Chiloe the last Spanish possession in South America--Freyre's
Expedition--Failure--Second Expedition under Freyre and Blanco--
Quintanilla's capitulation--Chiloe taken--Aldunate placed in command--
Chiloe a dependency of Chile--Beagle sails to sea coast of Tierra del
Fuego--Adelaide repaired--Adelaide sails--Adventure goes to Valparaiso--
Juan Fernandez--Fishery--Coats--Dogs--Geology--Botany--Shells--Spanish
accounts--Anson's voyage--Talcahuano--Concepcion--Pinoleo--Araucanian
Indians--Re-enter the Strait of Maghalhaens--Fuegians.
The island of Chiloe was the last place the King of Spain possessed in
South America; and even to this day he is not without friends there, who
would gladly restore his absolute monarchy, notwithstanding the advantages
that are acknowledged to have been derived from the change of masters, and
the consequent opening of trade, which has added very much to the comfort,
as well as civilization of the inhabitants.
During the struggle for independence, this island was too distant from the
seat of war to render it important; but when all other parts of Chile were
freed from the king's troops, the new government despatched an expedition,
consisting of between three and four thousand men, commanded by the
Director-General Freyre, to attack it. Upon the appearance of this
expedition off the harbour of San Carlos, the Spanish governor,
Quintanilla, was inclined to capitulate; but, instead of anchoring in the
roads, the squadron proceeded to Chacao, landed troops there, and
despatched some of their forces to Castro, where they were repulsed by the
Spanish and native troops, and obliged to re-embark. In this interval, one
of the ships left the squadron, and returned to Valparaiso, whence she was
immediately ordered back; but meanwhile the Director had embarked his
troops, and returned to Concepcion. Not long afterwards, in January 1826, a
second expedition, under the same general, sailed from Valdivia, convoyed
by a strong squadron, under the command of Admiral Blanco.
{299}
"Upon this occasion the troops landed, on the 8th, at the little inlet of
the Bay of Huechucucuy; and Fort Corona was immediately taken. On the 10th,
the disembarkation of the troops was completed. A battalion was left to
mask Fort Aguy, while a force, under Colonel Aldunate, passed on, and took
the battery of Barcacura. On the 10th, Admiral Blanco shifted his flag;
and, leaving the O'Higgins outside, stood into the bay with the rest of the
squadron, which anchored off Barcacura.
"The governor, Quintanilla, with upwards of three thousand Royalists, took
up a strong position on a hill, at the S.E. side of the bay, flanked on the
left by an impenetrable wood, on the right by the shore, and supported by
three gun-boats in shallow water. These were taken by the boats of the
squadron, under Captain Bell, and turned against the Royalists. Their
position was thus enfiladed, and they retired. Freyre then advanced: some
skirmishing took place: Quintanilla capitulated; and the territory of Chile
was no longer sullied by the Spanish flag.
"Colonel Aldunate, Majors Maruri, Asagra, and Tupper (a native of Jersey);
and Captain Bell, of the navy, greatly distinguished themselves.--Miller's
Memoirs."
Colonel Aldunate was afterwards invested with the government of the island;
but, owing to the disaffection of the troops, who were urged on by the King
of Spain's agents, a revolution took place, Aldunate was imprisoned, and
afterwards sent to Valparaiso, and the Spanish flag once more waved in
Chiloe. It was, however, for a short time only; Aldunate was despatched
once more, and with a small force of three hundred veteran troops, headed
by Colonel Tupper, and accompanied by the Aquiles, brig of war, again
obtained possession of the island, which he has since kept, though not
quietly, for the Royalists were constantly on the alert, and made several
futile attempts to recover the place for their king. Time has now
reconciled the greater number to the change; and, I believe, Chiloe may be
considered a contented dependency of the republic of Chile.
{300}
The Beagle being ready to resume her voyage, sailed on the 19th of November
to survey the southern coasts of Tierra del Fuego; after which, she was to
rejoin the Adventure at Rio de Janeiro.[161]
As the Adelaide had received some damage in getting aground, it was
requisite to lay her on the beach for examination and repair. Her mainmast,
also, was found to be sprung so badly, as to render a new one necessary;
which we should have found much difficulty in obtaining, but for the
kindness of General Aldunate, who, finding that we were at a loss, proposed
to give us the flag-staff of the town, a beautiful spar of alerse, that was
in every way suitable. Previously, however, to accepting his offer, being
aware that such an act might expose him to much reproach from the people of
the town, who were all very proud of it, I caused inquiry to be made
whether a spar of the necessary dimensions could be brought from Calbuco;
and in the meantime we proceeded with the repairs.
A creek behind Sandy Point offering every convenience for heaving her down,
the Adelaide was moved into it, and laid on the beach. On stripping her
copper off, the injury proved to be considerable; but not beyond our means
to repair. Upon examination, the foremast was found to be in a bad state,
but could be rendered effective by fishing it with the sound portion of the
other mast, therefore our only real difficulty was to get a mainmast. From
the account I received from Calbuco, I found that, without a great delay,
not less than two months, and sending a portion of our people with ropes
and tackles, there was no chance of procuring a spar: it could only be
obtained at a considerable distance from the shore, and when felled must be
dragged over several high ranges of hills, which might be called mountains,
before it could be got to the water-side. General Aldunate, through whom
this inquiry was made, then renewed his offer of the flag-staff, which I
accepted most thankfully; and by his order it was taken down, and conveyed
to the ship, soon after which it was converted into an excellent mainmast
for the schooner. Before it was moved, a new, but shorter staff, with a
topmast, was fitted for the flag; notwithstanding which, many unpleasant
observations were made, and absurd reports circulated, which spread to
Chile, and even to Peru, that the English were about to take possession of
Chiloe, and had already removed the flag-staff of San Carlos.
