It would be a waste of time to insist upon the fact that those who

commit these acts have nothing in common with ordinary criminals but

the name. Most criminals are individuals whose social sentiments are

reduced to a minimum, and who injure others purely for the satisfaction

of their own desires. The political criminals of whom we are speaking,

on the other hand, are the direct opposite; they risk their most sacred

interests, their liberty and their life, for the benefit of society;

they injure the ruling class only to aid the oppressed classes, and

consequently all humanity. While the ordinary criminal is generally

“l’homme canaille” (as van Benedikt phrases it in his “Biologie und

Kriminalstatistik”) the political criminal is “homo nobilis.” History

rights the matter, for the name of the ordinary great criminal is

pronounced only with horror, and ends by falling into oblivion, while

the political criminal survives in the memory of posterity as a hero.

[1049]

We must put in the same class the political criminals who aim to

deliver a subjugated people from their oppressors. The authors of these

crimes also have nothing in common with ordinary criminals.

Besides these two kinds of political crimes, which are plainly

collective in their nature, there are cases of crimes committed by

individuals which for the most part are attempts upon the life of the

monarch or of one of his representatives. The more absolute a

government, the more liberty is restricted, and the less chance there

is, consequently, of seeing the situation changed by legal means, the

greater will become the danger that one of those oppressed will kill

the autocrat, either to better the situation or to take revenge for

what he and his have suffered. Anyone who wants to follow the genesis

of this kind of crime has only to turn to Russia. There all the factors

meet which lead to political homicide; the repression of all freedom, a

corrupt bureaucracy, and the impossibility of obtaining the least

change by legal means.

These circumstances naturally excite the revengeful feelings which

sooner or later show themselves in acts. Though we may have the

conviction that these acts are almost always useless, though we may

have a deep aversion to violence—this does not justify us in ranking

those who do these things with ordinary criminals. It matters not how

we may abhor violence as such; every reasonable man will justify it

when it serves to defend oneself, and most of the acts of political

criminals in Russia are only acts of defense against the unheard-of

cruelty and violence of the government. [1050]

Finally there remains a third kind of political crimes, analogous to

ordinary crime, the assassination of the monarch by individuals who

thus attempt to place themselves in power. These are actuated by the

same vile motives that inspire the robber-murderer—cupidity, desire to

dominate, etc.

Now what are the political crimes committed in our days? Leaving aside

the case of Russia, which is still living in an epoch that western

Europe has left behind, there are only the political crimes of

socialists and anarchists. There is little to be said about those

committed by socialists. The international social democracy attempts to

reach its end by legal means. Since the fall of absolutism it has been

possible to exercise an influence on the state in this way, an

influence which varies with the country. It is this possibility that

the social democracy makes use of. In conformity with its fundamental

principles it rejects all violence against the head of the state.

Accordingly its partisans have never committed such acts. The more

democratic the constitution of a country, the less justification the

social democracy will have for political crimes, as in Switzerland, for

example, a country where the penal code, moreover, mentions but few

political crimes. In other countries, where the democratic institutions

are weak, where the constitutional monarchy has still an absolutist

character, and where social democracy has become powerful, as in

Germany, political crimes are inevitable. Their number, however, is

insignificant in comparison with ordinary crimes. From a criminological

point of view they have little importance, though often punished

severely, and they are generally limited to the crime of leze majesty.

Social democrats are, then, sometimes guilty of minor political

offenses, and in some countries only. Whether this party will not in

the future be guilty of crime of the great political type, or, in other

words, whether it will not come to political revolution, is another

question and one that no one can answer with certainty. Like all the

bourgeoisie when the contest with the feudal classes was still going

on, the social democrats are a revolutionary class; they wish to place

society upon a basis different from the present one. It is possible

that in democratic countries they will attain this by legal means, and

consequently without there being any reason for political crime.

However, it may also happen that at a given moment when the proletariat

forms the majority of the legislative body, the ruling class may have

recourse to a “coup d’état”, to a political crime, in order to prevent

the proletariat from governing. This possibility is even a probability

in some countries, where the opposition of classes is very marked. In

Germany, for example, where the social democracy is very powerful, it

is very likely that the government will attempt some day to suppress

universal suffrage by a “coup d’état.” It is only in such a case that

the social democracy will in its turn abandon the legal way and be

forced to have recourse to other methods.

In the second place there are the political crimes of anarchists. Their

number is not great enough for us to learn their etiology from

statistics. [1051] We must therefore analyze individual cases. What are

the individuals that are guilty of these? The anarchists of the

propaganda are most exclusively young men. Leauthier and Langs were 20

years old, Angelillo also, Henry 21, Caserio 21, Schwabe 23, Pallas 24,

Lucheni 25, Vaillant and Bresci 31, and Salvador 33, at the time they

committed their crimes, and as far as I know there were none of them

who were over 33. In disposition they were very excitable. As soon as

an idea took hold of them they thought of nothing else. Chance brought

them into contact with anarchism which immediately made a conquest of

them. Brought up in another environment they would have become, for

example, religious devotees; in fact Caserio, Salvador, Vaillant,

Cyvoct, and Henry were such before becoming anarchists. [1052]

Extreme individualism is also a characteristic of theirs. [1053] They

abhor discipline, from which it follows that they nourish a fierce

hatred of militarism. Even a mild form of discipline, such as that of a

party of which one voluntarily becomes a member, is insupportable to

them. Some of them have been socialists, but have soon left the party.

