VI

Smollett did not interpret the ground-plan of the history of Nice

particularly well. Its colonisation from Massilia, its long connection

with Provence, its occupation by Saracens, its stormy connection with

the house of Anjou, and its close fidelity to the house of Savoy made

no appeal to his admiration. The most important event in its recent

history, no doubt, was the capture of the city by the French under

Catinat in 1706 (Louis XIV. being especially exasperated against what

he regarded as the treachery of Victor Amadeus), and the razing to the

ground of its famous citadel. The city henceforth lost a good deal of

its civic dignity, and its morale was conspicuously impaired. In the

war of the Austrian succession an English fleet under Admiral Matthews

was told off to defend the territory of the Nicois against the

attentions of Toulon. This was the first close contact experienced

between England and Nice, but the impressions formed were mutually

favourable. The inhabitants were enthusiastic about the unaccustomed

English plan of paying in full for all supplies demanded. The British

officers were no less delighted with the climate of Nice, the fame of

which they carried to their northern homes. It was both directly and

indirectly through one of these officers that the claims of Nice as a

sanatorium came to be put so plainly before Smollett. [Losing its

prestige as a ville forte, Nice was henceforth rapidly to gain the new

character of a ville de plaisir. In 1763, says one of the city's

historians, Smollett, the famous historian and novelist, visited Nice.

"Arriving here shattered in health and depressed in spirits, under the

genial influence of the climate he soon found himself a new man. His

notes on the country, its gardens, its orange groves, its climate

without a winter, are pleasant and just and would seem to have been

written yesterday instead of more than a hundred years ago. . . . His

memory is preserved in the street nomenclature of the place; one of the

thoroughfares still bears the appellation of Rue Smollett." (James

Nash, The Guide to Nice, 1884, p. 110.)]

Among other celebrated residents at Nice during the period of

Smollett's visit were Edward Augustus, Duke of York, the brother of

George III., who died at Monaco a few years later, and Andre Massena, a

native of the city, then a lad of six.

Before he left Montpellier Smollett indulged in two more seemingly

irresistible tirades against French folly: one against their persistent

hero-worship of such a stuffed doll as Louis le Grand, and the second

in ridicule of the immemorial French panacea, a bouillon. Now he gets

to Nice he feels a return of the craving to take a hand's turn at

depreciatory satire upon the nation of which a contemporary hand was

just tracing the deservedly better-known delineation, commencing

Gay sprightly land of mirth and social ease,

Pleas'd with thyself, whom all the world can please. . . .

Such inveteracy (like Dr. Johnson's against Swift) was not unnaturally

suspected by friends in England of having some personal motive. In his

fifteenth letter home, therefore, Smollett is assiduous in disclaiming

anything of the kind. He begins by attempting an amende honorable, but

before he has got well away from his exordium he insensibly and most

characteristically diverges into the more congenial path of censure,

and expands indeed into one of his most eloquent passages--a

disquisition upon the French punctilio (conceived upon lines somewhat

similar to Mercutio's address to Benvolio), to which is appended a

satire on the duello as practised in France, which glows and burns with

a radiation of good sense, racy of Smollett at his best.

To eighteenth century lovers the discussion on duelling will recall

similar talks between Boswell and Johnson, or that between the

lieutenant and Tom in the Seventh Book of Tom Jones, but, more

particularly, the sermon delivered by Johnson on this subject a propos

of General Oglethorpe's story of how he avoided a duel with Prince

Eugene in 1716. "We were sitting in company at table, whence the Prince

took up a glass of wine and by a fillip made some of it fly in

Oglethorpe's face. Here was a nice dilemma. To have challenged him

instantly might have fixed a quarrelsome character upon the young

soldier: to have taken no notice of it might have been counted as

cowardice. Oglethorpe, therefore, keeping his eye on the Prince, and

smiling all the time, as if he took what His Highness had done in jest,

said, "Mon Prince" (I forget the French words he used), "that's a good

joke; but we do it much better in England," and threw a whole glass of

wine in the Prince's face. An old general who sat by said, "Il a bien

fait, mon Prince, vous l'avez commence," and thus all ended in good

humour."

In Letter XIII. Smollett settles down to give his correspondents a

detailed description of the territory and people of Nice. At one time

it was his intention to essay yet another branch of authorship and to

produce a monograph on the natural history, antiquities, and topography

of the town as the capital of this still unfamiliar littoral; with the

late-born modesty of experience, however, he recoils from a task to

which he does not feel his opportunities altogether adequate. [See p.

152.] A quarter of Smollett's original material would embarrass a

"Guide"-builder of more recent pattern.