[Illustration: OLD CHURCH AT CASTRO.]
[Illustration: NEAR PT. ARENA.]
[Illustration:
PT. ARENA.--SAN CARLOS CHILOE.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838]
{301}
By Lieutenant Mitchell's activity in superintending the Adelaide's repairs,
she was got ready for sea at the beginning of December, and sailed on the
8th, under the command of Lieutenant Skyring, with orders[162] to survey
those parts of the Gulf of Penas which had not been examined by the Beagle;
particularly the River San Tadeo, in San Quintin's Sound; the openings
behind Xavier Island; the Channel's Mouths; and the Guaianeco Islands,
where the Wager was wrecked: and then to proceed down the Mesier Channel,
behind the Island Campana, which was supposed to communicate with
Concepcion Strait, by the Brazo Ancho (or Wide Channel) of Sarmiento. He
was then to go to the Ancon sin Salida, examining all the openings into the
main land, on his way, and search for a communication with the large
waters, discovered by Captain Fitz Roy, through which he was to try to
enter the Strait, and join the Adventure, at Port Famine, during the month
of April.
Lieutenant Skyring again took with him, by Captain Fitz Roy's permission,
Mr. Kirke and Mr. Bynoe, of the Beagle; Mr. Alexander Millar and Mr. Parke
also accompanied them.
Having thus despatched our companions, we prepared, on board the Adventure,
to return to Valparaiso; intending to proceed to Rio de Janeiro; by way of
Concepcion, Port Famine, and Monte Video; for the sake of adding some links
to our chronometric chain: with a view to which, I had taken the
opportunity of having the chronometers cleaned at Valparaiso by Mr.
Roskell, agent for Messrs. Roskell chronometer-makers at Liverpool. General
Aldunate being on the point of returning to Valparaiso, I had an
opportunity of obliging him, and showing my sense of the assistance, and
essential kindness we had {302} received, by offering him and all his
family a passage in the Adventure, which he accepted; and on the 17th we
left Chiloe. In our way we touched at Concepcion, and anchored at
Valparaiso on the 2d of January.
We remained there until the 11th of February, and then sailed on our return
to Rio de Janeiro, with the intention of passing though the Strait of
Magalhaens, and taking that opportunity of completing some few parts, which
our former surveys had left unfinished. As the breeze, which, on this
coast, blows with the constancy of a trade wind, would carry us close to
the island of Juan Fernandez, I determined upon visiting it, for a few
days; and then proceeding again to Concepcion.
We reached Cumberland Bay, on the north side of Juan Fernandez, on the
16th, and anchored, within two cables lengths of the beach, in ten fathoms.
I have seldom seen a more remarkable and picturesque view, than is
presented by the approach to Juan Fernandez. When seen from a distance, the
mountain of the 'Yungue' (Anvil), so called from its resemblance to a
blacksmith's anvil, appears conspicuously placed in the midst of a range of
precipitous mountains, and is alone an object of interest. It rises three
thousand feet above a shore, which is formed by an abrupt wall of
dark-coloured bare rock, eight or nine hundred feet in height, through
whose wild ravines, broken by the mountain torrents, views are caught of
verdant glades, surrounded by luxuriant woodland.
The higher parts of the island are in general thickly-wooded; but in some
places there are grassy plains of considerable extent, whose lively colour
contrasts agreeably with the dark foliage of myrtle-trees, which abound on
the island.
The Yungue is wooded, nearly from the summit to its base; whence an
extensive and fertile valley extends to the shore, and is watered by two
streams, which take their rise in the heights, and fall into the sea.
This valley appears to have been formerly cleared and cultivated by the
Spaniards, who had a colony here; for the stone {303} walls, which served
to divide their enclosures, still remain. From Walter's account of Anson's
voyage, and the view given with it of the commodore's tent, there is no
difficulty in determining this valley to be the spot on which his
encampment was placed.
The island is now (1830) occupied, or rather rented from the governor of
Chile for a term of years, by Don Joachim Larrain. The establishment
consists of a superintendent (mayor-domo), there called, 'the governor;'
and forty persons, who are employed in the seal and cod fishery, and in
drying fish for the Chilian market. Their dwellings are erected on the flat
land, at the north side of the bay, where the soil is richer than in other
parts; and where it is more sheltered from the squalls, which, during
strong southerly gales, rush down the valley of the Yungue, the situation
of the former establishment, with great violence.
The remains of a fort, called San Juan Baptiste, are yet in a tolerable
state; and from an inscription on the wall, it appears to have been
repaired, or completed, in the year 1809. It is situated on a rising
ground, about one hundred and thirty feet above the sea, at the S.W. part
of the bay, and overlooks the village; there are now no guns mounted, but,
with a few, it might be made very effective in a short time; and, from its
situation, would command the bay.
In the middle of the beach are some ruins of a four-gun battery, and there
are also traces of a fort at the N.W. end of the bay.