Among these was Henry, who says in his defense: “For an instant I was

attracted by socialism, but I did not delay in separating myself from

this party. I had too much love for liberty, too much respect for

individual initiative, too much repugnance to incorporation, to take a

number in the enlisted army of the fourth estate.” [1054]

Another characteristic of nearly all active anarchists, and one

intimately connected with the preceding, is great vanity. Lucheni, for

instance, in speaking of his crime said, “I wanted to kill a person of

note, because that would get into print.” Vaillant had himself

photographed before making his attack, distributed his portraits right

and left, and when arrested asked whether the journals had printed his

picture, etc.

These traits of character, observed in the case of these individuals,

are not rare; vain and excitable individualists are fairly numerous,

yet almost none become active anarchists. We must therefore seek the

explanation elsewhere, and ask ourselves the question, in what

environment have they lived? When the president of the tribunal before

which Lucheni appeared, asked him what was the motive that led him to

commit his act, he replied, “It was poverty.” This is applicable to

almost all the active anarchists. See, for example, the life of

Vaillant. An illegitimate child without any education, he had to earn

his living at the age of 12; having escaped from his employer, with

whom he was living, he implored his mother to take him in. Rebuffed he

had himself arrested by the police, but when he was once more brought

back to his parents they refused anew to receive him. He tried to make

his own way, but failed in all that he undertook. It was when

embittered by all the miseries he had experienced that he became

acquainted with socialism, but finding this too theoretical he ranked

himself on the side of the anarchists, and the last link in this chain

of misery was his well-known crime. [1055]

There are authors who claim that poverty is not to be considered as one

of the principal causes of anarchy, and in support of their assertion

cite the case of Henry and some others, who while not living in easy

circumstances, yet did not know the blackest poverty. Those who reason

thus have a false notion of the motives that impel anarchists. It is

not only the poverty that they have themselves experienced that moves

them, but also, and chiefly, the poverty of others. Those who remain

insensible to the sufferings of their neighbors never become

anarchists; for not being able to draw any personal profit from

anarchism, they consider it madness. Placed in unfavorable conditions

such persons become ordinary criminals, or commit suicide. They never

sacrifice themselves for an ideal.

Thus we come to another psychological trait of the anarchists, namely

that they are born with pronounced altruistic tendencies. [1056] It is

their altruism which separates them from the ordinary great criminal,

whose social instincts are very weak. [1057]

It seems paradoxical to say that persons who commit such acts are of an

altruistic nature, but the paradox is only apparent. When two persons,

an egoist and an altruist, see a child being maltreated, the former

goes on his way saying that he would only get himself into trouble if

he interfered; the latter, on the other hand, delivers the child from

his tormentor, to whom he may give a good thrashing in addition. Here

the violent person is the altruist, the other the egoist. Every

comparison is imperfect, and this is the case with the one before us,

but there is some analogy between the act cited and those of the

anarchists. The crimes which they commit are egoistic towards certain

persons, but altruistic with reference to others. As a consequence of

their own poverty and of the irritation they feel when they see that of

their fellows, they have been seized with a hatred of society and wish

to avenge themselves. These sentiments are not tempered by much

intellectual development. This is a very important factor in the

development of active anarchism. Almost all these persons are either

very ignorant or have only an elementary education, some know a little

more, and persons of thorough education are not found at all among

them. Further, most of them lack pronounced intellectual aptitudes, but

are rather especially impulsive. [1058]

These individuals, excitable, vain, with little intellectual capacity,

and ignorant in addition, but oppressed by their own poverty and that

of others, and filled with a hatred of society, come into contact with

anarchism. It is unnecessary to give an exposition of this doctrine;

[1059] the active anarchists in their ignorance get no clear idea of

any theory whatever, and certainly not of anything as vague and

confused as anarchism. They have heard it said that it looks to the

formation of a society of altruists where there will be no more

poverty, and this appeals to their altruistic instincts; at the same

time anarchism gives a preponderating part to the individual, and this

draws their vanity. Thus their hate increases, and at the same time

attaches itself to certain individuals, whom anarchism holds

responsible for existing conditions. Further, the absurd opinion has

been instilled into them that it is possible for society to be

reorganized at a single stroke, and that to attain this end it will be

necessary to use violence.

