IV

The rapid journey to Paris by way of Montreuil, Amiens, and Clermont,

about one hundred and fifty-six miles from Boulogne, the last

thirty-six over a paved road, was favourable to superficial observation

and the normal corollary of epigram. Smollett was much impressed by the

mortifying indifference of the French innkeepers to their clients. "It

is a very odd contrast between France and England. In the former all

the people are complaisant but the publicans; in the latter there is

hardly any complaisance but among the publicans." [In regard to two

exceptional instances of politeness on the part of innkeepers, Smollett

attributes one case to dementia, the other, at Lerici, to mental shock,

caused by a recent earthquake.] Idleness and dissipation confront the

traveller, not such a good judge, perhaps, as was Arthur Young

four-and-twenty years later. "Every object seems to have shrunk in its

dimensions since I was last in Paris." Smollett was an older man by

fifteen years since he visited the French capital in the first flush of

his success as an author. The dirt and gloom of French apartments, even

at Versailles, offend his English standard of comfort. "After all, it

is in England only where we must look for cheerful apartments, gay

furniture, neatness, and convenience. There is a strange incongruity in

the French genius. With all their volatility, prattle, and fondness for

bons mots they delight in a species of drawling, melancholy, church

music. Their most favourite dramatic pieces are almost without

incident, and the dialogue of their comedies consists of moral insipid

apophthegms, entirely destitute of wit or repartee." While amusing

himself with the sights of Paris, Smollett drew up that caustic

delineation of the French character which as a study in calculated

depreciation has rarely been surpassed. He conceives the Frenchman

entirely as a petit-maitre, and his view, though far removed from

Chesterfield's, is not incompatible with that of many of his cleverest

contemporaries, including Sterne. He conceives of the typical Frenchman

as regulating his life in accordance with the claims of impertinent

curiosity and foppery, gallantry and gluttony. Thus:

"If a Frenchman is capable of real friendship, it must certainly be the

most disagreeable present he can possibly make to a man of a true

English character. You know, madam, we are naturally taciturn, soon

tired of impertinence, and much subject to fits of disgust. Your French

friend intrudes upon you at all hours; he stuns you with his loquacity;

he teases you with impertinent questions about your domestic and

private affairs; he attempts to meddle in all your concerns, and forces

his advice upon you with the most unwearied importunity; he asks the

price of everything you wear, and, so sure as you tell him, undervalues

it without hesitation; he affirms it is in a bad taste, ill contrived,

ill made; that you have been imposed upon both with respect to the

fashion and the price; that the marquis of this, or the countess of

that, has one that is perfectly elegant, quite in the bon ton, and yet

it cost her little more than you gave for a thing that nobody would

wear.

"If a Frenchman is admitted into your family, and distinguished by

repeated marks of your friendship and regard, the first return he makes

for your civilities is to make love to your wife, if she is handsome;

if not, to your sister, or daughter, or niece. If he suffers a repulse

from your wife, or attempts in vain to debauch your sister, or your

daughter, or your niece, he will, rather than not play the traitor with

his gallantry, make his addresses to your grandmother; and ten to one

but in one shape or another he will find means to ruin the peace of a

family in which he has been so kindly entertained. What he cannot

accomplish by dint of compliment and personal attendance, he will

endeavour to effect by reinforcing these with billets-doux, songs, and

verses, of which he always makes a provision for such purposes. If he

is detected in these efforts of treachery, and reproached with his

ingratitude, he impudently declares that what he had done was no more

than simple gallantry, considered in France as an indispensable duty on

every man who pretended to good breeding. Nay, he will even affirm that

his endeavours to corrupt your wife, or deflower your daughter, were

the most genuine proofs he could give of his particular regard for your

family.

"If there were five hundred dishes at table, a Frenchman will eat of

all of them, and then complain he has no appetite--this I have several

times remarked. A friend of mine gained a considerable wager upon an

experiment of this kind; the petit-maitre ate of fourteen different

plates, besides the dessert, then disparaged the cook, declaring he was

no better than a marmiton, or turnspit."