At present, except wild-goats, wild peaches, figs, abundance of fish, and
excellent fresh water, no refreshments can be procured. An establishment of
forty persons, with very little to do, might naturally be expected to
cultivate the land, raise vegetables and fruit, and rear poultry and pigs,
to supply the vessels, which frequently touch here for wood and water; but
it is not the character of the Chileno to take any trouble, unless obliged,
although his own comfort and advantage may be materially concerned.
The mayor-domo, however, told me that their attempts to {304} cultivate the
soil, and raise potatoes, had been defeated by the destructive ravages of a
worm.
By sending a boat to the east point of the bay, to fish in forty fathoms
water, a most delicious kind of cod-fish may be taken, in such numbers,
that two men, in half an hour, could fill the boat. Craw-fish, of large
size, are almost equally abundant; they are taken with a hooked stick: one
of our boats caught forty-five in a very short time. The inhabitants catch
them, and cure their tails, by exposure to the sun, for exportation to
Chile, where they are much esteemed, and fetch a high price.
Wild-goats are very numerous among the inaccessible parts of the island,
but are not easily obtained; they are sometimes shot, or taken with a lazo.
These animals, according to Woodes Rogers, and other writers, were
originally left on the island by Juan Fernandez, who, for a short time,
lived there. According to the 'Noticias Secretas,' p. 50 to 56, they are
supposed to have been landed by the Buccaneers, who frequented this island.
Certain it is, that, without such refreshments, the Buccaneers would not
have been able to carry on their harassing war of plunder against the
Spanish possessions on the American coast to such an extent; nor should we,
perhaps, have heard anything more about Commodore Anson, and the crews of
the Centurion and Gloucester, who were, on their arrival at this island, in
the last stage of scurvy.
To prevent Juan Fernandez from being so tempting a resort to Buccaneers,
the Viceroy of Peru caused a great many dogs to be landed, which hunted
down and destroyed the goats in great numbers: this in some measure has
prevented their subsequent increase. The dogs however drove the goats to
places where they could not follow them, and were then obliged to destroy
seals for food. Large troops of these dogs still range about the lower
grounds; but the heights are in the undisturbed possession of wild-goats;
which may be seen in numbers browsing on elevated and almost inaccessible
places, where they live in safety.
The geological character of this island, according to Mr. Caldcleugh, who
accompanied me in this trip, is of basaltic {305} green-stone, and trap,
which appears, at first sight, to be volcanic; but, on a more particular
examination, the lava-like appearance of the rock does not seem to arise
from an igneous origin.
The green-stone is full of crystals of olivine, which, as they decompose,
leave hollows, resembling those of scoriae. Mr. Caldcleugh communicated an
account of the structure to the Geological Society.[163] In Captain Hall's
interesting journal, there is a list of Geological and Mineralogical
specimens, of which one from Mas-a-fuera[164] is named 'Vesicular Lava.'
May it not be this same rock in a decomposed state?
The late Signor Bertero, whose botanical collections from Chile have
enriched many of the principal herbaria in Europe, accompanied me to make a
collection of the Flora of the island; and he considered that the character
of the vegetation was very little allied to the Chilian, but partook more
of that of California. The sandal-wood, which has been described as
indigenous to this island, was not found by us, growing, but a large
quantity was collected about the hills and vallies, in a dry state, and
apparently very old. It is of the red kind, and still preserves a strong
scent. The mayor-domo told me there were no sandal-wood trees in the
island; but we had reason to think his information was incorrect, for one
of the inhabitants would have taken us to a place where he said they were
growing in large quantities, had not our arrangements for sailing
interfered.
The island produces several kinds of grass; but the most abundant
herbaceous plant is a species of oat, which grows very luxuriantly, and
towards the westward covers the ground for many miles. The neighbourhood of
Cumberland Bay is over-run with strawberry plants, wild radishes, mint, and
balm, besides peach, apple, cherry, and fig trees, which are {306} found
wild every where, and remind one of Lord Anson's visit.[165]
Not only in its botanical productions does this island differ from the
Chilian coast, but also in its shells: the shell fish being extremely
scarce, and dissimilar in character. On the rocks we found a patella and a
small chama, but we saw no mytilus. From the deep water I fished up some
coral, and attached to one fragment was a new species of arca.[166] The
fishing-lines brought up, from the depth of eighty fathoms, a branch of
coralline, to which an infinite number of a species of caryophyllia were
attached. The existence of coral is mentioned in Mr. Barry's translation of
the 'Noticias Secretas de America; por Don J. Juan, y Don A. de Ulloa,' a
work which contains a long and, generally speaking, good account of the
island; but their description of the anchorage does not agree with ours.
They say, "The distance between the two points, which form the bay, is two
miles, and its depth about half a league; and, although the depth is nearly
the same in all parts, the best berth to moor ships is in the front of the
'Playa del Este;' but it is necessary to be close to the stones of the
beach, for at one or two cables' length there are fifty fathoms water, and
the outer anchor is in the depth of seventy or eighty fathoms; but if the
vessel is three or four cables off, it will be necessary to drop the outer
anchor in one hundred fathoms, which, even with two cables an end, will
scarcely secure the ship." Now, at three cables' length from the beach, we
had only ten fathoms, our outer anchor was dropped in seventeen fathoms,
and in a line between the two points of the bay there is not more than
fifty fathoms.