Is it astonishing that such individuals come to attempt homicide? No;

to be sure all persons of this kind do not go so far; for that it would

be necessary that other conditions should be complied with. It is plain

that persons with a great aversion to violence would run little risk of

attempting an assassination; with others it is courage that is lacking;

others still attach too high a price to life and liberty to be willing

to risk them; etc. We must note this last point especially. Generally

active anarchists are persons who care nothing for a life in which they

have nothing further to lose. Their conduct in court and their

indifference in the face of death are proof of this; knowing beforehand

that they will almost certainly not go unpunished their act is often an

indirect suicide.

If we ask what the active anarchists wish to attain by their crimes the

answer is principally that they wish to avenge upon society the misery

experienced by others and by themselves, [1060] they wish to terrorize

the ruling classes, in order to force upon them social reforms; they

wish to set an example to the working classes and finally, they wish to

satisfy their vanity, by making themselves talked of. Once committed,

the crime is often the commencement of a vicious circle, since society

avenges itself upon the author, who, in turn, is avenged by his

friends; imitation thus leading to new crimes.

As in the case of all other crimes, I find for anarchism only social

causes, and in the last analysis, only economic causes. To be sure, the

individuals who commit these crimes are already predisposed in that

direction, but this is true of other crimes also. Only the

predisposition in these latter is simple, while that which leads to

anarchistic crimes is much more complex. However, this predisposition

alone explains nothing. I would ask those who think that only

individual factors play any part, whether fanatical persons with all

the characteristics of the anarchists of our time have not been found

in all ages and countries. Everyone, I think, will answer in the

affirmative. Well then, anarchistic crimes have occurred only during a

certain period and in certain countries. No one can deny that there are

as many persons predisposed to anarchistic crimes in a country like

Germany, as there are in Italy, for example. Yet anarchistic crimes do

not occur in Germany, for the good reason that the material conditions

of the proletariat there are so much better than in Italy, and the

degree of intellectual development in the working people is so much

higher; the German working-man derides the “naïveté” of the anarchists,

and detests their futile crimes. It is in the environment alone then

that we find the causes of active anarchism, the poverty and ignorance

in which the lower classes live.

CHAPTER VI.

PATHOLOGICAL CRIMES.

So far we have been examining crime in its relation to the economic and

social environment. We have not been able to discover the existence of

individual factors; the celebrated formula, “crime = individual factor

+ social factor,” has been shown to be incorrect if we are seeking for

the causes of crime instead of asking why a certain individual has

become a criminal. The conclusion obtained by sociology is the same as

that arrived at in anthropology by authors like Manouvrier, Baer, and

Näcke.

However, when one is trying to determine the cause of crime by

sociology, certain cases are at times met with that cannot be explained

in this way. For example, one person will steal useless objects which

he is perfectly well able to buy; another will assault or kill without

provocation, etc. These cases, it is true, are the exception, but they

do exist and must not be neglected. [1061] We have here, then, real

individual factors, factors which are found in certain individuals

only. Other crimes, forming the great majority, are committed from

motives which form the basis of all human acts, but are stronger with

some few than they are with the general body of mankind. It is these

individuals who run more danger than most of committing a crime when

they live in a certain environment. The great mass of criminals differ

only quantitatively from persons who never get into the courts; the

criminals we are about to consider on the other hand differ

qualitatively also.

One thing more before we ask ourselves what this individual factor is.

As many authors have remarked, it very often happens that, even in the

cases we are about to treat, there is a social factor. [1062] The proof

of this is that individuals thus disposed to crime, but belonging to

the well-to-do classes, seldom get to the point of committing them;

because their education being better, the tendency is sooner noticed,

they are better watched, and thus their committing a crime is often

avoided. Born-criminals, in the sense of those who become criminals

whatever the circumstances may be (the only meaning that can properly

be given to the word “born” here), are doubtless very rare. [1063]

What, then, is the nature of this individual factor? It is especially

the Italian school that has busied itself with this problem, and in

doing so has rendered a service to science, although it has given an

undue importance to this individual factor, attempting to discover it

in all crimes. The first hypothesis given by Professor Lombroso was

that of atavism, according to which the criminal was an individual in

whom reappeared the characteristics of his remote ancestors, the desire

to steal, kill, etc. It will not be far from the truth if we assert

that almost no reputable scientist now accepts this hypothesis as

correct. It has been attacked both from the side of sociology and from

that of anthropology. Sociologists have proved that the facts

contradict Professor Lombroso’s thesis, for primitive peoples are

neither thieves nor murderers, and our ancestors, consequently, may be

regarded as cleared of the same charge. [1064]

Anthropologists also are strongly opposed to this hypothesis. In his

article, “De geboren misdadiger” (the born-criminal) Professor

Jelgersma says that most of the anomalies observed in certain criminals

have no atavistic character, such as unsymmetrical eyes and ears,

abnormal growth of hair, etc. [1065] Dr. A. Baer makes the same remark

in his “Der Verbrecher in anthropologischer Beziehung”, and goes on as

follows: “The number of such abnormalities, which betray a disordered

and an apparently genuine atavistic condition, is ... so small and so

accidental, that no force can be recognized in them that might serve

for the explanation of criminality, or establish a causal connection

with the criminal nature of an individual. Out of this mixture of

stigmata of the most various origin and importance, to attempt to find

the sole basis in their atavistic character is to do more than

permissible violence to the facts. [1066]