The gross unfairness, no less than the consummate cleverness, of this

caricature compels us to remember that this was written in the most

insular period of our manners, and during a brief lull in a century of

almost incessant mutual hostility between the two nations. Aristocrats

like Walpole, Gibbon, and Chesterfield could regard France from a

cosmopolitan point of view, as leading the comite of nations. But to

sturdy and true-born patriots, such as Hogarth and Smollett, reciprocal

politeness appeared as grotesque as an exchange of amenities would be

between a cormorant and an ape. Consequently, it was no doubt with a

sense of positive relief to his feelings that Smollett could bring

himself to sum up the whole matter thus. "A Frenchman lays out his

whole revenue upon taudry suits of cloaths, or in furnishing a

magnificent repas of fifty or a hundred dishes, one-half of which are

not eatable or intended to be eaten. His wardrobe goes to the fripier,

his dishes to the dogs, and himself to the devil."

These trenchant passages were written partly, it may be imagined, to

suit the English taste of the day. In that object they must have

succeeded, for they were frequently transcribed into contemporary

periodicals. In extenuation of Smollett's honesty of purpose, however,

it may be urged that he was always a thoroughgoing patriot, [Witness

his violently anti-French play, the Reprisal of 1757.] and that, coming

from a Calvinistic country where a measure of Tartufism was a necessary

condition of respectability, he reproduces the common English error of

ignoring how apt a Frenchman is to conceal a number of his best

qualities. Two other considerations deserve attention. The

race-portrait was in Smollett's day at the very height of its

disreputable reign. Secondly, we must remember how very profoundly

French character has been modified since 1763, and more especially in

consequence of the cataclysms of 1789 and 1870.

Smollett's vis comica is conspicuous in the account of the coiffure of

the period and of the superstitious reverence which a Frenchman of that

day paid to his hair. In tracing the origin of this superstition he

exhibits casually his historical learning. The crine profuso and barba

demissa of the reges crinitos, as the Merovingians were called, are

often referred to by ancient chroniclers. Long hair was identified with

right of succession, as a mark of royal race, and the maintenance of

ancient tradition. A tondu signified a slave, and even under the

Carolingians to shave a prince meant to affirm his exclusion from the

succession.

V

A general improvement in English roads, roadside inns, and methods of

conveyance commenced about 1715. The continental roads lagged behind,

until when Arthur Young wrote in 1788-89 they had got badly into

arrears. The pace of locomotion between Rome and England changed very

little in effect from the days of Julius Caesar to those of George III.

It has been said with point that Trajan and Sir Robert Peel, travelling

both at their utmost speed achieved the distance between Rome and

London in an almost precisely similar space of time. Smollett decided

to travel post between Paris and Lyons, and he found that the journey

lasted full five days and cost upwards of thirty guineas. [One of the

earliest printed road books in existence gives the posts between Paris

and Lyons. This tiny duodecimo, dated 1500, and more than worth its

weight in gold has just been acquired by the British Museum. On the old

Roman routes, see Arnold's Lectures on Modern History, 1842.] Of roads

there was a choice between two. The shorter route by Nevers and Moulins

amounted to just about three hundred English miles. The longer route by

Auxerre and Dijon, which Smollett preferred extended to three hundred

and thirty miles. The two roads diverged after passing Fontainebleau,

the shorter by Nemours and the longer by Moret. The first road was the

smoother, but apart from the chance of seeing the Vendange the route de

Burgoyne was far the more picturesque. Smollett's portraiture of the

peasantry in the less cultivated regions prepares the mind for Young's

famous description of those "gaunt emblems of famine." In Burgundy the

Doctor says, "I saw a peasant ploughing the ground with a jackass, a

lean cow, and a he-goat yoked together." His vignette of the fantastic

petit-maitre at Sens, and his own abominable rudeness, is worthy of the

master hand that drew the poor debtor Jackson in the Marshalsea in

Roderick Random.

