverian cavalry quit the field.—A column of the enemy’s
infantry advances and is driven back.—Chassé’s division called
back from Braine-l’Alleud.—Lord Hill’s troops brought forward, a
sight quite reviving.—Struggle at Hougoumont continued.—Adam’s
brigade attacks, drives back the enemy, and takes up an advanced
position.—La Haye-Sainte taken by the French.—The 52d regiment in
line repulses a charge of cuirassiers.—General Foy’s eulogium on
our infantry.—Napoleon’s snappish reply to Ney’s demand. 85
CHAPTER VI.
La Haye-Sainte strengthened by the enemy, who drive our riflemen
from the knoll and sand-pit, and throw a crashing fire upon our
front troops, who return it with vigour.—The enemy push forward,
between La Haye-Sainte and our position, some guns that fire
grape, but are soon dislodged.—Destructive fire of our rifles upon
the cuirassiers.—Our guards and Halkett’s brigade assailed by
skirmishers, who are driven off.—Prussian force in the field.—The
Prussians approach Plancenoit.—De Lobau falls back.—Prussian
round-shot fall at La Belle-Alliance.—The young guard sent to
Plancenoit.—Blücher informed of Thielmann’s corps left at Wavre
being vigorously attacked.—Desperate struggle at Plancenoit, which
is reinforced by the enemy, when the whole Prussian force is driven
back.—Onset follows onset.—The Duke, by aid of his telescope, looks
for the Prussians.—Hougoumont continues a scene of carnage.—Our
centre suffers dreadfully from the crowds of skirmishers who now
press on in swarms.—French battery pushed forward, and dislodged by
one of ours.—The 30th and 73d colours sent to the rear.—The Duke
is coolness personified.—The troops murmur to be led on to try the
effect of cold steel.—The Prussians keep up a cannonade.—Our line
remains firm.—More Prussians swarming along.—Napoleon’s doom soon
to be sealed.—Imperial guard formed into columns of attack.—Many
of our guns rendered useless.—Disorder in our rear.—Our army much
reduced; those left are determined to conquer or perish.—Vivian
and Vandeleur’s brigades move from the left to the centre, which
gives confidence to the few brave fellows remaining.—His Grace
observes the enemy forming for attack, and makes preparations to
receive the coming storm.—Colonel Freemantle sent in search of
the Prussians.—Our centre continues a duelling ground.—Gallant
conduct of the prince of Orange, who is wounded.—The Nassau-men
and Brunswickers give way in confusion; Wellington gallops up, and
aided by Vivian, Kielmansegge and other officers, puts all right
again. 97
CHAPTER VII.
Napoleon advances his Imperial guard; gives it up to Ney.—The
Emperor addresses his men for the last time.—Blücher’s guns blazing
away, the enemy replies.—Napoleon circulates a false report.—The
French guards about to attack men who, like themselves, had
never been beaten.—Tremendous roar of artillery.—Vandersmissen’s
brigade of guns arrives.—The right or leading column of the
Imperial guard, on ascending the tongue of ground, suffers
dreadfully from our double-charged guns, which it appears to
disregard.—Ney’s horse killed.—The attacking column crowns the
ridge, well supported.—“_Up, guards, make ready!_”—The British
guards, Halkett’s brigade, with Bolton’s and Vandersmissen’s
batteries, open fire upon the head of the assailing column, which
it returns.—Gallantry of sir Colin Halkett.—The enemy in confusion,
charged by our guards and Halkett’s 30th and 73d regiments.—The
first French column, after displaying the most heroic courage,
gives way in disorder.—The second attacking column approaching,
suffers from our batteries.—Our guards, ordered to retire, get into
disorder, which soon sets to right again.—Halkett’s brigade in
great confusion, but soon recovers.—D’Aubremé’s Netherlanders in
the greatest disorder.—Our batteries, with the guards, open fire
upon the head of the left attacking column, whilst the 52d and
rifles assail its front and left flank; the French return the fire
with vigour.—The crisis.—The enemy in confusion, charged in flank,
gives way.—Pursued by Adam’s brigade.—Vivian’s hussars launched
forward upon the enemy’s reserves; their disposition.—General
disposition of the Prussian and French armies. 111
CHAPTER VIII.
As the Imperial guard retired in the greatest disorder, its retreat
caused a panic throughout the French army.—The Prussians being
relieved from the pressure of the enemy’s right _en potence_,
their operations begin to take effect.—Wellington observing the
state of things, determines to attack, and orders the advance of
his whole line.—His Grace in front, hat high in air.—Vivian’s
hussars get a message from the Duke; they form line, attack and
drive off the enemy.—Colonel Murray’s dangerous leap.—Vandeleur’s
brigade advanced.—Major Howard killed.—General Cambronne made
prisoner.—Adam’s brigade attacks and drives off the rallied
force of the Imperial guard.—Lord Uxbridge wounded; sir J. O.