After this beginning the Italian school put forth another explanation,

to which it attached the more importance as the hypothesis of atavism

fell into discredit: the criminal is either an epileptic or morally

insane. Although the correctness of this hypothesis has not been proved

any more than the other, [1067] the Italian school here found itself in

a field recognized by criminal-anthropologists as its true one. At

present one has even the right to say that the opinion in this regard

is almost unanimous. [1068] The origin of the tendencies of part of the

criminals is to be found in the pathological nature of the individuals

themselves. [1069] These are disordered or degenerate, not, as some

authors would have us believe, individuals differing more or less from

the average, but persons who suffer from mental diseases, or whose

nervous system is affected. [1070]

Among those disordered and degenerate, some individuals [1071] have

tendencies not found in others (such as the desire to kill for the sake

of killing), or their moral sentiments are excessively weak. It is to

be noticed that we have met with degeneracy above, as it is to be named

among the causes of alcoholism and prostitution also. In treating of

economic crimes we saw that degenerates also run more danger than

others of succumbing in the struggle for existence, and hence become

criminals more easily. Thus we meet degeneracy both as a direct and as

an indirect cause of crime.

We might leave the matter here, for we have come to a field other than

that of sociology. However, one more question presents itself. To what

extent are the economic system and its consequences the cause of these

maladies? It is plain that this important question belongs in a work on

sociology. We shall accordingly attempt to answer it briefly with the

aid of competent authorities.

First of all, we note that heredity plays a great part in these

maladies. The authors who have taken up the subject agree. It has been

remarked that:

First, the inheritance of defects is not inevitable; degenerate parents

may have sound children, though the chances are not very great.

Second, the disease of the parents is not always transmitted as such to

the child, but the child may be predisposed to this same disease or one

analogous. Dr. Féré expresses this as follows: “The diseases of the

nervous system ... make up a single family, indissolubly united by the

laws of heredity ... everyone (of those who have these diseases), if he

is still fertile, can reproduce them all.” [1072]

In speaking of heredity we come to the first relation between the

diseases in question and the social environment, since, in our present

society, human reproduction is intimately bound up with the economic

life. A person who is diseased but rich is often in a position to marry

and procreate, while he would have had a smaller chance if sexual

selection alone had been effective. On the other hand many well and

strong individuals are prevented at present from establishing a family,

since they lack the means to support it.

A second harmful kind of selection in our present society is found in

the effect of militarism, which takes the strongest individuals,

decimates them in time of war, or returns them to society weakened and

diseased, while the weak have the greater chance to procreate.

In the third place, the ignorance of the harmful effects for humanity

of the reproduction of degenerates is one of the principal reasons why

degeneracy is so frequently present. This ignorance is great in the

well-to-do classes, and naturally greater still among the poor. It is

often repeated, and with truth, that man takes great care to improve

his live stock by selection but takes none whatever in the matter of

his own race; the weak and the diseased continue to reproduce

themselves to the detriment of all society. The lack of all feeling of

responsibility, natural to our intensely individualistic society, also

contributes its share toward bringing to birth so many unhappy

creatures for whom it would have been better if they had never existed.

If we ask how it happens that one individual or another is degenerate,

we must answer that very often this degeneracy is due to heredity,

either in part or altogether. But if we enquire into the causes of

degeneracy in general heredity ceases to be a cause. As Professor

Dallemagne says: “Heredity creates nothing; from heredity to heredity

we must still go back to the cause.” [1073]

What are at present the principal characteristics of the relation

between degeneracy and the present economic system with its

consequences? Some authors in treating of the etiology of degeneracy

express themselves only in general terms, and point out no other cause

than “unfavorable circumstances.” Professor Jelgersma, for example,

says: “The simple psychoses, melancholia, mania, etc. are caused by

unfavorable circumstances. The cause of the psychoses of degeneracy is

deeper; the unfavorable circumstances have exercised their influence

from generation to generation, and thus an individual is born who is

abnormal from birth.” [1074]

These unfavorable circumstances must be more precisely defined,

therefore. We shall divide them into four great groups. [1075]

First. The material condition of the poor classes. “To be well,” says

Dr. Toulouse, “one must be sufficiently fed, must clothe himself

according to the season, be clean, not work beyond one’s strength, and

be more or less exempt from care.” [1076] This is a simple truth of

which all the world is convinced when it is a question of themselves or

of their families, but which the physicians forget only too often when

they are speaking of the social causes of diseases. [1077]

In the first place the poor classes are badly and insufficiently fed,

and as a consequence grow weak, and the children born to them are

inferior physically and mentally. The insufficient nourishment of the

mother during her pregnancy, and the insufficient nourishment of the

child during the first years of his life, are especially fatal to him.

Then those who are badly fed are predisposed to tuberculosis, scrofula,

and rickets, which, in their turn, may be the causes of degeneracy.

