CHAPTER III.

Prepare the Beagle, and our decked boat (the Hope) for surveying the

Strait--Beagle sails westward, and the Hope towards the south-east--

Sarmiento's voyage--and description of the colony formed by him at Port

Famine--Steamer-duck--Large trees--Parroquets--Mount Tarn--Barometrical

observations--Geological character--Report of the Hope's cruize.

In almost every account published of the Strait of Magalhaens, so much

notice has been taken of Port Famine, that I had long considered it a

suitable place for our purposes; and upon examination I found it offered so

many advantages, that I did not hesitate to make it our head-quarters. As

soon, therefore, as the ship was moored, tents were pitched, our

decked-boat was hoisted out and hauled on shore, to be coppered and

equipped for the survey;--and Captain Stokes received orders to prepare the

Beagle for examining the western part of the Strait; previous to which she

required to be partially refitted, and supplied with fuel and water.

For several days after our arrival, we had much rain and strong

south-westerly wind, with thick clouds, which concealed the high land to

the southward; allowing us only now and then a partial glimpse. One evening

(11th) the air was unusually clear, and many of the mountains in that

direction were distinctly defined. We had assembled to take leave of our

friends in the Beagle, and were watching the gradual appearance of

snow-capped mountains which had previously been concealed, when, bursting

upon our view, as if by magic, a lofty mountain appeared towering among

them; whose snowy mantle, strongly contrasted with the dark and threatening

aspect of the sky, much enhanced the grandeur of the scene.

[Illustration: THE HOPE, IN THE STRAIT OF MAGALHAENS.]

[Illustration: THE ADELAIDE, IN HUMMING BIRD COVE.]

[Illustration: P. P. King S. Bull

DISTANT VIEW OF MT. SARMIENTO.

Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838]

{27} This mountain was the "Snowy Volcano" (_Volcan Nevado_) of Sarmiento,

with whose striking appearance that celebrated navigator seems to have been

particularly impressed, so minute and excellent is his description. It is

also mentioned in the account of Cordova's voyage.[19] The peculiar shape

of its summit as seen from the north would suggest the probability of its

being a volcano, but we never observed any indication of its activity. Its

volcanic form is perhaps accidental, for, seen from the westward, its

summit no longer resembles a crater. From the geological character of the

surrounding rocks its formation would seem to be of slate. It is in a range

of mountains rising generally two or three thousand feet above the sea; but

at the N.E. end of the range are some, at least four thousand feet high.

The height of the "Snowy Volcano," or as we have called it, Mount

Sarmiento,[20] was found, by trigonometrical measurement, to be six

thousand eight hundred feet[21] above the level {28} of the sea. It is the

highest land that I have seen in Tierra del Fuego; and to us, indeed, it

was an object of considerable interest, because its appearance and

disappearance were seldom failing weather guides. In our Meteorological

Diary, a column was ruled for the insertion of its appearances.[22]

This clear state of the atmosphere was followed by a heavy fall of rain,

with northerly and easterly winds, which did not, however, last long.

In the vicinity of our tents erected on the low land, on the S.W. side of

the bay, were several ponds of water, perfectly fit for immediate use; but,

perhaps, too much impregnated with vegetable matter to keep good for any

length of time. Captain Stokes, therefore, filled his tanks from the river;

but as that water did not keep well, it was probably taken into the boat

too near the sea. This, however, was unavoidable, except by risking the

boats among a great number of sunken trees in the bed of the river.

The Beagle sailed on the 15th, to survey the western entrance of the

Strait, with orders to return to Port Famine by the end of March.

Our decked boat, the Hope, being ready, the command of her was given to Mr.

Wickham, who was in every way qualified for the trust. We were, however,

much mortified by finding that she leaked so considerably as to oblige us

to unload, and again haul her on shore. When ready for sea, she sailed

under the direction of my assistant-surveyor, Mr. Graves, to examine the

St. Sebastian channel and the deep opening to the S.E. of Cape Valentyn.

Her crew consisted of seven men, besides Mr. Wickham, and Mr. Rowlett, the

purser.