Vandeleur commands the cavalry.—Sir Colin Campbell begs the Duke
not to remain under the heavy fire.—Adam’s brigade menaced by
cuirassiers.—His Grace with but one attendant.—Adam’s brigade
falls upon a broken column of the enemy.—Singular encounter
and act of bravery.—Repugnance to the shedding of human blood
unnecessarily.—Battery and prisoners captured.—Adam’s brigade
in the line of fire of a Prussian battery.—The 71st capture a
battery.—Prussian dispositions to attack Plancenoit and the French
right.—Operations of the allies during this period.—Plancenoit
the scene of a dreadful struggle.—Bravery of the young guard, who
save their eagle.—Humane conduct of their general Pelet.—Napoleon
in a square, much pressed.—Wellington and his advanced troops at
Rossomme, where the pursuit is relinquished by us, and continued by
the Prussians, who, busy in the work of death, press on and capture
sixty guns.—On returning towards Waterloo, the Duke meets Blücher,
who promises to keep the enemy moving.—His Grace is silent, sombre,
and dejected for the loss of his friends.—Bivac.—Observations. 123
CHAPTER IX.
Morning after the battle.—Extraordinary and distressing appearance
of the field.—Solicitude for the wounded.—The Duke goes back
to Brussels to consult the authorities and soothe the extreme
excitement.—Humane conduct of all classes towards the wounded.—The
allied army proceeds to Nivelles; joined by our detached
force.—His Grace issues a general order.—Overtakes the army. On
the 21st we cross the frontier into France.—Proclamation to the
French people.—Napoleon abdicates in favour of his son.—Cambray
and Péronne taken.—Narrow escape of the Duke.—Grouchy retreats
upon Paris, closely pursued by the Prussians.—The British and
Prussian armies arrive before Paris.—Combat of Issy.—Military
convention.—The allies enter the capital on the 7th of July.—Louis
XVIII enters next day.—Napoleon surrenders at sea, July 15th.—He is
exiled to St.-Helena, where he dies in 1821.—Reflections. 137
CHAPTER X.
English, Prussian and French official accounts of the
battle.—Marshal Grouchy’s report of the battle of Wavre.—Returns of
the different armies.—Position of the allied artillery.—Artillery,
etc., taken at Waterloo.—Questions connected with the campaign;
Wellington’s position at Waterloo.—Opinion of general
Jomini.—The Duke’s plans and expectations.—His letter to lord
Castlereagh.—Resolution of the allied powers, on receiving the
intelligence of Napoleon’s flight from Elba.—Wellington’s letter to
general Kleist.—The Duke’s decision.—His anticipations.—Obstacles
which his Grace met with.—Conduct of the Saxon troops.—Blücher
forced by them to quit Liège.—Wellington’s resolution concerning
these troops. 145
CHAPTER XI.
Napoleon’s plans of campaign.—His letter to Ney, and proclamation
to the Belgians.—His sanguine expectations, and utter
disappointment.—Opinions of French authors on the circumstance of
Napoleon’s not reaching Brussels.—Their inconsistencies.—Desire
of Napoleon to make his marshals responsible for errors he
committed.—Opinion of M. de Vaulabelle.—Napoleon’s charges against
Grouchy; impossibility of the latter’s preventing a portion
of the Prussians reaching the field of Waterloo—The Emperor’s
charges against Ney refuted.—Admirable conduct of Ney during the
campaign.—Mode of history-writing at St.-Helena.—The battle not
fought against the French nation.—Napoleon’s character.—Motley
composition and equivocal loyalty of part of the allied
army.—Refutation of the charge that the Duke was taken by surprise;
credulity of some English writers on this subject.—His Grace’s
admirable precaution.—Foreign statements, that the Prussians saved
us, examined.—The tardy cooperation of the Prussians produced,
not the defeat, but the total rout of the French.—Conversation of
Napoleon at St.-Helena.—Gourgaud’s account.—Opinions of the Duke
and lord Hill.—Ney’s testimony in the Chamber of Peers. 177
APPENDIX.
No. I.
Wellington’s Secret Memorandum.—General orders for the movements of
the army. 209
No. II.
Letters from lord Wellington, connected with the campaign: To Sir
Charles Stuart, and the duc de Berry; dated three o’clock in the
morning, 18th June, 1815.—To the earl of Aberdeen, the duke of
Beaufort, and Marshal prince Schwarzenberg; expressing his grief
for the loss of some friends on the field.—To general Dumouriez,
the earl of Uxbridge, prince de Talleyrand, and lord Beresford; on
his conviction that Napoleon had received his death-blow.—To lord
Bathurst, saying that he would not be cajoled by the diplomatists,
to suspend hostilities until Napoleon was secured from exciting
fresh troubles.—The Duke informs the French commissioners, that
he cannot consent to any suspension of hostilities.—His Grace
insists upon sparing Napoleon’s life, prevents the bridge of Jena
being destroyed, and protects Paris from Prussian vengeance.—To
the French commissioners, stating his desire to save their
capital.—Continued mediation with Blücher, to spare the Parisians’
pockets, and preserve them from humiliation; for which the French
were most ungrateful, as the subsequent letters show.—Memorandum
respecting marshal Ney.—Proclamation of Louis XVIII.—To Scott,
Esq., on the loss of La Haye-Sainte, recommending him to leave
the battle of Waterloo as it is.—To the duke of York, and lord
Bathurst, on the expediency of granting medals. 213
No. III.
Summary of Wellington’s career. 233
No. IV.
Returns of the strength and loss of the British army.—List of
British officers killed and wounded. 236
No. V.
Marshal Blücher to baron Müffling.—Note of general Gneisenau.—The
prince de la Moskowa to the duc d’Otrante. 252
No. VI.
Anecdotes relative to the Waterloo campaign. 258
No. VII.
List of officers who afforded the author information.—Testimonials
and presents he has received relating to the battle. 272
LIST OF PLATES.