If the accounts of those Spanish officers were correct, the earthquakes,
which certainly affect these islands, must have caused a considerable
uprising of the base of the island; but, on referring to the plan in
Anson's voyage, the soundings in 1741 do not appear to have been different
from ours. The innermost ship, whose berth we occupied, is, in that plan,
at anchor in {307} nineteen fathoms, and the depth between the points of
the bay is shown to be about fifty fathoms.
There are few persons who have not read, with much interest, Mr. Walter's
account of the Centurion's voyage, and who are not well acquainted with his
description of this island, which we found exceedingly correct. The views
of the land, although old-fashioned in execution, are most correctly
delineated, and the plan of the bay is quite sufficient for every common
purpose of navigation; but as we had an opportunity of fixing its latitude
and longitude more correctly, it became desirable to make a more detailed
plan than Commodore Anson's.
The seals and sea-lions, which were so abundant formerly, are now reduced
to such a small number, as to make the seal-fishery scarcely worth notice.
They have been destroyed by taking them indiscriminately, without regard to
age or sex, leaving none to propagate the race but those who by chance
escaped. At present the island is let to a tenant, who is not permitted to
kill them until the young have taken to the water, by which means an
opportunity is given for them to increase.
I am not aware that there are any indigenous animals. Dogs, goats, and
rats, have been imported. Land birds are not numerous; some pigeons, said
to have been imported, and a few hawks, are occasionally seen, besides
three species of humming-birds, two of which are new to science.[167] Of
sea-birds we saw very few; but were informed that the 'Goat Islands,' at
the south-west end of Juan Fernandez, are completely covered by them at the
breeding season.
During our stay, several excursions were made, in various directions, from
the village, and much facilitated by beaten paths, one of which leads up a
valley, westward of that of the {308} Yungue, and thence to a pass over the
principal range, communicating with the other side of the island. This
pass, called the Puertozuela, is 1,800 feet high, and was visited several
times by the officers. On one occasion, they went to the western part of
the island, to hunt wild goats. The party set out in boats with the
mayor-domo, or governor, as their guide; but before they reached the proper
landing-place, became so impatient that they landed, intending to walk
back. The governor, however, persevered, and returned, in the evening, with
five fine she-goats, which he had taken with 'lazos.' Our pedestrians found
their return by no means so easy as they had contemplated, being obliged to
pass the night in a cave, which they fortunately found at sunset, and they
did not reach the ship until the following afternoon, fatigued, but much
pleased by their ramble.
The thermometer on board ranged, during the day, between 63deg and 82deg,
and the barometer between 29.98, and 30.16. On shore the thermometer stood
higher, in fine, unclouded weather, and lower when the summits of the hills
were covered with clouds.
We put to sea on the 22d, anchored at Talcahuano on the 3d of March, and
sailed again on the 17th, to proceed through the Strait of Magalhaens.
While at Concepcion I had an opportunity of seeing Pinoleo,[168] the Indian
chief, from whom Captain Basil Hall endeavoured to obtain the release of a
captured Araucanian female, whose husband had been murdered in cold blood
before her eyes.[169]
Mr. Rouse, our consul, procured for me the necessary introduction, and,
with one of the governor's aides-de-camp, accompanied us to the Indian
quarters, situated on the {309} outskirts of the town, towards the river
Bio-Bio. We found the chief's residence (little better than a rancho, or
hut of the country), surrounded by Indians, some of whom were armed; and at
the door were his two daughters, young, and rather good-looking, whose
persons and dress we had leisure to examine, whilst waiting the chiefs
pleasure to receive us. They were clothed with a mantle, or wrapper, of
green baize, enveloping the body from the neck to the feet, and fastened at
the breast by a toup, or tupu[170] (a silver pin, or skewer, headed with a
round silver plate, three inches in diameter), over which hung a string of
beads. Their hair, which was remarkably fine and clean, as well as neatly
dressed, was divided into two plaited tails ('trensas'), and their
foreheads were ornamented with a broad fillet, worked over with beads.[171]
They also wore necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, and anklets of similar
manufacture.
Our names having been announced to Pinoleo, he came to the door to receive
us, and invited us to enter. Some of our party he recognized, and seemed
pleased at their visiting him. We were early, and found him sober; but from
his bloated and haggard appearance, it seemed that he had not been long so.
On entering the hut, we observed a number of Indians, scarcely sober,
seated round, near the walls. Some turbid wine was presented to us, in a
silver cup, which we sipped as it passed round; but the last of our party
knowing that to return the cup without emptying it, would be an offence,
was obliged to drink the contents, and a bitter potion they were. Pinoleo
was then stout and rather corpulent, five feet ten inches in height, of a
fairer complexion than the generality of his countrymen, and had lost much
of his hair. He had laid aside the Indian {310} dress, and wore the
deshabille of a Spaniard, a shirt and pair of trowsers, in a very slovenly
manner. He spoke Spanish with great facility, and appeared to be quite at
his ease in conversation. He has the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the
Chilian army, and receives pay, as a retainer for his friendship.