Having despatched the Beagle and the Hope, I was at leisure to carry on the

survey of the coast in the neighbourhood of Port Famine, and to make a plan

of the port itself. The {29} Transit, and Altitude circle, were set up; but

from the very unfavourable state of the weather, and the interference of

other occupations, I was only enabled to procure a series of zenith

distances of the sun, and stars, for the latitude.

Port Famine, a name well known to all who have interested themselves about

the Strait of Magalhaens, was selected by Sarmiento as the most convenient

place for the site of an establishment formed, at his suggestion, by Philip

II. King of Spain.

The voyage of Sir Francis Drake through the Strait into the Pacific, and

his successes against the Spanish colonies and trade on the western side of

the continent of America, induced the Viceroy of Lima to send an Expedition

to pursue the "Corsair," with orders to fight and take him, dead or

alive.[23] This Expedition, commanded by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, who had

already been engaged twice with Drake, consisted of two ships, containing

in all two hundred armed men, sailors and soldiers; a force which was

considered sufficient to ensure the capture.[24]

The Strait of Magalhaens being the most likely place to meet with Drake,

Sarmiento was ordered to proceed through it, and take the opportunity of

exploring its coasts.

All this he performed in a manner highly creditable, as well for the

excellent description handed down in his unpretending journal, as for the

enterprising zeal, and steady perseverance, shown among difficulties of no

trifling nature. To his accounts of various places there will be frequent

occasion to refer. Our object, at present, is to give a short account of

the Colony.

Sarmiento sailed from Peru (1583), and entered the Strait from the Pacific.

After experiencing many serious difficulties, and escaping imminent

dangers, in the western part of the Strait, where the climate is so

rigorous and the country so desolate, it was not surprising that he should

become enraptured with the verdant, and picturesque appearance of the

shores to the eastward of Cape Froward, and with the open country in {30}

the neighbourhood, and to the northward of Cape Virgins.[25] After much

opposition from the Duke of Alva[26] and other powerful people, he

succeeded in convincing the King of the expediency of fortifying the shores

of the First Narrow, and forming several establishments within the Strait,

to prevent the passage of strange ships, to the prejudice of the King's

colonies in Chile and Peru; for at that time the passage round Cape Horn

was not known. Accordingly, an Expedition was prepared, consisting of

twenty-three vessels, under the joint command of Diego Florez de Valdez and

Sarmiento; the former being appointed Captain-general of the fleet, and of

the coast of Brazil; and the latter, Captain-general of the Strait of

Magalhaens, and Governor of all the Establishments that should be formed

within it.

Of the twenty-three ships which sailed from Spain, five only reached the

entrance of the Strait; and these, after experiencing many difficulties

from bad weather and foul winds, returned to Rio de Janeiro to refit, where

Sarmiento met four vessels which had been sent from Spain to his succour.

His colleague and General in chief, Florez, who had deserted the

Expedition, did all in his power to impede Sarmiento, to the latest moment

of his stay at the Brazils. At last, however, five ships, commanded by

Ribera, and manned by five hundred and thirty men,[27] sailed; and, without

encountering further loss or detention, arrived off the Strait in December

(1584), and soon after reached an anchorage, between the First and Second

Narrows.

Ribera would go no further; but landed about three hundred men, under

Sarmiento. A city was marked out, and named Jesus,[28] in a valley well

provided with water. The {31} ships were blown away to sea, leaving the

colonists very destitute; fortunately, however, they were enabled to

return, but were four times, afterwards, obliged to put to sea, from stress

of weather. On the last return, one of the ships, La Trinidad, was run on

shore. The ardour of Ribera being damped by repeated misfortunes, he

returned to Spain, without the knowledge or consent of Sarmiento, leaving,

for the use of the colony, only one ship, the Maria.

While unloading the Trinidad, the Spaniards were attacked by Indians, whom

they dispersed.

Sarmiento, after making the necessary arrangements at Jesus, set out by

land with one hundred men, to go to Point St. Anna,[29] the ship Maria

being ordered to follow. On the journey, the sufferings of the party were

very great, as well from the fatiguing nature of the march, as from their

being harassed by the natives, with whom they had an engagement, in which

one was killed, and ten men were wounded. A mutiny among his people then

broke out, which was quelled by assistance from the ship. At last they

reached their destination, and founded, with the usual solemnities, the

city of King Philip (or San Felipe).