1. Wellington and Napoleon _Frontispiece._
2. Outline Map of the campaign _facing page_ 1
3. Field of Waterloo 26
4. Hougoumont 28
5. Marshal Ney 52
6. Sir Thomas Picton 58
7. Lord Uxbridge 70
8. Field-Marshal Blücher 86
9. Lord Hill 93
10. La Belle-Alliance 99
11. Napoleon 190
12. Plan of the Field of Waterloo, towards sun-set,
on June 18th _at the end._
[Illustration: OUTLINE MAP OF THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN.
_Drawn for Cotton’s Voice from Waterloo._]
A VOICE
FROM
WATERLOO.
[Illustration: (decorative separator)]
CHAPTER I.
Napoleon leaves Elba; lands in France.—Louis XVIII quits
Paris.—Napoleon, joined by the army, arrives in Paris.—Hostile
declaration of the great powers of Europe against Napoleon,
which he treats with contempt, and prepares for war.—France soon
appears one vast camp.—Allied armies assemble in Belgium.—The
duke of Wellington arrives and takes the command; adopts
precautionary measures.—In consequence of rumours, his Grace
issues a secret memorandum, and draws the army together.—Strength,
composition and distribution of the allied, Prussian, and French
armies.—Continued rumours; and certain intelligence of the enemy’s
advance.—Importance of holding Brussels.—Napoleon’s attempt to
surprise us frustrated.—Blücher concentrates his forces.—Napoleon
joins his army, and issues his order of the day; attacks the
Prussian outposts, and takes Charleroi.—Intelligence reaches the
Duke.—Distribution of the enemy.—The Duke orders the army to
prepare, and afterwards to march on Quatre-Bras.—The duchess of
Richmond’s ball.—The troops in motion at early dawn.—His Grace
proceeds by Waterloo to Quatre-Bras, and from thence to Ligny,
where he meets Blücher, whom he promises to support, and returns
to Quatre-Bras.—Picton’s division and the Brunswickers arrive at
Quatre-Bras, and are attacked by the French left column under Ney;
more of our troops arrive.—Outline of the battles of Quatre-Bras
and Ligny.—Observations.
On the 26th of February 1815, Napoleon, accompanied by about a
thousand of his guards, and all his civil and military officers,
secretly left the isle of Elba, and landed the 1st of March, near
Cannes, on the coast of Provence. The Emperor immediately marched
towards the French capital; and arrived in Paris on the evening of
the 20th; the same day that Louis XVIII set out for Ghent.
Joined by all the troops which had been sent to oppose him, Napoleon
was enabled to re-establish his authority in France. Amongst those
who rejoined him, was marshal Ney, “_le Brave des Braves_;” he who
had so warmly expressed himself in favour of the restoration of the
Bourbons, and who, when appointed to the command of a body of troops
to oppose his former master, declared, whilst kissing the king’s
hand, that “he would bring back Napoleon _in an iron cage_.” Ney and
the iron cage was the chief topic of conversation in Paris, when the
news of his having joined Napoleon with his _corps d’armée_ reached
that capital[1].
The great powers of Europe, then assembled in congress at Vienna,
instantly declared, that Napoleon, by breaking the convention which
established him as an independent sovereign at Elba, had destroyed
the only legal title on which his political existence depended,
placed himself without the pale of the law, and proved to the world,
that there could neither be truce nor peace with him. The allied
powers, in consequence, denounced Napoleon as the enemy and disturber
of the tranquillity of Europe, and resolved immediately upon uniting
their forces against him and his faction, to preserve, if possible,
the general peace.
Notwithstanding the hostile declaration of the allied sovereigns,
they were utterly unable to put their armies in motion without
that most powerful lever, _English gold_, the real sinews of war.
Britain’s expenditure in 1815, was no less than 110,000,000_l._
sterling; out of which immense sum 11,000,000_l._ were distributed
as subsidies amongst the contracting powers: Austria received
1,796,220_l._; Russia, 3,241,919_l._; Prussia, 2,382,823_l._; and
Hanover, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Italy and the Netherlands, with
the smaller German states, shared the remainder amongst them.
Menacing as the position of the allies towards Napoleon appeared to
be, and imposing as were their armies assembling to oppose him, he
assumed a bold and resolute posture of defence. The general aspect
of France at that time was singularly warlike; nearly the whole
nation appeared to be electrified, and buckled on its armour to join
the messenger of war. The exaltation of Napoleon was soon however
sobered down by the arrival in Paris of the declaration of the allied
powers, which document was little calculated to produce a favourable
impression as to the ultimate success of the Emperor’s enterprise.
The war-cry of nearly every state in Europe was, _To arms! Draw the
sword, throw away the scabbard, until the usurper shall be entirely
subjugated and his adherents put down_.
Napoleon, however, appeared undismayed, and endeavoured, by every
means, to conceal the determined resolution of Europe from the
French nation, who, for the most part, cheerfully responded to their
leader’s call. Troops were organized, as if by magic, all over the
country. The scarred veterans of a hundred battles, they who had
followed their “_petit caporal_” through many a gory fight, heard
with joy the voice of their idolized Emperor, summoning them again to
glorious war and the battle field. There was a generation of fierce,
daring, war-breathing men, ever ready to range themselves under the
Imperial banners. Davoust states that France, on Napoleon’s return,
was overrun with soldiers just released from the prisons of Europe,
most of whom counted as many battles as years, and who quickly
flocked round the Imperial eagles. Transports of artillery, arms,
ammunition waggons, with all the materials of war, were to be seen
moving from every point towards the frontiers. France, in a short
time, bore the appearance of one vast camp.