His frank avowal of ill temper at the time deprives our entertainment

of the unamiable tinge of which it would otherwise have partaken. "The

truth is, I was that day more than usually peevish, from the bad

weather as well as from the dread of a fit of asthma, with which I was

threatened. And I daresay my appearance seemed as uncouth to him as his

travelling dress appeared to me. I had a grey, mourning frock under a

wide greatcoat, a bob-wig without powder, a very large laced hat, and a

meagre, wrinkled, discontented countenance."

From Lyons the traveller secured a return berline going back to Avignon

with three mules and a voiturier named Joseph. Joseph, though he turned

out to be an ex-criminal, proved himself the one Frenchman upon whose

fidelity and good service Smollett could look back with unfeigned

satisfaction. The sight of a skeleton dangling from a gibbet near

Valence surprised from this droll knave an ejaculation and a story,

from which it appeared only too evident that he had been first the

comrade and then the executioner of one of the most notorious brigands

of the century. The story as told by Smollett does not wholly agree

with the best authenticated particulars. The Dick Turpin of eighteenth

century France, Mandrin has engendered almost as many fables as his

English congener. [See Maignien's Bibliographie des Ecrits relatifs a

Mandrin.] As far as I have been able to discover, the great freebooter

was born at St. Etienne in May 1724. His father having been killed in a

coining affair, Mandrin swore to revenge him. He deserted from the army

accordingly, and got together a gang of contrebandiers, at the head of

which his career in Savoy and Dauphine almost resembles that of one of

the famous guerilla chieftains described in Hardman's Peninsular Scenes

and Sketches. Captured eventually, owing to the treachery of a comrade,

he was put to death on the wheel at Valence on 26th May 1755. Five

comrades were thrown into jail with him; and one of these obtained his

pardon on condition of acting as Mandrin's executioner. Alas, poor

Joseph!

Three experiences Smollett had at this season which may well fall to

the lot of road-farers in France right down to the present day. He was

poisoned with garlic, surfeited with demi-roasted small birds, and

astonished at the solid fare of the poorest looking travellers. The

summer weather, romantic scenery, and occasional picnics, which

Smollett would have liked to repeat every summer under the arches of

the Pont du Gard--the monument of antiquity which of all, excepting

only the Maison Carree at Nimes, most excited his enthusiastic

admiration, all contributed to put him into an abnormally cheerful and

convalescent humour. . . .

Smollett now bent his steps southwards to Montpellier. His baggage had

gone in advance. He was uncertain as yet whether to make Montpellier or

Nice his headquarters in the South. Like Toulouse and Tours, and Turin,

Montpellier was for a period a Mecca to English health and pleasure

seekers abroad. A city of no great antiquity, but celebrated from the

twelfth century for its schools of Law and Physic, it had been

incorporated definitely with France since 1382, and its name recurs in

French history both as the home of famous men in great number and as,

before and after the brief pre-eminence of La Rochelle, the rival of

Nimes as capital of Protestantism in the South. Evelyn, Burnet, the two

Youngs, Edward and Arthur, and Sterne have all left us an impression of

the city. Prevented by snow from crossing the Mont Cenis, John Locke

spent two winters there in the days of Charles II. (1675-77), and may

have pondered a good many of the problems of Toleration on a soil under

which the heated lava of religious strife was still unmistakeable. And

Smollett must almost have jostled en route against the celebrated

author of The Wealth of Nations, who set out with his pupil for

Toulouse in February 1764. A letter to Hume speaks of the number of

English in the neighbourhood just a month later. Lomenie de Brienne was

then in residence as archbishop. In the following November, Adam Smith

and his charge paid a visit to Montpellier to witness a pageant and

memorial, as it was supposed, of a freedom that was gone for ever, the

opening of the States of Languedoc. Antiquaries and philosophers went

to moralise on the spectacle in the spirit in which Freeman went to

Andorra, Byron to the site of Troy, or De Tocqueville to America. It

was there that the great economist met Horne Tooke.