At the latter end of March, while preparing habitations, the winter set in

so suddenly, that for fifteen days it did not cease to snow. Sarmiento,

then, after quelling a mutiny which had broken out afresh among the

soldiers, embarked with thirty men to visit the first encampment at Jesus,

and to superintend the erection of forts in the Narrow; but upon reaching

the anchorage, a gale of wind forced him to sea, and, lasting twenty days,

obliged him (with his people blinded and frost-bitten) to bear up for Rio

de Janeiro.

Here his ship was stranded; upon which he chartered a vessel to convey

flour to the Strait, and went himself to Pernambuco, to procure large boats

for carrying supplies to his {32} colony, and assisting in the recovery of

his stranded ship; she had, however, drifted off, and sunk near Bahia; and

all his boats were destroyed. Still Sarmiento persevered in his zealous

efforts to succour his friends in the Strait; and succeeded in procuring a

vessel of fifty or sixty tons, which, loaded with arms and whatever he

considered useful, sailed, and reached Rio de Janeiro a month after the

departure of the first vessel (January 1585). He followed, but in the

latitude of 39deg met with a furious gale, which drove him back to Rio de

Janeiro, where the vessel that had preceded him had returned in distress.

Disappointed in his attempts to carry succour to the colony, he determined

to go to Spain; but on his voyage thither, to complete the catalogue of his

misfortunes, his ship was captured by three English vessels, and taken to

England, after which the ill-fated colony in the Strait was neglected, if

not entirely forgotten.

Two months after Sarmiento's departure from the Strait of Magalhaens, in

the month of August, the middle of the winter of that region, the party

belonging to the first establishment at Jesus set off by land, and joined

that at San Felipe, with the unwelcome tidings of their deserted state. But

as the provisions at San Felipe were insufficient to support all the

people, Andres de Viedma, who, after Sarmiento's departure, had assumed the

command, detached two hundred soldiers, under the command of Juan Iniguez,

back to Jesus, for the purpose of communicating with any ship that might

make her appearance, and awaiting the expected return of Sarmiento; but the

winter and following summer passed by without any relief.

In this unhappy state, the colonists were obliged to think only of

providing for their safety, and built two boats; in which fifty people

embarked, besides Viedma, Suarez, a Franciscan friar named Antonio, and

five Spanish women. They had not proceeded farther than Point Santa

Brigida,[30] {33} when one of the boats struck upon a reef, and was lost,

but the people were saved. The loss of this boat caused them to give up

every hope of saving themselves in that way; and Viedma, with Suarez, the

friar, and twenty soldiers, returned in the remaining boat to San Felipe,

leaving the rest of the party, consisting of thirty men and five women, to

support themselves through the approaching winter as they could. After that

season had passed, Viedma sent to collect the wanderers; but fifteen men,

and three women only, could be found; the rest having died of hunger and

disease. The survivors then determined upon going to the first

establishment at Jesus; on their way to which they passed by the skeletons

of the two hundred who had been first detached. Travelling onwards, they

observed three ships entering the strait, which anchored at a distance to

the southward.

During the night, Viedma and his companions kept up large fires, supposing

that the ships belonged to their own nation. Next morning a boat was

despatched from them; and three of Viedma's party obtained permission to go

and reconnoitre her. Having approached near enough, a signal was made; upon

which, the people in the boat pulled towards the beach, and said they were

from England, bound to Peru, and that if the Spaniards wanted a passage,

they had better embark. After some hesitation, arising from the fear of

trusting themselves in the power of heretics, they consented; and one was

permitted to get in, but the other two were left on the beach. In the boat

was the enterprizing Cavendish[31] himself, who, on hearing the particulars

of their story, sent the other two soldiers to Viedma, offering to take him

and the residue of his people on board. Cavendish returned to his ship;

but, without further delay, sailed on to the Isla dos Patos (Santa

Magdalena Island), where he leisurely salted down six casks of penguins;

and then proceeded to San Felipe, for wood and water; he remained there

four days (during which time he destroyed the houses of the Spaniards, and

embarked six guns); and thence continued his voyage. The person saved {34}

by Cavendish, whose name was Tome Hernandez, afterwards escaped from him at

Quintero, near Valparaiso; and, proceeding to Peru, gave an account of the

fate of this cruelly neglected colony.