To completely surround Paris with fortifications, as Louis-Philippe
has since done, was also the desire of Napoleon, who inquired of
Carnot, how much time and money it would require. “Three years and
two hundred millions,” replied the minister, “and when finished,
I would only ask for sixty thousand men and twenty-four hours to
demolish the whole.”
Early in April 1815, the allied troops began to assemble in Belgium.
The Anglo-Hanoverian army, commanded by the prince of Orange,
(afterwards William II,) had occupied the Low-Countries for the
protection of Belgium and Holland, which had been constituted by the
congress of Vienna a new monarchy, under the name of the Kingdom
of the Netherlands. This army comprised about 28,000 men, 15,000
being British and German troops; a part of these were the remains of
lord Lynedoch’s army, and the remainder young Hanoverians. 20,000
Dutch-Belgians were raised to act in concert with these troops.
The general appearance of the army is thus described by sir Henry,
now lord Hardinge, in a letter to lord Stewart: “This army is not
unlike lord Randscliff’s description of a French pack of hounds:
pointers, poodles, turnspits, all mixed up together and running in
sad confusion.”
The duke of Wellington arrived in Brussels from the congress of
Vienna on the night of April 4th, and took the command of the allied
army; but the Dutch-Belgian army had not been placed immediately
under the Duke’s command. His Grace being strongly convinced that
his power of regulating the movements of the Dutch-Belgian troops
ought not to be left open to any cavil or dispute, demanded the
most unequivocal statement upon this matter from the king of the
Netherlands. Nothing less than this measure could have made those
troops serviceable to the cause of their country; such was still the
fascinating power of Napoleon’s name over countries in which his rule
and conscriptions had subdued and enervated the minds of men. On the
4th of May, Wellington received copies of the king’s decrees, making
him field-marshal in his service, and placing the Dutch-Belgian army
entirely under his command[2]. The Duke immediately put matters in a
better condition, and instructed the prince of Orange how to keep up
the necessary communications[3]. He transferred prince Frederick’s
corps to lord Hill[4], warned the Prussian commandant at Charleroi,
the duke of Berry, and all others concerned, to be on the alert; he
also gave them exact accounts of the movements and strength of the
enemy between Valenciennes and Maubeuge. All this was accomplished by
the Duke before the 10th of May. On the 11th, he wrote to sir Henry
Hardinge, then attached to the Prussian head-quarters for the purpose
of communication, that he reckoned the enemy’s strength on the
frontiers at 110,000 men; and was glad that Blücher was drawing his
forces nearer to the British. His Grace adopted the most effective
measures for placing all the fortified towns and strong places in a
condition to embarrass the enemy; and notwithstanding the objections
made, by interested parties, to the necessary inundations, he was
firm in ordering them, wherever the general security required it.
The Duke sent able engineers to limit, as much as possible, the
injury arising from letting out the waters, and to inundate with
fresh instead of salt water, when practicable. For this timely care
of the general interests, and even, as far as it was possible, of
private property, the return he met with was unceasing complaints
from the authorities of the several towns, where these measures had
been applied. But the Duke did his duty firmly, and, after some
expostulation with unreasonable grumblers, compelled them to do
theirs. On the 7th of June, he issued his orders for the defence of
the towns of Antwerp, Ostend, Nieuport, Ypres, Tournay, Ath, Mons
and Ghent. The governors of these respective towns were required to
declare them in a state of siege, the moment the enemy should put
his foot on the Belgian territory: the towns were to be defended
to the utmost; and if any governor surrendered before sustaining
at least one assault, and without the consent of his council, he
should be deemed guilty, not only of military disobedience, but of
high treason. Such decisive measures were rendered necessary, in
consequence of the equivocal loyalty of many who held municipal and
military rank in the Netherlands. The king had prudently invested
Wellington with these important powers, and no man could have
exercised them more effectively.
The French court (Louis XVIII and his suite) received advice how to
save themselves by retiring to Antwerp, in case the enemy should
succeed in turning the British right: they were desired to be in no
alarm, nor to be startled by mere rumours, but to await positive
information. Having thus provided for the military wants, and even
for the _fears_ of those behind him, the Duke devoted his whole
attention to the army; and in proportion as the storm approached,
repeated his warnings to the Prussians, by incessant dispatches to
sir Henry Hardinge. He also sent frequent instructions to his own
officers who were the nearest to the enemy, to keep on the alert.
The regiment I belonged to disembarked at Ostend on the 21st of
April, and we soon found there was work in hand. Swords were to
be ground and well pointed, and the frequent inspections of arms,
ammunition, camp equipage, etc., plainly announced that we were
shortly about to take the field. The army, soon after our arrival,
had, in consequence of a _secret memorandum_[5] issued by the duke of
Wellington to the chief officers in command, drawn closer together,
in the probable expectation of an attack, and our great antagonist
was not the sort of man to send us word of the when and the where.
Louis XVIII, with his suite and a train of followers, being with us
at Ghent, we were not destitute of information. Napoleon was as well
informed of all that transpired in Belgium as if it had taken place
at the Tuileries.