A very short visit was sufficient to satisfy us, and we took the first
opportunity of retiring, for fear of a second cup of wine. While leaving
the hut, we were beset by some of his followers, asking for money. The
Indian quarter is a scene of drunkenness the whole day; the women, however,
are prevented from thus injuring themselves; they are industrious and
cleanly, and are principally occupied in the manufacture of ponchos. These
Indians are frequently at war with other tribes, who live on the south side
of the Bio-Bio river, and who have never yet been conquered by white men,
of which they are not a little proud.(w)
These Araucanians are by no means to be despised. The Cacique
Mariloan,[172] who resides near San Carlos, on the Bio-Bio, has three
hundred fighting men under his own command; and from the influence he holds
over neighbouring Caciques, could bring upwards of one thousand men into
the field. Upon the occasion of a late revolution in Chile, a deputation of
chiefs was sent by the Araucanian Caciques to inquire into the cause of
those disturbances, of which they had received intelligence. They first
asked for an interpreter, whom they cautioned to give a true and literal
translation of their speech; and then they made a long harangue, in which
they explained the cause of their visit, and declared their willingness to
assist their friends, if their aid should be required, to expel a foreign
foe; but if the troubles were caused only by the quarrels and dissensions
of parties, they would not take an active part. They were then given to
understand that an attempt had been made by one party to put down another,
upon which they declined assisting either. The conference being ended, some
horses were {311} slaughtered and skinned. Large holes were dug, and the
skins put into them, to form substitutes for vessels, into which barrels of
wine were poured, and the Indians commenced their feast of horses' flesh
and turbid wine, which threw them rapidly into a state of excitement and
intoxication, that lasted some hours after the wine was all drunk.
In this neighbourhood, the Araucanian pine (_Araucaria imbricata_) is
found, but very few of the trees grow near the sea. One beautiful specimen
which I saw in a garden was, at least, forty feet in height, with branches
sweeping the ground. The cones of these trees, called pinones, are brought
to the town from the mountains where they grow, and are roasted, to be sold
in the streets.
On the 31st of March, the land about Cape Lucia was seen, and at noon it
bore E.b.N., distant twelve miles, when the wind ceased, and a heavy swell
setting us towards the land, made our situation an anxious one. A breeze,
however, sprung up, and by carrying a press of sail, we succeeded in
gaining an offing before dark. The night was very squally, but next morning
(1st April) the weather was better, so we stood in, and made the
Evangelists, which were seen from the mast-head, at a distance of
twenty-two miles. Between these islands and Cape Pillar we found a most
turbulent sea; yet no sooner had we entered the Strait, than the water
became perfectly smooth. I intended anchoring in the Harbour of Mercy; but
the night proved fine, and the wind was so favourable, that we proceeded by
the chart, using a patent log, and passing within two miles of the
headlands. Sail was reduced as much as possible, to give us space
sufficient to run on during the night, steering E. 3/4 S. by compass.
Towards midnight the weather became cloudy, and occasionally the land was
concealed from our view.
Abreast of Cape Tamar, and as far as Cape Providence, some sharp squalls
raised a sea, rather heavy, considering we were in the Strait; but
afterwards the water became smooth again. Off the latter cape, the patent
log indicated a distance run equal to that shown by the chart, which proved
that we had {312} experienced no current. At daylight we were in the
entrance of the 'Long Reach,' abreast of Cape Monday.
While passing the opening opposite to Playa Parda, a schooner was observed
at anchor, and a boat was seen coming out to us. It contained the mate of
the schooner Industry, of New Bedford, who informed us that she had been
lying there, weather-bound, for nearly a month. He came to make inquiries
about good anchorages to the westward (having already lost two anchors),
and to learn in what part of the Strait he was; his own idea being, that
the vessel was under Cape Monday. Having given him the required
information, we proceeded; but the wind fell light, and we were glad to
anchor in the cove of Playa Parda. With our chains we found it safe; but
the bottom, being rocky, would probably do much injury to hempen cables.
The opening opposite to us, where the schooner was lying, was evidently
Sarmiento's 'Abra.' It appeared to us to be a mile and a half wide, with an
island in the entrance. Within, it seemed to take a south, then a
south-west direction, and afterwards to trend round a low hummocky point of
the eastern shore, under a high, precipitous ridge, on the opposite or
western shore, towards the S.E.; beyond this its course could not be
observed. When passing through this part of the Strait, Captain Stokes
found the weather so bad, that although the distance across was only two or
three miles, the shores were often concealed by clouds and rain, so as to
render it impossible for him to make any survey of them.
We were detained the two following days by bad weather. On the 5th we
proceeded, but before we got abreast of Snowy Sound, heavy rain set in,
which lasted all day.
As we passed Borja Bay, a schooner was observed at anchor in it, so like
the Adelaide, that we altered our course to communicate with her. From a
boat which came off to us, we learned that it was a sealing-vessel, called
the Hope, of New York, going through the Strait, from Staten Land. She had
seen nothing of the Adelaide.
When abreast of Bachelor River, a canoe, containing two {313} men and two
women, came out to us; but we did not delay long, and at five the anchor
was dropped in Fortescue Bay.
As it did not appear that the Adelaide had preceded us, I determined upon
remaining, to make a chronometric measurement from Port Gallant to Port
Famine; and the next morning Lieutenant Graves landed, and obtained a set
of sights for time.
In the early part of the day, two canoes, containing eight or ten Fuegians,
entered the bay. They came from the westward; but we did not recognize
among them any of those who visited the ship as we passed Bachelor's River.
Several had red baize shirts, and some had 'Union caps,' such as are
supplied to our men-of-war; which they must have procured from the Beagle
or Adelaide, or from the Chanticleer, at Cape Horn.(x) After hanging about
us all day, they landed at sunset, and took up their quarters in some old
wigwams in the inner harbour.