This was the first, and perhaps will be the last, attempt made to occupy a

country, offering no encouragement for a human being; a region, where the

soil is swampy, cold, and unfit for cultivation, and whose climate is

thoroughly cheerless.

The name, San Felipe, ceased with the colony; for Cavendish called it Port

Famine, in allusion to the fate of the colonists, all of whom, except the

man he took away, and one saved two years afterwards (in 1589), by Andrew

Mericke,[32] perished from hunger and its attendant diseases; and by this

appellation the bay has since been universally known. To commemorate the

ill-fated town, a very thickly-wooded mountain at the bottom of the bay,

which forms a conspicuous and picturesque object, has been named by us

Mount San Felipe.

At this port, Sarmiento, on his first voyage through the Strait,

communicated with a large party of Indians, in consequence of which he

called it Bahia de la Gente; and the river, which now bears the name of

Sedger, he named San Juan. Of this river Sarmiento took formal possession,

as well as of the whole Strait, for the 'Mui Poderoso y mui Catolico Senor

Phelipe Segundo,' &c. &c. It was also here that, in consequence of the

miraculous preservation of his vessel on many {35} occasions, he attempted

to change the name of the strait to Estrecho de la Madre de Dios; but it

had been too long called Magalhaens, for even the influence of Sarmiento,

backed by the power of Philip, to persuade the world to countenance so

great an injustice.

"Magallanes, Senor, fue el primer hombre

Que abriendo este camino le dio nombre."

Ercilla Araucana, Cant. I. oct. 8.

During an excursion with Mr. Tarn to Eagle Bay,[33] beyond Cape San Isidro,

we found many wigwams. They were then novelties to us, and we were ignorant

of their being such certain indications of very sheltered places, as

subsequent experience has shown them to be. We often used them, after they

had been well cleaned out: a boat's sail, thrown over the hemispherical

roof, was a sufficient protection from rain;--and from wind they are always

well defended by their situation. Here we saw, for the first time, that

most remarkable bird the Steamer-duck. Before steam-boats were in general

use, this bird was denominated, from its swiftness in skimming over the

surface of the water, the 'race-horse,' a name which occurs frequently in

Cook's, Byron's, and other voyages. It is a gigantic duck, the largest I

have met with. It has the lobated hind-toe, legs placed far backwards, and

other characteristics of the oceanic ducks.[34] The principal peculiarity

of this bird is, the shortness and remarkably small size of the wings,

which, not having sufficient power to raise the body, serve only to propel

it along, rather than through the water, and are used like the paddles of a

steam-vessel. Aided by these and its strong, broad-webbed feet, it moves

with astonishing velocity. {36} It would not be an exaggeration to state

its speed at from twelve to fifteen miles an hour. The peculiar form of the

wing, and the short rigid feathers which cover it, together with the power

this bird possesses of remaining a considerable length of time under water,

constitute it a striking link between the genera _Anas_ and _Aptenodytes_.

It has been noticed by many former navigators. The largest we found

measured forty inches, from the extremity of the bill, to that of the tail,

and weighed thirteen pounds; but Captain Cook mentions, in his second

voyage, that the weight of one was twenty-nine pounds.[35] It is very

difficult to kill them, on account of their wariness and thick coat of

feathers, which is impenetrable by any thing smaller than swan shot. The

flavour of their flesh is so strong and fishy, that at first we killed them

solely for specimens. Five or six months, however, on salt provisions,

taught many to think such food palatable, and the seamen never lost an

opportunity of eating them. I have preferred these ducks to salt-beef, but

more as a preventive against scurvy, than from liking their taste.

I am averse to altering names, particularly in natural history, without

very good reason, but in this case I do think the name of 'steamer' much

more appropriate, and descriptive of the swift paddling motion of these

birds, than that of 'race-horse.' I believe, too, the name of 'steamer' is

now generally given to it by those who have visited these regions.