Smollett's more practical and immediate object in making this

pilgrimage was to interview the great lung specialist, known locally to

his admiring compatriots as the Boerhaave of Montpellier, Dr. Fizes.

The medical school of Montpellier was much in evidence during the third

quarter of the eighteenth century, and for the history of its various

branches there are extant numerous Memoires pour Servir, by Prunelle,

Astruc, and others. Smollett was only just in time to consult the

reigning oracle, for the "illustrious" Dr. Fizes died in the following

year. He gives us a very unfavourable picture of this "great lanthorn

of medicine," who, notwithstanding his prodigious age, his stoop, and

his wealth, could still scramble up two pairs for a fee of six livres.

More than is the case with most medical patients, however, should we

suspect Smollett of being unduly captious. The point as to how far his

sketch of the French doctor and his diagnosis was a true one, and how

far a mere caricature, due to ill health and prejudice, has always

piqued my curiosity. But how to resolve a question involving so many

problems not of ordinary therapeutic but of historical medicine! In

this difficulty I bethought me most fortunately of consulting an

authority probably without a rival in this special branch of medical

history, Dr. Norman Moore, who with his accustomed generosity has given

me the following most instructive diagnosis of the whole situation.

"I have read Smollett's account of his illness as it appears in several

passages in his travels and in the statement which he drew up for

Professor 'F.' at Montpellier.

"Smollett speaks of his pulmonic disorder, his 'asthmatical disorder,'

and uses other expressions which show that his lungs were affected. In

his statement he mentions that he has cough, shortness of breath,

wasting, a purulent expectoration, loss of appetite at times, loss of

strength, fever, a rapid pulse, intervals of slight improvement and

subsequent exacerbations.

"This shortness of breath, he says, has steadily increased. This group

of symptoms makes it certain that he had tuberculosis of the lungs, in

other words, was slowly progressing in consumption.

"His darting pains in his side were due to the pleurisy which always

occurs in such an illness.

"His account shows also the absence of hopelessness which is a

characteristic state of mind in patients with pulmonary tuberculosis.

"I do not think that the opinion of the Montpellier professor deserves

Smollett's condemnation. It seems to me both careful and sensible and

contains all the knowledge of its time. Smollett, with an inconsistency

not uncommon in patients who feel that they have a serious disease,

would not go in person to the Professor, for he felt that from his

appearance the Professor would be sure to tell him he had consumption.

He half hoped for some other view of the written case in spite of its

explicit statements, and when Professor F-- wrote that the patient had

tubercles in his lungs, this was displeasing to poor Smollett, who had

hoped against hope to receive--some other opinion than the only

possible one, viz., that he undoubtedly had a consumption certain to

prove fatal."

The cruel truth was not to be evaded. Smollett had tuberculosis, though

not probably of the most virulent kind, as he managed to survive

another seven years, and those for the most part years of unremitting

labour. He probably gained much by substituting Nice for Montpellier as

a place to winter in, for although the climate of Montpellier is clear

and bright in the highest degree, the cold is both piercing and

treacherous. Days are frequent during the winter in which one may stand

warmly wrapped in the brilliant sun and feel the protection of a

greatcoat no more than that of a piece of gauze against the icy and

penetrating blast that comes from "the roof of France."

Unable to take the direct route by Arles as at present, the

eastward-bound traveller from Montpellier in 1764 had to make a

northerly detour. The first stone bridge up the Rhone was at Avignon,

but there was a bridge of boats connecting Beaucaire with Tarascon.