Whenever he got near a coast line Smollett could not refrain from

expressing decided views. If he had lived at the present day he would

infallibly have been a naval expert, better informed than most and more

trenchant than all; but recognizably one of the species, artist in

words and amateur of ocean-strategy. [Smollett had, of course, been

surgeon's mate on H.M.S. Cumberland, 1740-41.] His first curiosity at

Nice was raised concerning the port, the harbour, the galleys moored

within the mole, and the naval policy of his Sardinian Majesty. His

advice to Victor Amadeus was no doubt as excellent and as unregarded as

the advice of naval experts generally is. Of more interest to us is his

account of the slave-galleys. Among the miserable slaves whom "a

British subject cannot behold without horror and compassion," he

observes a Piedmontese count in Turkish attire, reminding the reader of

one of Dumas' stories of a count among the forcats. To learn that there

were always volunteer oarsmen among these poor outcasts is to reflect

bitterly upon the average happiness of mankind. As to whether they wore

much worse off than common seamen in the British navy of the period

(who were only in name volunteers and had often no hope of discharge

until they were worn out) under such commanders as Oakum or Whiffle [In

Roderick Random.] is another question. For confirmation of Smollett's

account in matters of detail the reader may turn to Aleman's Guzman

d'Afarache, which contains a first-hand description of the life on

board a Mediterranean slave galley, to Archenholtz's Tableau d'Italie

of 1788, to Stirling Maxwell's Don John of Austria (1883, i. 95), and

more pertinently to passages in the Life of a Galley Slave by Jean

Marteilhe (edited by Miss Betham-Edwards in 1895). After serving in the

docks at Dunkirk, Marteilhe, as a confirmed protestant, makes the

journey in the chain-gang to Marseilles, and is only released after

many delays in consequence of the personal interest and intervention of

Queen Anne. If at the peace of Utrecht in 1713 we had only been as

tender about the case of our poor Catalan allies! Nice at that juncture

had just been returned by France to the safe-keeping of Savoy, so that

in order to escape from French territory, Marteilhe sailed for Nice in

a tartane, and not feeling too safe even there, hurried thence by

Smollett's subsequent route across the Col di Tende. Many Europeans

were serving at this time in the Turkish or Algerine galleys. But the

most pitiable of all the galley slaves were those of the knights of St.

John of Malta. "Figure to yourself," wrote Jacob Houblon [The Houblon

Family, 1907 ii. 78. The accounts in Evelyn and Goldsmith are probably

familiar to the reader.] about this year, "six or seven hundred dirty

half-naked Turks in a small vessel chained to the oars, from which they

are not allowed to stir, fed upon nothing but bad biscuit and water,

and beat about on the most trifling occasion by their most inhuman

masters, who are certainly more Turks than their slaves."

After several digressions, one touching the ancient Cemenelion, a

subject upon which the Jonathan Oldbucks of Provence without exception

are unconscionably tedious, Smollett settles down to a capable

historical summary preparatory to setting his palette for a picture of

the Nissards "as they are." He was, as we are aware, no court painter,

and the cheerful colours certainly do not predominate. The noblesse for

all their exclusiveness cannot escape his censure. He can see that they

are poor (they are unable to boast more than two coaches among their

whole number), and he feels sure that they are depraved. He attributes

both vices unhesitatingly to their idleness and to their religion. In

their singularly unemotional and coolly comparative outlook upon

religion, how infinitely nearer were Fielding and Smollett than their

greatest successors, Dickens and Thackeray, to the modern critic who

observes that there is "at present not a single credible established

religion in existence." To Smollett Catholicism conjures up nothing so

vividly as the mask of comedy, while his native Calvinism stands for

the corresponding mask of tragedy. [Walpole's dictum that Life was a

comedy to those who think, a tragedy for those who feel, was of later

date than this excellent mot of Smollett's.] Religion in the sunny

spaces of the South is a "never-failing fund of pastime." The mass (of

which he tells a story that reminds us of Lever's Micky Free) is just a

mechanism invented by clever rogues for an elaborate system of petty

larceny. And what a ferocious vein of cynicism underlies his strictures

upon the perverted gallantry of the Mariolaters at Florence, or those

on the two old Catholics rubbing their ancient gums against St. Peter's

toe for toothache at Rome. The recurring emblems of crosses and gibbets

simply shock him as mementoes of the Bagne.

At Rome he compares a presentment of St. Laurence to "a barbecued pig."

"What a pity it is," he complains, "that the labours of painting should

have been employed on such shocking objects of the martyrology,"

floggings, nailings, and unnailings... "Peter writhing on the cross,

Stephen battered with stones, Sebastian stuck full of arrows,

Bartholomew flayed alive," and so on. His remarks upon the famous Pieta

of Michael Angelo are frank to the point of brutality. The right of

sanctuary and its "infamous prerogative," unheard of in England since

the days of Henry VII., were still capable of affording a lesson to the

Scot abroad. "I saw a fellow who had three days before murdered his

wife in the last month of pregnancy, taking the air with great

composure and serenity, on the steps of a church in Florence."

Smollett, it is clear, for all his philosophy, was no degenerate

representative of the blind, unreasoning seventeenth-century

detestation of "Popery and wooden shoes."