Many shells[36] were taken from the bottom by means of a fizgig which Mr.

Tarn found in one of the wigwams: it was a {37} rough pole, eight or ten

feet long, split crosswise at one end, and opened so as to form four

prongs, kept apart by two small pieces of wood. Although rudely made, it

was excellently adapted for a shell-gatherer, and is used by the Indians

for collecting sea-eggs, which are found in the Strait of very large size,

and are doubtless, to them, a great delicacy.

During our excursion we ascertained the best place to ascend the snowy

mountain, since named 'Tarn;' and the surgeon, whose name it bears, set off

with a party of officers to make the attempt, in which he succeeded, and

obtained such an extensive view as induced me to decide upon ascending it,

a few days afterwards, to procure bearings from the summit, and for the

purpose of measuring its height with a barometer.

In the meantime I visited the Sedger river (Sarmiento's 'Rio de San Juan de

Posesion'), and found some difficulty in entering it, because of several

banks which are dry at low water. Between them, however, the stream keeps a

small channel open, by which we effected our purpose. Every gale of wind

causes the banks to shift, and between the times of our first, and last,

visit to Port Famine, the river's mouth underwent many changes. The bed of

the river is so full of fallen trees, that we could not go, with the boat,

more than three miles and a half above the entrance; there it was about

fifteen yards wide, bounded on each side by thickly wooded banks, of

moderate height. The trees on these banks are large, chiefly the two

species of Beech before-mentioned, and Winter's-bark; there are besides

many shrubs, and an impenetrable underwood of Arbutus, Berberis, and

currant bushes. The largest Beech-tree that we saw could not have been more

than thirty or forty inches in diameter, which was insignificant compared

with those noticed by Commodore Byron. In describing his excursion up this

river, he mentions "trees that would supply the British navy with the best

masts in the world."[37] "Some of them are of a great height, and more than

eight feet in diameter, which is proportionally more than eight yards in

{38} circumference."[38] The Commodore may have been pleased by the

appearance of these trees, but must have fancied their quality and

dimensions such as he describes. The largest are generally rotten at the

heart, and all are more or less defective. Their wood is heavy, and far too

brittle for masts: we could not use it even for boat-hook staves. It makes,

however, tolerable plank for boat-building, and, when seasoned, might be

used in ships. For common purposes, such as houses, or fences, it is very

serviceable.

We wandered about to examine the country; but, excepting the track of some

quadruped, whose foot was small and cloven, rather like a pig's, we saw

nothing new. The traces of foxes were numerous every where. We found no

fish of any description in the river. Geese and wild ducks were numerous,

whose young were at this time scarcely fledged, and an easy prey. We also

observed here, for the first time, the parroquet, which Bougainville

described to be common in the Strait. He carried specimens home with him;

but some naturalists of those days decided that there must have been a

mistake, because, as they averred, parroquets did not exist in so high a

latitude. Bougainville, however, made no mistake, for the species[39] is

very abundant in the neighbourhood of Port Famine, and has been seen by us

in all parts of the Strait. It feeds principally upon the seeds of the

Winter's-bark. The existence of this bird in Tierra del Fuego is also

mentioned by Cook and Narborough.[40]

{39}

All accounts of Port Famine informed us of its abounding in fish, but as

yet we had taken none excepting with hook and line, although the seine had

been frequently shot. At last, however, in the first week of February, we

had a successful haul of mullet and smelts, many of the former weighing

eight pounds, and the latter measuring fifteen inches in length. After this

we were often very fortunate, and on one occasion caught, at one haul of

the seine, sixteen hundred-weight of smelts, some weighing two pounds, and

measuring twenty inches in length. A few days previously we had a draught

of mullet, which served the crews of both Adventure and Beagle for three

days. Geese, wild ducks and teal, snipe, and now and then woodcocks, were

to be found by taking a short walk; there were, however, no quadrupeds fit

for food which we could take. Foxes and wild cats were occasionally seen,

and a foot-mark of some large animal of the feline race, probably a puma,

was once observed upon the beach. We found many traces of horses, which

showed that the Patagonian Indians sometimes come thus far south. Had we

been so fortunate as to meet them here, we might have procured, perhaps, a

regular supply of guanaco meat.