Things continued in this state until June, when, from various
rumours, we began to be more on the alert.
At the commencement of operations, the duke of Wellington’s army
comprised about 105,000 men, including the troops in garrison, and
composed of about 35,000 British, 6,000 King’s German legion, 24,000
Hanoverians, 7,000 Brunswickers, and 32,000 Dutch-Belgians and
Nassau-men, with a hundred and ninety-six guns. Many in the ranks
of the last-named troops had served under Napoleon, and there still
prevailed amongst them a most powerful prejudice in his favour;
it was natural, therefore, that we should not place too strong a
reliance upon them, whenever they might become opposed to their old
companions in arms.
The Anglo-allied army was divided into two corps, of five divisions
each. The first was commanded by the prince of Orange; its
head-quarters being Braine-le-Comte. Those of the second corps,
under lord Hill, were at Grammont. The cavalry, divided into eleven
brigades, was commanded by the earl of Uxbridge, now marquis of
Anglesey; head-quarters Ninove. His Grace’s head-quarters were at
Brussels, in and around which place was our reserve of all arms,
ready to be thrown into whatever point of our line the enemy might
attack, so as to hold the ground until the rest of the army could be
united.
The Prussian army, under the veteran prince Blücher, consisted of
about 115,000 men, divided into four corps, each composed of four
brigades. The head-quarters of the 1st, or Zieten’s corps, were
at Charleroi; the 2d, Pirch’s, at Namur, which was also Blücher’s
head-quarters; the 3d, Thielmann’s, at Ciney; and the 4th, Bulow’s,
at Liège.
Each corps had a reserve cavalry attached, respectively commanded by
generals Röder, Jurgass, Hobe, and prince William. Their artillery
comprised three hundred and twelve guns.
The Prussian army was posted on the frontier upon our left, from
Charleroi to Maestricht. Our left, communicating with Blücher’s
right, was at Binche; and our right stretched to the sea.
A large proportion of the British troops was composed of weak second
and third battalions, made up of militia and recruits, who had never
been under fire[6]; most of our best-tried Spanish infantry, the
victors of many a hard-fought field, were on their way from America.
The foreign troops, with the exception of the old gallant Peninsular
German legion, were chiefly composed of new levies, hastily embodied,
and very imperfectly drilled; quite inexperienced in war, raw
militia-men in every sense of the word, and wholly strangers to the
British troops and to each other. Nor was the Prussian army what
it had been; it was no longer the old Silesian one: many soldiers
had just been embodied, and thousands had fought under the Imperial
eagles.
The French army of the North, commanded by the Emperor in person,
and destined to act against Belgium, early in June, was divided into
six corps, and cantoned: the 1st, or D’Erlon’s, at Lille; the 2d,
or Reille’s, at Valenciennes; the 3d, or Vandamme’s, at Mézières;
the 4th, or Gérard’s, at Metz; and the 6th, or Lobau’s, at Laon.
The Imperial guard was in Paris. The reserve cavalry, commanded by
generals Pajol, Excelmans, Milhaut, and Kellermann, cantoned between
the Aisne, the Meuse and the Sambre. There were three hundred and
fifty pieces of artillery.
On the 16th of May, we received intelligence of there being 110,000
French troops in our front. On the 1st of June, it was rumoured that
we were to be attacked; Napoleon was to be at Laon on the 6th, and
extraordinary preparations were being made for the conveyance of
troops in carriages from Paris to the frontiers. Intelligence reached
the Duke, on the 10th of the same month, that Napoleon had arrived
at Maubeuge, and was passing along the frontier. On the 12th, it was
ascertained, for certain, that the French army had assembled and was
about to cross the frontiers[7]; but the Duke, for reasons we shall
hereafter give, did not think proper to move his troops until quite
satisfied as to the point where Napoleon would make his attack; that
point proved to be Charleroi, on the high-road to Brussels, on the
left of the allied and right of the Prussian armies, said to be the
most favourable for defeating the two armies, in detail; which I am
inclined to doubt. Situated as the allied and Prussian armies were,
Napoleon, by attempting to wedge his army in between the two, was
pretty certain of having both upon him: he could not aim a blow at
one enemy without being assailed in flank or rear by the other.
Brussels, the capital of Belgium, lies in the very centre of that
country, which was declared by general Gneisenau, chief of the
Prussian staff, to be a formidable bastion, flanking efficaciously
any invasion meditated by France against Germany, and serving at the
same time as a _tête de pont_ to England.
Napoleon had numerous partisans and friends in Belgium, who secretly
espoused his cause, and who, no doubt, would have seconded him in
his attempt to again annex that country to the French Empire. The
people also were by no means reconciled to the union forced upon them
by the congress of Vienna, a union with a country differing from
them in religion and customs; and the dense population and troops of
Belgium might probably have made a movement in favour of the French,
had Napoleon obtained possession of the capital. From the tenor of
Napoleon’s letter to Ney, and his proclamations to his army and to
the Belgians[8], it is quite evident that the Emperor expected a
manifestation of this kind. This would certainly have added to his
cause that moral force of which it stood so much in need, and have
induced thousands to rally round the Imperial eagles.
Brussels was our main line of operations and the line of
communication with Ostend and Antwerp, the dépôts where our
reinforcements and supplies were landed. The Duke, in consequence,
saw clearly, it was of the utmost importance, both in a military and
political point of view, to preserve an uninterrupted communication
with those ports, and that the enemy should not, even for a moment,
obtain possession of Brussels[9].