[1078] Rickety women often have a contraction of the pelvis, which

hinders child-birth, and may cause a lesion to the infant’s brain.

Note, for example, the opinion of Dr. Näcke, who says: “The social

misery, bad hygiene and food ... often enough beget a miserable

generation and must already have injured the germ. The same causes,

however, on the other hand easily produce feeble women with

qualitatively and quantitatively insufficient milk, and most of all

with a narrow pelvis, through which births take place with difficulty

and to the detriment of the brain of the child. If now the above named

factors come in later to affect the child, the derangement of nutrition

will be further increased, and it is no wonder if all kinds of rickety

and scrofulous symptoms appear in the body, and all kinds of children’s

ailments injure both body and mind.” [1079]

In the second place, unsanitary dwellings and insufficient clothing are

the cause of all sorts of diseases, especially tuberculosis, which in

their turn may lead to degeneracy. [1080] The density of population in

the great cities exercises its influence in the same direction.

In the third place, the long duration and intensity of the work forced

upon the proletariat also contribute to degeneracy. For each individual

there is a fixed measure of labor that he cannot pass without

experiencing harmful consequences in body and mind. Dr. Lewy describes

them as follows: “The consequences of immoderately long hours of labor

are, a certain overexcitement of the nervous system, which later gives

place to a permanent debility, with which may be associated a dull

headache as well as an inability to think clearly. If the overwork

continues for a longer time, soon all the systems of the body are

affected, the heart and larger arteries as well are injured in

structure and function, disturbances of the regular circulation appear,

manifested partly in swellings in various parts of the body, especially

in the feet, and partly through hemorrhages. The brain ceases to

function regularly, and so-called brain-symptoms appear, such as

vertigo, ringing in the ears, deafness, defective vision, paralysis,

and apoplexy. In the same way the liver, kidneys, and the digestive

tract may be drawn into the general weakening process. The muscles

become weak and slack, the body disposed to epidemic diseases, but

especially prepared to vocational diseases, to which persons in a

run-down condition most easily fall victim. If, then, the end of the

worker is not brought about prematurely by some intercurrent disease

like typhus, under the immoderate strain he uses up his existing forces

faster than he is in a position to replace them, and wastes away with

tuberculosis of the lungs, so much the quicker, of course, the weaker

he is constitutionally, and the younger he was when he had to submit to

excessive labor.” [1081]

The harmful consequences of long working hours make themselves felt

especially in the trades which are already dangerous to health, like

those where there is a great deal of dust produced, or those which use

poisons like lead, mercury, etc. [1082] Monotony of work joined with

long hours is also a cause of physical and intellectual deterioration.

Professor Vogt says: “The less variety work presents, the more

fatiguing is it, since it is only the same part of the muscles that are

continually called upon, while the rest of the muscular system, in

accordance with a well-known physiological law, degenerates from misuse

and wastes away. To a still higher degree the uniformity of work has a

deteriorating effect upon the mental powers; these become weakened much

more quickly in the case of long continued fatigue than the muscles,

while the unexercised mental faculties at the same time become

stunted.” [1083]

The present economic system has also led to the work of women and

children, and consequently to an important cause of the degeneration of

the race. The number of women forced to take part in trades for which

they are ill-fitted by nature is very great. The fear of being

discharged, and the impossibility of doing without their wages make

women with child continue to work up to the last moment of their

pregnancy, and recommence shortly after childbirth, leading to very

harmful results both for them and for their children. [1084] Then child

labor prevents the normal development of the children and ages them

prematurely. [1085]

Further, the cares and restlessness consequent upon the uncertainty of

life may be causes of the weakening of the nervous system and the

origin of a neurosis.

Finally, when an individual of this class falls sick his restoration to

health may be hindered by the lack of care and medical assistance and

the necessity of recommencing work too soon. [1086]

Second. The condition of the well-to-do classes. Most of the causes

producing degeneracy in the poor classes do not appear among the

well-to-do. With the latter there can be no question of insufficient

food or clothing, or of bad housing. Yet in the well-to-do classes the

idle, from their manner of living and this lack of regular exercise,

are led to excesses of all kinds, which may make them too, in another

way, subject to degeneracy. [1087]

In the active part of the bourgeoisie, among the manufacturers,

merchants, etc., the case is different. They are constantly absorbed in

the question of how to increase their wealth, or, if they are

unfortunate, they live in fear of losing the position gained. They are

in a state of agitation, of permanent overexcitement. So there are

numbers in the bourgeois class who overtax their minds, with the

resulting chance of neurasthenia, even where the individual is not

predisposed to it. All this applies also to the liberal professions,

though in a smaller degree; there also the great competition has

harmful consequences for the nerves. In “La famille névropathique” Dr.

Féré thus describes the consequences of overdriving: “... excessive

cerebral labor, intellectual and, still more, moral overwork, the

continual preoccupations of the struggle for existence are conditions

eminently fit to bring on functional troubles in the nervous system.