Thence, in no very placable mood, Smollett set out in mid-November by

way of Orgon [Aix], Brignolles and le Muy, striking the Mediterranean

at Frejus. En route he was inveigled into a controversy of unwonted

bitterness with an innkeeper at le Muy. The scene is conjured up for us

with an almost disconcerting actuality; no single detail of the

author's discomfiture is omitted. The episode is post-Flaubertian in

its impersonal detachment, or, as Coleridge first said, "aloofness." On

crossing the Var, the sunny climate, the romantic outline of the

Esterelles, the charms of the "neat village" of Cannes, and the first

prospect of Nice began gradually and happily to effect a slight

mitigation in our patient's humour. Smollett was indubitably one of the

pioneers of the Promenade des Anglais. Long before the days of "Dr.

Antonio" or Lord Brougham, he described for his countrymen the almost

incredible dolcezza of the sunlit coast from Antibes to Lerici. But how

much better than the barren triumph of being the unconscious fugleman

of so glittering a popularity must have been the sense of being one of

the first that ever burst from our rude island upon that secluded

little Piedmontese town, as it then was, of not above twelve thousand

souls, with its wonderful situation, noble perspective and unparalleled

climate. Well might our travel-tost doctor exclaim, "When I stand on

the rampart and look around I can scarce help thinking myself

enchanted." It was truly a garden of Armida for a native of one of the

dampest corners of North Britain.

"Forty or fifty years ago, before the great transformation took place

on the French Riviera, when Nizza, Villafranca, and Mentone were

antique Italian towns, and when it was one of the eccentricities of

Lord Brougham, to like Cannes, all that sea-board was a delightful

land. Only a hundred years ago Arthur Young had trouble to get an old

woman and a donkey to carry his portmanteau from Cannes to Antibes. I

can myself remember Cannes in 1853, a small fishing village with a

quiet beach, and Mentone, a walled town with mediaeval gates and a

castle, a few humble villas and the old Posta to give supper to any

passing traveller. It was one of the loveliest bits of Italy, and the

road from Nizza to Genoa was one long procession for four days of

glorious scenery, historic remnants, Italian colour, and picturesque

ports. From the Esterelles to San Remo this has all been ruined by the

horde of northern barbarians who have made a sort of Trouville,

Brighton, or Biarritz, with American hotels and Parisian boulevards on

every headland and bay. First came the half underground railway, a long

tunnel with lucid intervals, which destroyed the road by blocking up

its finest views and making it practically useless. Then miles of

unsightly caravanserais high walls, pompous villas, and Parisian

grandes rues crushed out every trace of Italy, of history, and

pictorial charm." So writes Mr. Frederic Harrison of this delectable

coast, [In the Daily Chronicle, 15th March 1898.] as it was, at a

period within his own recollection--a period at which it is hardly

fanciful to suppose men living who might just have remembered Smollett,

as he was in his last days, when he returned to die on the Riviera di

Levante in the autumn of 1771. Travel had then still some of the

elements of romance. Rapidity has changed all that. The trouble is that

although we can transport our bodies so much more rapidly than Smollett

could, our understanding travels at the same old pace as before. And in

the meantime railway and tourist agencies have made of modern travel a

kind of mental postcard album, with grand hotels on one side, hotel

menus on the other, and a faint aroma of continental trains haunting,

between the leaves as it were. Our real knowledge is still limited to

the country we have walked over, and we must not approach the country

we would appreciate faster than a man may drive a horse or propel a

bicycle; or we shall lose the all-important sense of artistic approach.

Even to cross the channel by time-table is fatal to that romantic

spirit (indispensable to the true magic of travel) which a slow

adjustment of the mind to a new social atmosphere and a new historical

environment alone can induce. Ruskin, the last exponent of the Grand

Tour, said truly that the benefit of travel varies inversely in

proportion to its speed. The cheap rapidity which has made our villes

de plaisir and cotes d'azur what they are, has made unwieldy boroughs

of suburban villages, and what the rail has done for a radius of a

dozen miles, the motor is rapidly doing for one of a score. So are we

sped! But we are to discuss not the psychology of travel, but the

immediate causes and circumstances of Smollett's arrival upon the

territory of Nice.

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