On the 9th of February, as the weather seemed favourable for ascending

Mount Tarn,[41] Lieutenant Cooke, the Surgeon, and Anderson, the botanical

collector, set off in advance to select a convenient place for passing the

night, carrying with them a tent and provisions. I followed later in the

day, and, while the boat's crew were arranging their loads, made some

observations with a barometer on the beach.

Our way led through thick underwood, and then, with a gradual ascent, among

fallen trees, covered with so thick a coating of moss, that at every step

we sunk up to the knees {40} before firm footing could be found. It was

very laborious work, and the ground being saturated, and each tree dripping

with moisture, we were soon wet through. We proceeded along the same sort

of road up a steep ascent; some one of the party constantly falling into

deep holes covered by moss, or stumbling over fallen trunks of trees. As I

carried a barometer I was obliged to proceed with caution, and succeeded in

emerging from this jungle without accident. After about three quarters of

an hour spent in this way, we reached an open space, where we rested, and I

set up the barometer. Here we found a cypress of very stunted growth.

Our road hence was rather more varied: always steep, but sometimes free

from impediment. Here and there we observed the boggy soil was faced with a

small plant (_Chamitis sp._) of a harsh character, growing so thick and

close as to form large tufts, over which we walked as on hard ground. We

struggled through several thickets of stunted beech-trees, with a thick

jungle of Berberis underneath, whose strong and sharp thorns penetrated our

clothes at every step; and began to find the fatigue very oppressive: some

of my boat's crew suffered much, being unused to such exercise. At last we

approached the place where Mr. Cooke and his party had established

themselves, and upon hailing, were invigorated by a cheer in reply. We

reached the bivouac in a very way-worn condition, and found, to our great

comfort, the tent pitched, and a good fire burning.[42]

The ground was so exceedingly wet, that although we slept upon branches,

forming a layer at least a foot thick, we found ourselves, in the night,

lying as if in a morass, and suffering from cold, even with a large fire

blazing at our feet. At daylight next morning, just as we were starting, a

boat was seen sailing round Cape San Isidro, which, by the aid of a

telescope, I made out to be the Hope.

We resumed the ascent, and passed over, rather than through, thickets of

the crumply-leaved beech, which, from {41} their exposure to the prevailing

winds, rose no higher than twelve or fourteen inches from the ground, with

widely-spreading branches, so closely interwoven, as to form a platform

that bore our weight in walking. We next traversed an extent of

table-land,[43] much intersected by ponds of water. Mr. Tarn shot two

plovers of a new species (_Charadrius rubecola_, Zool. Jour. vol. iv. p.

96), and a snipe. We then ascended three or four hundred feet, and crossed

a deep ravine. The bottom of the ravine was clay-slate in a decomposing

state, but the surface of the ground was strewed with pebbles of granite.

Another plain, with many ponds, succeeded; the intervening spaces being

covered with tufts of chamitis, and studded here and there with small

clusters of dwarf beech; but the ground was so hard, and firm, that we

proceeded rapidly, without fatigue, until we attained the height of 1,800

feet, when the ascent became very steep. Near the summit lay a large mass

of snow, rapidly melting away. We reached the highest pinnacle of the mount

at seven o'clock (having left our resting-place at four), and immediately

set up the instruments. I was obliged to avail myself of Mr. Tarn's

assistance to hold the barometer, whilst two of my boat's crew held the

legs of the theodolite-stand, for the wind was blowing very strongly, and

the edge of a precipice was close to us, perpendicular for many hundred

feet, and thence downwards so steep, that any body going over would fall at

least a thousand feet. The theodolite-stand was unavoidably placed within a

very few inches of the edge, and I took a round of angles, suffering,

however, intense pain from the piercing coldness of the wind, which, heated

as we were by the ascent, was much felt, though the temperature was not

lower than 39deg. I was lightly clothed, and should have fared badly, had

not one of the party lent me his Flushing jacket, while he descended under

the lee of the mountain-top to make a fire. The barometer stood at 26,618,

the temperature of the air being 40deg, and of {42} the mercury 43deg.[44]