By the Emperor’s masterly arrangements his army was assembled on the
frontiers with astonishing secrecy; but his intention of taking the
two armies by surprise was defeated, on the night of the 13th, by
the Prussian outposts, in advance of Charleroi, having observed the
horizon illumined by the reflection of numerous bivac fires in the
direction of Beaumont and Maubeuge, which announced that a numerous
enemy had assembled in their immediate front; this intelligence was
forthwith transmitted to both Wellington and Blücher.
Zieten, the Prussian commander at Charleroi, received intelligence,
on the afternoon of the 14th, that the enemy’s columns were
assembling in his front, the certain prelude to an attack, probably
the next day. Blücher, apprized of this about ten o’clock the same
evening, immediately sent off orders for the concentration of the
Prussian army at Fleurus, a preconcerted plan between the two
commanders. When the order was first sent to Bulow at Liège, to move
to Hannut, had the most trifling hint been given him of the French
being about to attack, he would probably have been up in time to
share in the battle of Ligny, which might have changed the aspect of
affairs.
After dispatching orders for the concentration of the Grand army,
Napoleon left Paris on the 12th, and, as he himself states, under a
great depression of spirits, aware he was leaving a host of enemies
behind, more formidable than those he was going to confront. He slept
at Laon, and arrived at Avesnes on the 13th, near which place he
found his army assembled, amounting, according to his own account,
to 122,400 men and three hundred and fifty guns. Their bivacs were
behind small hills, about a league from the frontier, situated so as
to be concealed, in a great measure, from the view of their opponents.
The Emperor’s arrival amongst his devoted soldiers raised their
spirits to the highest degree of enthusiasm, and on the 14th he
issued the following order:
“IMPERIAL HEAD-QUARTERS, 14th June, 1815.
“Napoleon, by the grace of God and the constitution of the Empire,
Emperor of the French, etc.
“Soldiers! this day is the anniversary of Marengo and of
Friedland, which twice decided the fate of Europe. Then, as after
Austerlitz, as after Wagram, we were too generous: we believed in
the protestations and in the oaths of princes, whom we left on
their thrones. Now, however, leagued together, they aim at the
independence and most sacred rights of France; they have commenced
the most unjust of aggressions. Let us then march to meet them: are
they, and we, no longer the same men?
“Soldiers! at Jena, against those same Prussians, now so arrogant,
you were one to three, and at Montmirail one to six. Let those
amongst you, who have been captives to the English, describe the
nature of their prison ships, and the frightful miseries you
endured.
“The Saxons, the Belgians, the Hanoverians, the soldiers of the
Confederation of the Rhine, lament that they are compelled to use
their arms in the cause of princes, the enemies of justice, and of
the rights of nations. They know that this coalition is insatiable:
after having devoured twelve millions of Italians, one million
of Saxons, and six millions of Belgians, it now wishes to devour
the states of the second rank in Germany. Madmen! one moment of
prosperity has bewildered them: the oppression and humiliation of
the French people are beyond their power: if they enter France,
they will find their grave.
“Soldiers! we have forced marches to make, battles to fight,
dangers to encounter; but with firmness, victory will be ours.
“The rights, the honour and the happiness of the country will be
recovered.
“To every Frenchman who has a heart, the moment is now arrived to
conquer or to die[10].”
About four o’clock in the morning of the 15th of June, Napoleon
attacked the Prussian outposts in front of Charleroi, at Thuin and
Lobbes[11]. The Prussians fell back, slowly and with great caution,
on their supports. By some unaccountable neglect Willington was not
informed of the attack until after three o’clock in the afternoon,
although the distance from Thuin and Lobbes to Brussels is but
forty-five miles[12]. Had a well arranged communication been kept up,
the Duke could have been informed of the first advance of the French
by ten o’clock A.M., and of the real line of attack by four P.M.
The French were in possession of Charleroi by eleven o’clock. The
Prussians retired to a position between Ligny and St.-Amand, nearly
twenty miles from the outposts. At three o’clock in the afternoon,
the 2d Prussian corps had taken position not far from Ligny; Blücher
had established his head-quarters at Sombreffe. The advanced posts
of the French left column were at Frasnes, three miles beyond
Quatre-Bras, from which the advanced posts of the allies had been
driven. Ney’s head-quarters were at Gosselies, with a part of his
troops only, whilst D’Erlon’s corps and the cavalry of Kellermann
were on the Sambre. The centre column of the French army lay near
Fleurus, the right column near Châtelet, and the reserve, composed of
the Imperial guard and the 6th corps, between Charleroi and Fleurus.
The duke of Wellington, although apprized of the advance of Napoleon
and his attack on the Prussian outposts, would make no movement to
leave Brussels uncovered, until certain of the real line of attack,
as such attacks are often made to mask the real direction of the main
body of the enemy. But orders were immediately transmitted to the
different divisions to assemble and hold themselves in readiness to
march, _some at a moment’s notice_, and _some at day-light in the
morning_[13].
Lord Uxbridge was ordered to get the cavalry together at the
head-quarters (Ninove) that night, leaving the 2d hussars of the
King’s German legion on the look-out between the Scheldt and the Lys.
The troops in Brussels, composed of the 5th, or Picton’s division,
the 81st regiment, and the Hanoverian brigade of the 6th division,
called the reserve, were to be in readiness to march at a moment’s
notice.