Neurasthenia, like hysteria, may be considered as a chronic fatigue.

The fatigue, to be sure, gives place to a number of troubles peculiar

to neurasthenia. And these troubles, even if only temporary, cannot

fail to have the most harmful effect upon children conceived under

these conditions.” [1088]

The opinion of the celebrated alienist Maudsley is also very

interesting; he says: “Perhaps one, and certainly not the least, of the

ill effects which spring from some of the conditions of our present

civilization, is seen in the general dread and disdain of poverty, in

the eager passion to become rich. The practical gospel of the age,

testified everywhere by faith and works, is that of money-getting; men

are estimated mainly by the amount of their wealth, take social rank

accordingly, and consequently bend all their energies to acquire that

which gains them esteem and influence. The result is that in the higher

departments of trade and commerce speculations of all sorts are eagerly

entered on, and that many people are kept in a continued state of

excitement and anxiety by the fluctuations of the money market. In the

lower branches of trade there is the same eager desire for petty gains;

and the continued absorption of the mind in these small acquisitions

generates a littleness of mind and meanness of spirit, where it does

not lead to actual dishonesty, which are nowhere displayed in a more

pitiable form than by certain petty tradesmen. The occupation which a

man is entirely engaged in does not fail to modify his character, and

the reaction upon the individual’s nature of a life which is being

spent with the sole aim of becoming rich, is most baneful. It is not

that the fluctuations of excitement unhinge the merchant’s mind and

lead to maniacal outbreaks, although that does sometimes happen; it is

not that failure in the paroxysm of some crisis prostrates his energies

and makes him melancholic, although that also is occasionally

witnessed; but it is that exclusiveness of his life-aim and occupation

too often saps the moral or altruistic element in his nature, makes him

become egoistic, formal, and unsympathetic, and in his person

deteriorates the nature of humanity. What is the consequence? If one

conviction has been fixed in my mind more distinctly than another by

observation of instances, it is that it is extremely unlikely such a

man will beget healthy children; on the contrary, it is extremely

likely that the deterioration of nature which he has acquired will be

transmitted as an evil heritage to his children. In several instances

in which the father has toiled upwards from poverty to vast wealth,

with the aim and hope of founding a family, I have witnessed the

results in a degeneracy, mental and physical, of his offspring, which

has sometimes gone as far as extinction of the family in the third or

fourth generation. When the evil is not so extreme as madness or

ruinous vice, the savour of a mother’s influence having been present,

it may still be manifest in an instinctive cunning and duplicity, and

an extreme selfishness of nature—a nature not having the capacity of a

true moral conception or altruistic feeling. Whatever opinion other

more experienced observers may hold, I cannot but think, after what I

have seen, that the extreme passion for getting rich, absorbing the

whole energies of life, does predispose to mental degeneration in the

offspring—either to moral defect, or to moral and intellectual

deficiency, or to outbreaks of positive insanity under the conditions

of life.” [1089]

We could cite a number of other competent authorities to prove that the

present economic system exacts from those who direct production also,

intellectual efforts such as the nervous system cannot endure

indefinitely. [1090]

Third. Syphilis. Aside from the fact that this malady is very probably

the cause of general paralysis, [1091] it takes its place among the

important factors of degeneracy to this extent, that the children of

syphilitics are often degenerates. This fact being generally recognized

we shall not dwell on it. The celebrated German specialist in syphilis,

Blaschko, says of it: “Syphilis leads to the birth of children who are

mentally and physically stunted, and often crippled and imbecile.”

[1092]

This would not be the time to speak of syphilis as a cause of

degeneracy, if the extension of this malady were not intimately bound

up with prostitution, which is, in its turn, determined by the economic

environment. Dr. Blaschko says of it: “The principal source of venereal

infection of course is, and remains, sexual intercourse outside of

wedlock, especially prostitution.” [1093]

As a social cause of the great extension of syphilis it is well to

point out the profound ignorance of the extent and the danger of

venereal diseases, [1094] to which less attention is paid than to

others (hospitals not receiving patients affected by them, relief funds

not aiding those having syphilis, etc.). Like other diseases these have

the most harmful consequences for those who live under bad conditions.

[1095]

Fourth. Alcoholism. Alcoholism undoubtedly belongs to the very

important causes of degeneracy. There are few questions upon which

competent authors are as unanimous as they are upon this. There is a

wealth of material for quotation but we will limit ourselves to the

words of Professor Dallemagne, who, after quoting the opinion of such

authorities as Morel, Magnan, and others concludes by saying: “Alcohol

is an essential factor of degeneracy. It can by itself create all the

degenerate and unbalanced states, and this question appears definitely

decided.” [1096] Dr. Legrain gives the following figures upon the

consequences of chronic alcoholism of the parents upon the children.

[1097] Out of 215 families of alcoholics in four generations (814

individuals) there were found: 42% of alcoholics, 60.9% of degenerates,

13.9% morally insane, 22.7% had had convulsions, 20% were hysterical or

epileptic, and 19% were insane. [1098] These are striking figures, and

banish all doubt of the harmful influence of alcohol!