Smollett is one of the first to describe a "conversazione," and in

illustration of the decadence of Italian manners, it is natural that he

should have a good deal to tell us about the Cicisbeatura. His account

of the cicisbeo and his duties, whether in Nice, Florence, or Rome, is

certainly one of the most interesting that we have. Before Smollett and

his almost contemporary travel correspondent, Samuel Sharp, it would

probably be hard to find any mention of the cicisbeo in England, though

the word was consecrated by Sheridan a few years later. Most of the

"classic" accounts of the usage such as those by Mme. de Stael,

Stendhal, Parini, Byron and his biographers date from very much later,

when the institution was long past its prime if not actually moribund.

Now Smollett saw it at the very height of its perfection and at a time

when our decorous protestant curiosity on such themes was as lively as

Lady Mary Montagu had found it in the case of fair Circassians and

Turkish harems just thirty years previously. [A cicisbeo was a dangler.

Hence the word came to be applied punningly to the bow depending from a

clouded cane or ornamental crook. In sixteenth-century Spain, home of

the sedan and the caballero galante, the original term was bracciere.

In Venice the form was cavaliere servente. For a good note on the

subject, see Sismondi's Italian Republics, ed. William Boulting, 1907,

p. 793.] Like so much in the shapes and customs of Italy the

cicisbeatura was in its origin partly Gothic and partly Oriental. It

combined the chivalry of northern friendship with the refined passion

of the South for the seclusion of women. As an experiment in protest

against the insipidity which is too often an accompaniment of conjugal

intercourse the institution might well seem to deserve a more tolerant

and impartial investigation than it has yet received at the hands of

our sociologists. A survival so picturesque could hardly be expected to

outlive the bracing air of the nineteenth century. The north wind blew

and by 1840 the cicisbeatura was a thing of the past.

Freed from the necessity of a systematic delineation Smollett rambles

about Nice, its length and breadth, with a stone in his pouch, and

wherever a cockshy is available he takes full advantage of it. He

describes the ghetto (p. 171), the police arrangements of the place

which he finds in the main highly efficient, and the cruel punishment

of the strappado. The garrucha or strappado and the garrotes, combined

with the water-torture and the rack, represented the survival of the

fittest in the natural selection of torments concerning which the Holy

Office in Italy and Spain had such a vast experience. The strappado as

described by Smollett, however, is a more severe form of torture even

than that practised by the Inquisition, and we can only hope that his

description of its brutality is highly coloured. [See the extremely

learned disquisition on the whole subject in Dr. H. C. Lea's History of

the Inquisition in Spain, 1907, vol. iii. book vi chap. vii.] Smollett

must have enjoyed himself vastly in the market at Nice. He gives an

elaborate and epicurean account of his commissariat during the

successive seasons of his sojourn in the neighbourhood. He was not one

of these who live solely "below the diaphragm"; but he understood food

well and writes about it with a catholic gusto and relish (156-165). He

laments the rarity of small birds on the Riviera, and gives a highly

comic account of the chasse of this species of gibier. He has a good

deal to say about the sardine and tunny fishery, about the fruit and

scent traffic, and about the wine industry; and he gives us a graphic

sketch of the silkworm culture, which it is interesting to compare with

that given by Locke in 1677. He has something to say upon the general

agriculture, and more especially upon the olive and oil industry. Some

remarks upon the numerous "mummeries" and festas of the inhabitants

lead him into a long digression upon the feriae of the Romans. It is

evident from this that the box of books which he shipped by way of

Bordeaux must have been plentifully supplied with classical literature,

for, as he remarks with unaffected horror, such a thing as a bookseller

had not been so much as heard of in Nice. Well may he have expatiated

upon the total lack of taste among the inhabitants! In dealing with the

trade, revenue, and other administrative details Smollett shows himself

the expert compiler and statistician a London journalist in large

practice credits himself with becoming by the mere exercise of his

vocation. In dealing with the patois of the country he reveals the

curiosity of the trained scholar and linguist. Climate had always been

one of his hobbies, and on learning that none of the local

practitioners was in a position to exact a larger fee than sixpence

from his patients (quantum mutatus the Nice physician of 1907!) he felt

that he owed it to himself to make this the subject of an independent

investigation. He kept a register of the weather during the whole of

his stay, and his remarks upon the subject are still of historical

interest, although with Teysseire's minutely exact Monograph on the

Climatology of Nice (1881) at his disposal and innumerable commentaries

thereon by specialists, the inquirer of to-day would hardly go to

Smollett for his data. Then, as now, it is curious to find the rumour

current that the climate of Nice was sadly deteriorating. "Nothing to

what it was before the war!" as the grumbler from the South was once

betrayed into saying of the August moon. Smollett's esprit chagrin was

nonplussed at first to find material for complaint against a climate in

which he admits that there was less rain and less wind than in any

other part of the world that he knew. In these unwonted circumstances

he is constrained to fall back on the hard water and the plague of

cousins or gnats as affording him the legitimate grievance, in whose

absence the warrior soul of the author of the Ode to Independence could

never be content.

Travels through France and Italy · 第 10 / 61 题