After the Duke had completed his arrangements for the concentration
of the army, his Grace, with many of our officers, went to the
celebrated ball, given, on the eve of the memorable engagement at
Quatre-Bras, by the duchess of Richmond, at her residence, now
_Nº 9, Rue des Cendres, Boulevard Botanique_, near the _Porte de
Cologne_. The saloons of the duchess were filled with a brilliant
company of distinguished guests. The officers in their magnificent
uniforms, threading the mazy dance with the most lovely and beautiful
women. The ball was at its height, when the duke of Wellington first
received _positive_ intelligence that Napoleon had crossed the
Sambre with his whole army and taken possession of Charleroi. The
excitement which ensued, on the company being made acquainted with
Napoleon’s advance, was most extraordinary. The countenances which,
a moment before, were lighted up with pleasure and gaiety, now wore
a most solemn aspect. The duke of Brunswick, sitting with a child
(the present prince de Ligne) on his knees, was so affected, that
in rising he let the prince fall on the floor. The guests little
imagined that the music which accompanied the gay and lively dances
at her Grace’s ball, would so shortly after play martial airs on the
battle field, or that some of the officers present at the _fête_
would be seen fighting in their ball dresses, and, in that costume,
found amongst the slain.
At about the same time, his Grace also received information from his
outposts in front of Mons, and from other sources, which proved that
the enemy’s movement upon Charleroi was the real point of attack, and
he immediately issued the following orders:
“BRUSSELS, 15th June, 1815.
“AFTER-ORDERS.—TEN O’CLOCK, P.M.
“The 5th” (Picton’s) “division of infantry, to march on Waterloo at
two o’clock to-morrow morning.
“The 3d” (Alten’s) “division of infantry, to continue its movement
from Braine-le-Comte upon Nivelles.
“The 1st” (Cooke’s) “division of infantry, to move from Enghien
upon Braine-le-Comte.
“The 2d” (Clinton’s) “and 4th” (Colville’s) “division of infantry,
to move from Ath and Grammont, also from Audenaerde, and to
continue their movements upon Enghien.
“The cavalry, to continue its movement from Ninove upon Enghien.
“The above movements to take place with as little delay as possible.
“WELLINGTON.”
Picton’s division and the Hanoverian brigade marched from Brussels
about two o’clock A.M., on the 16th, taking the road to Waterloo
by the forest of Soigne; near which they halted to refresh, and to
await orders, to march either on Nivelles or Quatre-Bras, (the roads
branching off at Mont-St.-Jean,) according as the Duke might direct,
upon his becoming acquainted with the real state of affairs in front.
Shortly after they were joined by the Brunswickers.
“And Ardennes[14] waves above them her green leaves,
Dewy with nature’s tear-drops, as they pass,
Grieving, if aught, inanimate e’er grieves,
Over the unreturning brave,—alas!
Ere evening to be trodden like the grass
Which now beneath them, but above shall grow
In its next verdure, when this fiery mass
Of living valour, rolling on the foe
And burning with high hope, shall moulder cold and low.”
While halting, the duke of Wellington, who had left Brussels between
seven and eight o’clock, passed with his staff, and gave strict
orders to keep the road clear of baggage, and everything that
might obstruct the movements of the troops. The duke of Brunswick
dismounted, and seated himself on a bank on the road side, in company
of his adjutant-general, colonel Olfermann. How little did those who
observed this incident, think, that in a few hours the illustrious
duke would, with many of themselves, be laid low in death! and
numbers truly there were amongst the slain ere the sun set.
About twelve o’clock, orders arrived for the troops to proceed on
to Quatre-Bras, leaving the baggage behind; this looked rather
warlike, but as yet nothing was known for certain. The Duke galloped
on, and, after a hasty glance at the Waterloo position, rode to
Quatre-Bras, where he conversed with the prince of Orange respecting
the disposition of the troops as they arrived. His Grace well
reconnoitred the enemy’s position. Seeing the latter were not in
great force, he rode on to hold a conference with Blücher, whom he
found about half-past one o’clock P.M. at the wind-mill at Bussy,
between Ligny and Bry, where towards noon, by great activity and
exertion, three corps of the Prussian army, about 85,000 men, had
been put in position, but so disposed as to draw from the Duke his
disapprobation of the arrangements. His Grace saw that the enemy were
strong in Blücher’s front, and promising to support his gallant and
venerable colleague, shook hands and returned to Quatre-Bras, where
he arrived at about half-past two o’clock, soon after which time
Napoleon began his attack upon Blücher.
Marshal Ney, who commanded the French troops at Quatre-Bras,
commenced his attack upon Perponcher’s Dutch-Belgian division under
the prince of Orange. About two o’clock, Picton’s division came up,
composed of Kempt’s brigade, the 28th, 32d, 79th Highlanders, and
1st battalion 95th rifles, and of Pack’s brigade, the 1st Royal,
44th, 42d and 92d Highlanders, with Best’s Hanoverian brigade; soon
after, the Brunswickers arrived incomplete, and some Nassau troops.