It must still further be observed, that the very frequent adulteration

of alcohol leads to especially harmful consequences; [1099] and that

alcohol exerts an especially harmful effect upon the ill-nourished.

[1100]

We have come now to the end of our remarks upon the social and economic

causes of degeneracy. Although they are plainly not the only ones, yet

it is certain that their part in the etiology of degeneracy is very

important, and even preponderating.

CHAPTER VII.

CONCLUSIONS.

What are the conclusions to be drawn from what has gone before? When we

sum up the results that we have obtained it becomes plain that economic

conditions occupy a much more important place in the etiology of crime

than most authors have given them.

First we have seen that the present economic system and its

consequences weaken the social feelings. The basis of the economic

system of our day being exchange, the economic interests of men are

necessarily found to be in opposition. This is a trait that capitalism

has in common with other modes of production. But its principal

characteristic is that the means of production are in the hands of a

few, and most men are altogether deprived of them. Consequently,

persons who do not possess the means of production are forced to sell

their labor to those who do, and these, in consequence of their

economic preponderance, force them to make the exchange for the mere

necessaries of life, and to work as much as their strength permits.

This state of things especially stifles men’s social instincts; it

develops, on the part of those with power, the spirit of domination,

and of insensibility to the ills of others, while it awakens jealousy

and servility on the part of those who depend upon them. Further the

contrary interests of those who have property, and the idle and

luxurious life of some of them, also contribute to the weakening of the

social instincts.

The material condition, and consequently the intellectual condition, of

the proletariat are also a reason why the moral plane of that class is

not high. The work of children brings them into contact with persons to

associate with whom is fatal to their morals. Long working hours and

monotonous labor brutalize those who are forced into them; bad housing

conditions contribute also to debase the moral sense, as do the

uncertainty of existence, and finally absolute poverty, the frequent

consequence of sickness and unemployment. Ignorance and lack of

training of any kind also contribute their quota. Most demoralizing of

all is the status of the lower proletariat.

The economic position of woman contributes also to the weakening of the

social instincts.

The present organization of the family has great importance as regards

criminality. It charges the legitimate parents with the care of the

education of the child; the community concerns itself with the matter

very little. It follows that a great number of children are brought up

by persons who are totally incapable of doing it properly. As regards

the children of the proletariat, there can be no question of the

education properly so-called, on account of the lack of means and the

forced absence of one or both of the parents. The school tends to

remedy this state of things, but the results do not go far enough. The

harmful consequences of the present organization of the family make

themselves felt especially in the case of the children of the lower

proletariat, orphans, and illegitimate children. For these the

community does but little, though their need of adequate help is the

greatest.

Prostitution, alcoholism, and militarism, which result, in the last

analysis, from the present social order, are phenomena that have

demoralizing consequences.

As to the different kinds of crime, we have shown that the very

important group of economic criminality finds its origin on the one

side in the absolute poverty and the cupidity brought about by the

present economic environment, and on the other in the moral abandonment

and bad education of the children of the poorer classes. Then,

professional criminals are principally recruited from the class of

occasional criminals, who, finding themselves rejected everywhere after

their liberation, fall lower and lower. The last group of economic

crimes (fraudulent bankruptcy, etc.) is so intimately connected with

our present mode of production, that it would not be possible to commit

it under another.

The relation between sexual crimes and economic conditions is less

direct; nevertheless these also give evidence of the decisive influence

of these conditions. We have called attention to the four following

points.

First, there is a direct connection between the crime of adultery and

the present organization of society, which requires that the legal

dissolution of a marriage should be impossible or very difficult.

Second, sexual crimes upon adults are committed especially by unmarried

men; and since the number of marriages depends in its turn upon the

economic situation, the connection is clear; and those who commit these

crimes are further almost exclusively illiterate, coarse, raised in an

environment almost without sexual morality, and regard the sexual life

from the wholly animal side.

Third, the causes of sexual crime upon children are partly the same as

those of which we have been speaking, with the addition of

prostitution.

Fourth, alcoholism greatly encourages sexual assaults.

As to the relation between crimes of vengeance and the present

constitution of society, we have noted that it produces conflicts

without number; statistics have shown that those who commit them are

almost without exception poor and uncivilized, and that alcoholism is

among the most important causes of these crimes.

Infanticide is caused in part by poverty, and in part by the opprobrium

incurred by the unmarried mother (an opprobrium resulting from the

social utility of marriage).

Political criminality comes solely from the economic system and its

consequences.

Finally, economic and social conditions are also important factors in

the etiology of degeneracy, which is in its turn a cause of crime.

Upon the basis of what has gone before, we have a right to say that the

part played by economic conditions in criminality is preponderant, even

decisive.