The canoes of these natives were very different in their construction from
any we had seen to the eastward. Instead of being paddled, they were pulled
with oars; one of which was an ash oar, probably obtained from some
sealing-vessel. The canoes were large; at the bottom was a plank, twenty
inches wide, to which were sewn the sides, in the manner of the piraguas,
and they were caulked with bark, in a similar way.
We did not remark any thing peculiar among these people which we had not
perceived in other natives of Tierra del Fuego, except that they frequently
used the word 'pecheray,' a word particularly noticed by Bougainville, who
thought that it meant the name of the tribe; and, in consequence, the
Fuegians have been often called Pecherays.
On one of the officers cutting a lock of hair from a woman's head, the men
became angry, and one of them taking it away, threw half of it into the
fire, and, rolling up the other portion between the palms of his hands,
swallowed it. Immediately {314} afterwards, placing his hands to the fire,
as if to warm them, and looking upwards, he uttered a few words, apparently
of invocation: then, looking at us, pointed upwards, and exclaimed, with a
tone and gesture of explanation, 'Pecheray, Pecheray.' After which, they
cut off some hair from several of the officers who were present, and
repeated a similar ceremony.
From this fact, one might suppose the word to be connected with their ideas
of divine worship; but we had heard it used for so many opposite things,
that I could not consider it of so much importance as some of the officers
were inclined to think it.
The next day a party ascended the Mountain de la Cruz, to deposit a pewter
plate, on which were cut the names of the ship and officers. At the summit
they found the pile of stones made by Captain Fitz Roy, which they left
undisturbed; but made another, in which a bottle was placed, containing the
little Spanish coin, and copies, on vellum, of the memorials we had
formerly taken from it, also several English coins, and some medals. The
bottle was corked, covered with resin, and enveloped in sheet lead. Our
party returned in the evening, having been seven hours in going up and
descending.
The next day I obtained an angular measurement of the Mountain de la Cruz,
with a theodolite, having measured a base of 2,608 feet, which gave for its
elevation 2,364 feet, 74 feet more than Captain Fitz Roy's barometrical
determination.
During the day several Fuegian families had arrived, and, by the evening,
ten canoes, containing altogether about sixty natives, were collected. I
landed to visit them, for I had never before seen so many assembled. We
entered all the wigwams but one, which was said to be occupied by a woman
in labour. In the opening stood her husband, painted all over with a red
ochrous earth, and his head and breast ornamented with the white down of
birds. The other Fuegians called him 'Pecheray;' and appeared to consider
him, while in the character he had assumed, as a being superior to
themselves.
{315}
Hence, there evidently is something of a superstitious nature connected
with the word; but our frequent attempts to find out its precise meaning,
were unsuccessful. On repeating this expression to a group of natives, one
of them immediately coughed up a piece of blubber, which he had been
eating, and gave it to another, who swallowed it with much ceremony, and
with a peculiar guttural noise; then, looking up, and pointing with his
finger to the skies, solemnly pronounced the talismanic 'Pecheray,' This
word is also used in pointing to the sun.
On the 10th April, I went to Charles Islands, and surveyed them. There is
very good anchorage for a small vessel, in eighteen fathoms, at the north
end of the passage which separates them; and at the bottom, or elbow, under
the eastern island, in thirteen or fourteen fathoms. The next day, a fresh
arrival in two canoes increased the number of Indians to eighty; rather a
formidable body for a small vessel to encounter. They conducted themselves,
on the whole, very peaceably, but seemed determined that our curiosity
should not be gratified by finding out the contents of the 'tabooed'
wigwam. It was always guarded by the 'Pecheray,' who seemed ready and
determined to dispute all access to it, by means of a heavy club. One of
the midshipmen, however, with a little coaxing, persuaded the man to let
him put his head in; but those who were inside, having received their
lesson, threw ashes in his face, and nearly blinded him. After this, seeing
they were determined on the point, I desired that no further attempt should
be made to ascertain what was really going on inside the wigwam.
We sailed the next day (11th), not without some apprehension that the
Adelaide might meet this large concourse of Indians before they separated;
as Port Gallant was a place rarely passed by vessels without stopping, and
the natives being all housed behind a point of land, could not be seen
until too late.
We were abreast of Cape Froward at noon; in the evening we anchored in
French Bay, and next day (13th) reached Port Famine. As I purposed
remaining until the Adelaide should arrive, the tents were set up, the
boats landed for repair, and the transit instrument was set up, in the hope
that a comet {316} might be visible, which we had seen in our passage from
Concepcion to the Strait; but the weather was at first too cloudy, and
afterwards the comet itself was too faint to be discerned.[173]
On the 21st, nine canoes arrived in the bay, containing a large party of
Fuegians, principally those who frequent the Magdalen Channel, and probably
the sea-coast. They had generally shown themselves disposed to be
mischievous, and I determined upon preventing their encamping near us; for
their presence would greatly impede our watering and wooding parties, by
distracting the attention of the people. I, therefore, went to meet them at
the watering-place, under Point St. Anna, where they had landed, near one
of our boats which was on the beach. Among them we only recognised three
who had visited us before, and those three were brought to our remembrance
by their former misconduct. I had always made it a rule to treat them
kindly, with the view of obtaining their good-will; but I found it was the
wrong way to gain their respect, for it only made them expect more from me,
the consequence of which was, that when we separated, neither party was
pleased with the other. I used on this occasion a more dictatorial tone
than I had hitherto done; for, seeing several with slings in their hands,
and a collection of large, round pebbles wrapped up in the corner of their
mantles, I desired them to throw the stones away, which they did not
hesitate to do. The Indians were now all landed, and evidently presuming
upon their numerical strength, upwards of eighty being assembled, began to
make themselves very familiar.