Towards six o’clock, sir Colin Halkett’s brigade, the 30th, 33d,
69th, and 73d regiments, also Kielmansegge’s Hanoverian brigade,
most opportunely reached the scene of action. Pack’s noble fellows
were by this time so hard pressed, so much exhausted, and their
ammunition was so nearly expended, that sir Denis Pack applied for
a fresh supply of cartridges, or assistance, to sir Colin Halkett,
who immediately ordered the 69th to push on and obey any orders
given by Pack; the latter then galloped forward to a commanding
point, and soon discovered the formation of a large force of
cuirassiers preparing for attack. He spurred off to his brigade
to prepare them for the coming storm, and in passing by the 69th,
ordered colonel Morice to form square, as the enemy’s cavalry was
at hand. The formation was nearly completed, when the prince of
Orange rode up, and, by a decided misconception, most indiscreetly
directed them to reform line, which they were in the act of doing,
when the rushing noise in the high corn announced the arrival of the
enemy’s cuirassiers, who charged them in flank, rode right along
them, regularly rolling them up. A cuirassier carried off the 69th’s
colour, in defence of which cadet Clarke, afterwards lieutenant in
the 42d, received twenty-three wounds, one of which deprived him of
the use of an arm for life.
The duke of Wellington was nearly taken prisoner, and owed his escape
to an order which he promptly gave to a part of the 92d, who were
lining a ditch, to lie down whilst he galloped over them.
A little before seven o’clock, sir G. Cooke’s division, composed of
the 1st brigade, under major-general Maitland, (the second and third
battalions of the 1st foot-guards,) and of the 2d brigade, under sir
J. Byng, (now lord Strafford,) composed of the 2d battalions of the
Coldstream and the 3d foot-guards, came up, and soon drove the enemy
back. Ney’s attacks were maintained with the greatest impetuosity
during the first hours, but they became fewer and feebler as our
reinforcements joined us, and towards the close of the day conducted
with greater caution. Soon after sun-set, Ney fell back upon Frasnes,
and the desperate struggle terminated. The duke of Wellington then
advanced his victorious troops to the foot of the French position,
when piquets for the night were thrown forward by both parties. Thus
ended the action of Quatre-Bras, during which our troops were fully
employed, and the Duke prevented from rendering his promised aid to
the Prussians. It was only through the greatest personal exertions
of our gallant chief and the most determined resistance on the part
of his troops, that the enemy’s attacks were repulsed, and our
communication with Blücher at Ligny by the Namur road kept open.
The Emperor’s instructions to Ney to drive back the English, whom
he supposed to be at that point in no great numbers, and afterwards
to turn round and envelop the Prussian right flank, were completely
frustrated. Our force in the field towards the close of the day was
about 29,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and sixty-eight guns; that of
the enemy, about 16,000 infantry, 5,000 cavalry, with fifty guns.
To the fortunate circumstance of the marching and countermarching
of D’Erlon’s corps (Ney’s reserve) between Frasnes, Ligny and
Quatre-Bras, without pulling a trigger, we may probably attribute our
success on the 16th. An additional force of 25,000 men, either at
Ligny or Quatre-Bras, might have gained Napoleon a decisive victory.
The action at Quatre-Bras possessed its own peculiar and important
merits, which, with our masterly retreat to the Waterloo position,
would have been sounded by the trumpet of fame, but for the glorious
achievement that immediately followed on the field of Waterloo.
In no battle did the British infantry display more valour or more
cool determined courage than at Quatre-Bras. Cavalry we had none
that could stand the shock of the French; the Brunswick and Belgian
cavalry, it is true, made an attempt, but were scattered like chaff
before the wind by the veteran cuirassiers, who, to render them the
more effective, had been mounted on horses taken from the gendarmes
throughout France. The British cavalry had had a long march, some
nearly forty miles, and consequently did not arrive until the battle
was over. The gallant Picton, seeing the cavalry driven back, led
on our infantry in squares into the centre of the enemy’s masses of
cavalry; faced with squares the charging squadrons, and in line, the
heavy columns of infantry. What may not be effected by such troops,
led by such a general? The duke of Brunswick fell, while rallying one
of his regiments that had given way. Colonel sir Robert Mac Ara of
the 42d, and colonel Cameron of the 92d, were also killed.
During our struggle at Quatre-Bras, Napoleon had attacked the
Prussians at Ligny, and between nine and ten o’clock in the evening,
their centre was broken, and they began a retreat upon Wavre[15]. The
horse of marshal Blücher, a beautiful grey charger, presented to him
by our Prince Regent in 1814, was shot under him, and, while lying on
the ground, the field-marshal was twice charged over by the enemy’s
cavalry. Sir Henry Hardinge, attached to the Prussian head-quarters,
lost his left hand at Ligny; and about eight thousand Prussians
deserted, and returned home.
The battle of Ligny may be considered as a series of village
fights, and had the impetuous old hussar, the gallant Blücher, then
seventy-three years of age, not drawn troops from his centre, to
strengthen his right, and to enable him to attack the enemy’s left,
he might probably have maintained his position; but immediately
Napoleon perceived that Blücher had withdrawn his troops from
his centre, he made a dash at it, forced it, and thus gained the
victory. Notwithstanding the Prussians were defeated, they highly
distinguished themselves by their audacity and valour. The battle of
Ligny was a fierce and sanguinary contest, and little or no quarter
given by either side. Both parties were excited by deadly animosity,
and the helpless wounded became the victims. The Prussian loss was
about fifteen thousand men and twenty-five guns, exclusive of the
eight thousand men that disbanded themselves. The French loss was
rather less.
[Illustration: (end of chapter; image of a cannon)]