This conclusion is of the highest importance for the prevention of

crime. If it were principally the consequence of innate human qualities

(atavism, for example), the pessimistic conclusion that crime is a

phenomenon inseparably bound up with the social life would be well

founded. But the facts show that it is rather the optimistic conclusion

that we must draw, that where crime is the consequence of economic and

social conditions, we can combat it by changing those conditions.

However important crime may be as a social phenomenon, however terrible

may be the injuries and the evil that it brings upon humanity, the

development of society will not depend upon the question as to what are

the conditions which could restrain crime or make it disappear, if

possible; the evolution of society will proceed independently of this

question.

What is the direction that society will take under these continual

modifications? This is not the place to treat fully of this subject. In

my opinion the facts indicate quite clearly what the direction will be.

The productivity of labor has increased to an unheard of degree, and

will assuredly increase in the future. The concentration of the means

of production into the hands of a few progresses continually; in many

branches it has reached such a degree that the fundamental principle of

the present economic system, competition, is excluded, and has been

replaced by monopoly. On the other hand the working class is becoming

more and more organized, and the opinion is very generally held among

working-men that the causes of material and intellectual poverty can be

eliminated only by having the means of production held in common.

Supposing that this were actually realized, what would be the

consequences as regards criminality? Let us take up this question for a

moment. Although we can give only personal opinions as to the details

of such a society, the general outlines can be traced with certainty.

The chief difference between a society based upon the community of the

means of production and our own is that material poverty would be no

longer known. Thus one great part of economic criminality (as also one

part of infanticide) would be rendered impossible, and one of the

greatest demoralizing forces of our present society would be

eliminated. And then, in this way those social phenomena so productive

of crime, prostitution and alcoholism, would lose one of their

principal factors. Child labor and overdriving would no longer take

place, and bad housing, the source of much physical and moral evil,

would no longer exist.

With material poverty there would disappear also that intellectual

poverty which weighs so heavily upon the proletariat; culture would no

longer be the privilege of some, but a possession common to all. The

consequences of this upon criminality would be very important, for we

have seen that even in our present society with its numerous conflicts,

the members of the propertied classes, who have often but a veneer of

civilization, are almost never guilty of crimes of vengeance. There is

the more reason to admit that in a society where interests were not

opposed, and where civilization was universal, these crimes would be no

longer present, especially since alcoholism also proceeds in large part

from the intellectual poverty of the poorer classes. And what is true

of crimes of vengeance, is equally true of sexual crimes in so far as

they have the same etiology.

A large part of the economic criminality (and also prostitution to a

certain extent) has its origin in the cupidity excited by the present

economic environment. In a society based upon the community of the

means of production, great contrasts of fortune would, like commercial

capital, be lacking, and thus cupidity would find no food. These crimes

will not totally disappear so long as there has not been a

redistribution of property according to the maxim, “to each according

to his needs”, something that will probably be realized, but not in the

immediate future.

The changes in the position of woman which are taking place in our

present society, will lead, under this future mode of production, to

her economic independence, and consequently to her social independence

as well. It is accordingly probable that the criminality of woman will

increase in comparison with that of man during the transition period.

But the final result will be the disappearance of the harmful effects

of the economic and social preponderance of man.

As to the education of children under these new conditions it is

difficult to be definite. However, it is certain that the community

will concern itself seriously with their welfare. It will see to it

that the children whose parents cannot or will not be responsible for

them, are well cared for. By acting in this way it will remove one of

the most important causes of crime. There is no doubt that the

community will exercise also a strict control over the education of

children; it cannot be affirmed, however, that the time will come when

the children of a number of parents will be brought up together by

capable persons; this will depend principally upon the intensity that

the social sentiments may attain.

As soon as the interests of all are no longer opposed to each other, as

they are in our present society, there will no longer be a question

either of politics (“a fortiori” of political crimes) or of militarism.

Such a society will not only remove the causes which now make men

egoistic, but will awaken, on the contrary, a strong feeling of

altruism. We have seen that this was already the case with the

primitive peoples, where their economic interests were not in

opposition. In a larger measure this will be realized under a mode of

production in common, the interests of all being the same.

In such a society there can be no question of crime properly so called.

The eminent criminologist, Manouvrier, in treating of the prevention of

crime expresses himself thus: “The maxim to apply is, act so that every

man shall always have more interest in being useful to his fellows than

in harming them.” It is precisely in a society where the community of

the means of production has been realized that this maxim will obtain

its complete application. There will be crimes committed by

pathological individuals, but this will come rather within the sphere

of the physician than that of the judge. And then we may even reach a

state where these cases will decrease in large measure, since the

social causes of degeneracy will disappear, and procreation by

degenerates be checked through the increased knowledge of the laws of

heredity and the increasing sense of moral responsibility.

“It is society that prepares the crime”, says the true adage of

Quetelet. For all those who have reached this conclusion, and are not

insensible to the sufferings of humanity, this statement is sad, but

contains a ground of hope. It is sad, because society punishes severely

those who commit the crime which she has herself prepared. It contains

a ground of hope, since it promises to humanity the possibility of some

day delivering itself from one of its most terrible scourges.

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