Unfortunately the day was very cloudy, and many squalls of sleet and rain,

which obscured the hills, passed whilst I was taking bearings. To the N.E.,

towards the supposed Sebastian Channel, the horizon was too hazy to allow

much view. A deep inlet was seen in that direction; but whether the land

closed round, or whether a channel was at the bottom, we could not

distinguish. A considerable body of water was observed to the southward of

Cape St. Valentyn, behind Lomas Bay, but its extent was screened from our

view by the intervention of the Lomas hills. It appeared to be a channel,

the opposite or eastern side of it being formed by the high ranges

previously seen from Point St. Mary. Cordova's Ports San Antonio and Valdez

were distinctly made out; but, to the southward, every thing was enveloped

in mist.

The bearings and observations, which occupied me nearly two hours, being

completed, we all adjourned to a sheltered cleft in the rock close to our

station, where we soon recovered the use of our fingers.[45]

{43}

Having accomplished our object, we began the descent. In a comparatively

mild and agreeable spot, I again set up the theodolite and barometer, while

some of the party employed themselves in fruitless attempts to kindle a

fire. The height, by the barometer, proved to be 1,845 feet above the sea;

and the bearings from this station were much better than those I had taken

from the exposed summit.

We reached our tent at noon, having been absent seven hours. At three we

reached the beach, where the barometer stood at 29,312 (air 61.deg3,[46]

and mercury 62,deg5).

Excepting near the sea, where clay-slate (very similar to that of Point St.

Anna, but with an opposite dip) showed itself, the side of the hill is

clothed with trees and underwood, and no rock is visible until one arrives

at the ravine. Around the summit of Mount Tarn the ground is bare, but so

covered with small decomposed fragments, that the solid rock only appears

occasionally: it is very hard, and breaks with a conchoidal fracture: some

of the specimens which we detached bore indistinct impressions of organic

remains. We also found, projecting from the rock in which they were

embedded, nodules, or small rounded masses of stone, in an advanced state

of decomposition, mouldering away in laminar forms somewhat resembling the

inner leaves of a cabbage. Several were brought away carefully, but before

we arrived on board they had crumbled to pieces: the nucleus was quite

hard, but was surrounded by concentric laminae, more brittle the nearer

they approached to the outer surface. It seemed as if the face of the

summit {44} above-mentioned was covered with the decomposing fragments of

these nodules.

The highest parts of the Mount form a ridge extending S.E. and N.W., being

a succession of strata of slaty rock, dipping to the eastward, at an angle

of 15deg or 20deg from the horizon. The strata are very narrow, and

separated from each other by a vein of quartz, much of which is in a

crystallized state. We reached the ship about seven o'clock, and found that

the Hope and her party had done well. Her cruize proved interesting, with

regard to the geography of the Strait, and a summary of it is subjoined.

Mr. Graves's orders were to survey the Sebastian Channel; but in the event

of his seeing any thing more interesting to the S.E., he was allowed to

defer that service to another opportunity. The Hope crossed the Strait, and

anchored in a small bay, formed between the two projecting points of Cape

Valentyn, where some few defects in the vessel were remedied, and a good

round of angles obtained from the summit of the Cape, whence there was a

fine view. The country was low, undulating, and destitute of trees. From a

station about two miles overland, to the eastward, a large body of water

was observed to the southward, forming a channel, or deep sound, and it was

determined to follow up its examination, rather than risk the crew in the

deep bay that was supposed to communicate with the San Sebastian Channel,

on board a vessel whose capabilities were unknown. Several fire-places and

remains of wigwams were seen; the latter were, however, very different,

both in shape and material, from those at Port Famine, for the country

being destitute of trees, they were built of driftwood, piled up in a

conical form.