I thought it best to check their advances, by desiring them not to visit
the side of the bay where our tents stood, but to go round Point St. Anna,
to an adjoining cove. They seemed to understand me perfectly, and soon
afterwards embarked, while I returned on board. The natives, however,
landed again, in the middle of the bay, at the north side, and there
encamped.
Next morning, the men of the tribe visited our tents, but found them
surrounded by a rope I had caused to be fixed, {317} and which they were
not permitted to pass. At noon, after observing the sun's transit, I went
to the barrier, and while the people were at dinner, endeavoured to amuse
our visitors, who were from fifteen to twenty in number, by showing them
several trifles; among the rest, a pocket set of coloured glasses,
belonging to the transit. They looked through them at the sun, but handled
them rather roughly, and broke the frame; upon which I expressed my anger,
and turned them away. Soon afterwards, however, I walked towards them, and
selecting the Indian who had offended me, gave him a bunch of beads, and
thus restored peace; but desired them, at the same time, to go to their
wigwams, which they did. In their way, they mischievously broke down a part
of my meridian mark; seeing which, I sent a carpenter, attended by a
marine, to repair it, and went myself to inspect its being again set up.
The natives were collected round it, evidently in expectation of my being
angry, and awaited my approach. Upon my coming near, I showed them that I
was much displeased, and ordered them into their canoes; when one of the
party, muttering a few words, picked up a stone from the ground, and was
fixing it in his sling, when I took the marine's musket, and presented it
at him, upon which the whole took to their heels; the principal offender
and another ran along the beach, and the rest to their canoes. I could not
resist the opportunity of letting them know we were prepared for them, by
firing over the heads of the two who were running near the water.
The report of the musket attracted the attention of Lieutenant Mitchell,
who was on board on the look-out, expecting some fracas would, sooner or
later, take place; and seeing four or five canoes paddling across, and the
two Indians running along the beach, he manned a boat, and pulled towards
the canoes, which tried to evade him, and stones were thrown at him as he
approached. A musket fired over their heads, soon quieted them, when he
pulled round their canoes, to show them they were in his power, but did not
molest them, and then allowed the party to proceed.
This affair alarmed the women at the wigwams, and hastily {318} gathering
up their effects, they hurried into their canoes, and joined the others,
who all paddled round Point St. Anna. The men, however, landed there, and
remained on shore, armed with slings, spears, and bows, ready to defend
themselves, and, by their gestures, defying us to land. No attention was
paid to them, and, after a short time, they went over the hills to the
coves on the north side of the point. As we had now openly quarrelled, I
thought it better that they should keep at a distance; and therefore,
taking two boats, pulled round the point, to tell them to go five miles
farther, to Rocky Bay; but the canoes were already beached, and the women
had taken up their quarters. As we approached, the hills echoed with the
screams of the women and the shouts of the men; all of whom, stark naked,
armed, and daubed with white paint, their heads being stuck full of white
feathers, hastened down to the point of the bay. The place, from its
nature, offered a good defence, as the beach was lined by large rocks,
behind which they could conceal themselves from our view, and yet assail us
with stones. When within a few yards of the beach, we held a parley--the
object of which was, that they should go farther to the northward; to this
they vociferously replied, by desiring us to leave them. Seeing there was
no chance of enforcing our demand, without shedding blood, I ordered the
boats away; and on getting about a musket-shot from the beach, one of the
Fuegians threw a stone, which fell close to us. In an instant, every one of
them was concealed behind the rocks; but we returned their fire, and
another large stone fell within two feet of the boat. A second musket was
fired, and another stone was returned, with equal precision. After the
interchange of a few more stones for bullets, they ceased throwing them,
and we returned on board. It was very unlikely that any of our shot took
effect; for we were at a long distance, and could only see their heads
above the rocks. Fortunately, none of the stones struck us, for they were
large enough to have caused a severe bruise. It is astonishing how very
correctly they throw them, and to what a distance. When the first stone
fell close to us, we all thought ourselves out of musket-shot.
{319}
The next morning, five or six natives were seen crouching down among high
grass, on the hill over our watering-well, waiting for the people to go for
water; probably with the intention of assailing them, for it appeared
afterwards that their slings and bows were in readiness. To show them they
were not out of our reach, I caused a six-pound shot to be fired over their
heads, which, as it went high above them, made no impression. The gun was
then pointed lower, and another ineffectual shot fired. A third, however,
fell close to them, when they jumped up, shook their mantles in the air,
with the most violent gestures, and, apparently in a furious rage,
scampered off; but the last man, before he disappeared, threw an immense
stone, which did not reach one quarter of the distance.
We saw nothing more of the natives until the evening, when Lieutenant
Mitchell, who went to look for them, found they had moved away to Rocky
Bay, where they had encamped on the open beach. The next day, I sent him to
endeavour to make peace, which he very easily effected, by the interchange
of a few trifles.