Passing round Cape Valentyn, the Hope hauled to the southward, keeping the

land on board. At night she anchored in Philip Gidley Cove, at the bottom

of Willes Bay, where she was weather-bound until the 29th of January. The

shores of Willes Bay are thickly clothed with wood, growing to the water's

edge, except at the S.W. side. The great abundance of muscles and limpets

attracts the Indians, whose wigwams {45} were found standing, and from the

green appearance of the branches with which they were formed, seemed to

have been lately erected. After leaving Willes Bay, the Hope visited Fox

Bay, and Sir Edward Owen's Sound, which, it was thought, would lead into

Lomas Bay, opposite to Port Famine; but, after running ten miles up, they

got into shoal water, and as there was no current, or stream of tide, they

landed, and found that a mile and a half farther on, the sound was

terminated by low land. Another day, while proceeding along the south side

of Brenton Sound, the smoke of Indians' fires was noticed near the beach.

As this was the first time the Natives of this part had been seen, the

course was shaped towards them, until the Hope anchored. Three Indians then

approached, holding up the skins of some animal, and inviting them to land.

The small boat was hoisted out, and Messrs. Wickham and Rowlett, with

Robinson the pilot, went on shore. The Fuegians presented a fox skin to

each of the party, who in return gave them some trifles. After a short

interview the boat left them, and no further communication was held that

night. The following morning a canoe came off to the vessel, containing

three young men, two women, and three children, the youngest not more than

four months old. They were no sooner alongside than the men went on board,

and commenced an active traffic with all the valuables they possessed; and

for a few buttons, a glass bottle, or an empty preserved-meat canister,

many of their goods were bartered. They had several fox-skins with them,

but no other kind of peltry, except their clothing, obtained from the seal

or guanaco: and though many of them wore a penguin skin suspended from

their girdle, some were without even that covering. This canoe was followed

by another, containing an old man, sixty or seventy years of age, with a

grey beard; an elderly woman, and two children. Before they came alongside

they put their dogs on shore.

Although the visit from these Indians did not last very long, they had time

enough to pilfer. One of the young men, who was seen going into a canoe,

excited, by his manner, a {46} suspicion of his having stolen something,

and a tin pot was found concealed under his mantle. As there was every

probability of their soon separating, and Mr. Graves feared that punishment

would cause a rupture, he only turned him out of the vessel: the rest soon

followed him, and landed. Having made a fire, the men squatted round it;

while the women were despatched to collect shell-fish.

As soon as the Natives had finished their meal, they embarked, and

proceeded eastward. Next day they again visited the Hope, but in

consequence, perhaps, of the occurrence the day before, did not venture

alongside, until invited by the words, 'ho-say, ho-say,' which mean, 'come,

come.' In a few minutes confidence was restored, and they began to barter.

The trade was opened by one of the women making a peace-offering of a shell

necklace, in return for which, red caps and medals were given to each of

the women and children. The Hope went thence to Soapsuds Cove, where the

crew washed their clothes, and replaced a broken spar.

In a S.E. direction from this cove there appeared to be a considerable

channel leading to the S.E., and to the southward was a deep sound, towards

which they were proceeding the next morning; but having advanced about two

miles, the land of Cape Expectation trended suddenly round to the eastward,

and a long narrow channel presented itself, which seemed likely to

communicate with the Strait, to the southward of Port San Antonio. They

proceeded through this channel, which takes a very straight course, and

gradually narrows from Port Waterfall, where it is two miles and a half

wide, to Passage Cove, where it is scarcely three quarters of a mile; and

there they anchored.

Between Port Waterfall and Passage Cove, a party of Natives was seen; but,

being probably the same who were met at Indian Cove, no attention was paid

to their hallooings and fires of invitation.[47] The Hope came into the

Strait, eastward of an opening then called Magdalen Sound; her passage {47}

must therefore have been through Sarmiento's 'San Gabriel' Channel.

At night, when between Cape Froward and Port San Antonio, a heavy squall

from S.W. carried the little vessel rapidly towards Cape San Isidro, and,

at daylight the next morning, she was in the position observed by us, while

ascending Mount Tarn.

* * * * *

{48}

Narrative of the surveying voyages of His Majesty's ships Adventure and Beagle, between the years 1826 and 1836, Vol. 1 [of 3] · 第 3 / 26 章