After this we had much bad weather, during which most of the Indians kept
close to their wigwams; but a few occasionally communicated with our
watering party, quite peaceably, as if nothing had happened. A day or two
after, the weather improved, and the Fuegians dispersed, probably for want
of food, some going to the northward, but the greater part along shore to
the southward. These people pointed upwards to the sky, when they were
going away, repeating the word 'Pecheray.'
This was our last interview with the wretched Fuegians. Naturally petulant
and quarrelsome, they are also ever intent upon mischief; the fear of
punishment alone restraining them. Weakly-manned vessels passing through
this Strait should always avoid them, if they are numerous; for unless they
are given what they want, they try to steal it, and any consequent
punishment probably brings on a quarrel. Their conduct, and servile
bearing, at our first seeing them, gave them an appearance of being timid
and inactive; while, in reality, they {320} are the very reverse. Had we
attempted to land on the last occasion, I do not think we should have
effected our object, without receiving some severe contusions from their
stones, which they sling with such extraordinary precision and force: so
much so, that I consider the sling, in their dexterous hands, to be equal
to a musket in ours. Indeed, with many of us, a native would have had the
advantage. It has been too much the practice, when obliged to fire upon
them, to fire over their heads; by which proceeding the savages are led to
consider our weapons as so uncertain in their effect, that they become much
depreciated in their estimation. It would be almost preferable to inflict a
slight wound, in order to show the nature of our arms, and as a warning
against further hostilities.
When the Uxbridge, sealer, was at anchor in a harbour in the Magdalen
Channel, some Indians, who were on board, angry at being ordered out of the
vessel at sunset, threw stones at the person who was walking the deck, as
they returned to the shore. Several muskets were fired over their heads, at
which they expressed neither fear nor concern; but paddled leisurely away,
and the next morning came off again to the vessel, as if nothing had
happened. At Port Famine, Duclos Guyot had a skirmish with natives, the
particulars of which are described in Dom Pernetty's History (ii. 653).
Three of the Indians were killed, and three of the French were severely
wounded. It may be here remarked, that the chief's name, according to M.
Duclos Guyot, was 'Pach-a-chui,' which is not unlike 'Pecheray;' the women
were called 'Cap, cap,' probably a mistake for 'Cab, cab;' which evidently
means 'no, no!' for it was an expression we frequently used, and was never
misunderstood. Their cunning is sufficiently proved by the theft of the
Adelaide's boat, in St. Simon's Sound (page 142).
The absence of the Fuegians permitted us to move about a little; and among
other places, we visited their late encampment at Rocky Bay, our approach
to which was offensively indicated by a most sickening smell. On our way, I
found two fossils; one was very interesting, bearing the appearance of a
{321} large orthoceratite:[174] the other was a Venus. From Rocky Point we
descried a strange sail, which, by her movements, we thought must be the
Beagle: I returned, therefore, and sent Lieutenant Mitchell out to her. She
arrived in the evening, but proved to be a ship belonging to the Hudson Bay
Company, called the Dryad, bound to the Columbia River, and last from the
Falkland Islands. She came to wait for Mr. Low, of the Adeona, who had
promised to pilot her through the Magdalen Channel. The Adeona arrived on
the 3d of May; and the following day, to our great joy, the Adelaide hove
in sight: and being becalmed, was towed to an anchorage.
The result of her cruise proved to be very interesting, although no
communication had been discovered between the 'Ancon sin Salida,' and the
Skyring Water. The only loss they had sustained was, however, a severe one;
Mr. Alexander Millar having died of inflammation in the bowels. The death
of this promising young man threw a damp over the happiness we felt at
meeting again, after having so nearly completed this long and tedious
voyage.
We had, for some days, been getting ready for sea, and now hastened to
complete our preparations. The Dryad, after receiving some assistance from
us, sailed in company with the Adeona, and passed out to the Pacific, by
going through the Magdalen Channel. The day afterwards we took our final
departure--crossed the shoal that extends off Magdalena Island, in five
fathoms, sailed on rapidly, and passed Gregory Bay at noon. Seeing us
approach, a large party of Patagonians, at least a hundred in number,
assembled at the usual place of communication; but as both wind and tide
were in our favour, and we could derive no novel information from them, we
continued on our course. The Indians were probably much mortified and
disappointed; but all on board were delighted by avoiding the anticipated
delay. We showed our colours to them, but I dare say our friend, Maria, was
not very well pleased with my want of courtesy, in passing by so old an
acquaintance {322} without a salutation; or, what she coveted much more,
such presents as she had always received when we anchored.
Just before entering the First Narrow, we passed through a furious
'tide-race,' which broke over the Adelaide, and not a little impeded her
progress. No accident, however, was the consequence; and a rapid tide,
running at the least nine knots an hour, swept us through the Narrow, and
round the reef off Cape Orange: after which we proceeded rapidly, and
rounded Cape Virgins at ten P.M., not a little elated by leaving behind us,
with no expectation of ever seeing it again, the famous Strait of
Magalhaens.
Our voyage to Monte Video was rather long; but we delayed there only to
water the ship, in the usual place, off Cape Jesu Maria, and then proceeded
to Rio de Janeiro, where we awaited the arrival of the Beagle. Our anxiety
for her safety, during so hazardous a survey as that of the sea-coasts of
Tierra del Fuego, was soon removed, by hearing that she had touched at
Monte Video; and, on the 2d of August, our consort was seen entering the
harbour; when we were delighted by finding all well on board, and the
little vessel quite ready for sea, having refitted on her passage.
* * * * *
{323}