II

Let us turn to a second sort of hope--the hope of an American paradise

of nature. Although the paradise of nature appears in Vergil, in

Renaissance pastorals by Lyly, Sidney, and Spenser, in Perdita’s

shepherd home and in the sylvan cave of Cymbeline’s sons, its use

was mainly either decorative or allegorical until the eighteenth

century. In 1711 Shaftesbury proclaimed the natural man benevolent,

compassionate, and altruistic; and as such he appears in _Ossian_. Pope

said, “The state of Nature was the reign of God.” Rousseau broadcast

the doctrine that civilisation had tended to corrupt the morals of

mankind, while he described the enchanting life of man in a natural

paradise. Cowper united literary simplicity, religious emotionalism,

and the naturalistic humanitarianism of Rousseau. Burns glorified the

simple peasant close to nature. And Coleridge and Southey dreamed

fondly of an American Pantisocracy--“A Dell of Peace and Equality”--on

the banks of the Susquehanna. In 1771, Philip Freneau, our first man

of letters, deriving his radical democracy and his devotion to the

indigenous scene from naturalism, envisaged “The Rising Glory of

America”:

“A new Jerusalem, sent down from heaven,

Shall grace our happy earth, ...

Thence called _Millennium_. Paradise anew

Shall flourish, by no second Adam lost ...

No tempting serpent to allure the soul

From native innocence.”

Indeed, it is interesting to speculate upon the extent to which

this English romantic faith in the “native innocence” of mankind,

transplanted to the inexhaustible resources of the American frontier,

has under these unique conditions furnished philosophic sanction

for an unbridled materialism which has become so characteristically

national. Frontier isolation tended to breed self-confidence, equality,

self-reliance, optimism, contempt for artificial distinctions and a

dependence upon the material world. Crèvecœur in 1782 defined “an

American” as a “new man who acts upon new principles.”

“We have no princes, for whom we toil, starve, and bleed: we are

the most perfect society now existing in the world. Here man is

free as he ought to be.”

Our first novelist who sought a paradise of American nature was James

Fenimore Cooper. Revolting against both the feudalism of aristocratic

Europe and the crude democracy of Jacksonian America, Cooper sought

refuge in projecting his ideals in the character of Leatherstocking

and also in such a Utopian paradise as in _The Crater_. Whatever one

may think of Cooper’s Indians, his “females,” his woodcraft, or his

rhetoric, Leatherstocking remains a great contribution to the fiction

of the world, “perhaps,” according to Professor Paine, “the greatest

embodiment of native character in American literature.” He is strangely

compounded of Cooper’s memories of his old hunter-friend Shipman, of

the heroic saga of the early frontiersman as synthesised in Daniel

Boone, of the Rousseauistic-Wordsworthian myth of the natural man

spiritualised by contact with forest and stream, and of the idealism of

American manhood. According to Cooper’s summary,

“... His feelings appeared to possess the freshness and nature of

the forest in which he passed so much of his time, and no casuist

could have made clearer decisions in matters relating to right and

wrong.... In short ... he was a fair example of what a just-minded

and pure man might be, while untempted by unruly or ambitious

desires, and left to follow the bias of his feelings, amid the

solitary grandeur and ennobling influences of a sublime nature.”

In 1828, however, we find Cooper disillusioned: “All attempts to blend

history and romance in America have been comparative failures....

The baldness of American life is in deadly hostility to scenic

representation.” And in _The Crater_ (1847) we find him creating a

Utopia in a fabulous mid-Pacific island in order to furnish a contrast

to the wretchedness of contemporary American life. This is a story

of how some folk, shipwrecked on a reef which is the crater of a

volcano, succeed in causing vegetation to grow, of how they create

a “settlement surrounded with a sort of earthly paradise” which is

finally “buried beneath the ocean.” The story, as Cooper conceives it,

is a parable: “Of such is the world and its much-coveted advantages.

For a time our efforts seem to create, and to adorn, and to perfect,

until we forget our origin and destination, substituting self for that

divine hand ...” Already, in _The Monikins_ (1835), born of bitter

disenchantment, Cooper the former idealist had presented the world as

a country ruled by a race of monkeys who laughed to scorn the Yahoo

race of mankind. The hope of an American paradise of nature ended for

Cooper in disillusionment; natural goodness, democracy, human ideals

are revealed here as sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. Professor

Pattee compares Cooper’s final pessimism with that of Mark Twain: “Both

began as border-minded individualists, parochial-minded, intoxicated

with American idealism; both by travel and by wide contacts with urban

pessimism were educated into blasé cosmopolitanism ... and both went

out at last in utter misanthropy.... It is an American evolution!”

The most significant history of our national quest for a material

happiness is perhaps embodied in the work of Mark Twain, whose

much-discussed pessimism may be explained mainly by the fact that,

as the spokesman of frontier America living exclusively “in the

present,” he served as the faithful mirror to a whole nation in which

an Industrial Revolution, philosophic mechanistic determinism, and

the collapse of illusions led to despair. His stories illustrate the

changing importance of the two planes of consciousness in the frontier

mind--the consciousness of a hopeful and radiant illusion, and the

consciousness of a hopeless and sordid reality. Take three stories,

representing three different periods. _The Jumping Frog_ (1865),

dealing with the winning of a bet by roguery, embodies in a humorous

way the reckless exuberance and joyousness of the dawning West after

the Gold Rush. To this type belong also the books which glorify the

“natural man” and the free-born American--_Roughing It_ (1873), _Tom

Sawyer_ (1876), _Life on the Mississippi_ (1883), and _Huck Finn_

(1884). In contrast, his first book, _Innocents Abroad_ (1869),

represents the frontiersman’s life-long contempt for European tradition

and Europe, “one vast museum of magnificence and misery,” groping “in

the midnight of priestly superstition for sixteen hundred years.” A

story of a second period, _The Million Pound Bank Note_ (1893) mirrors

a materialistic “gilded age” in which, lured on by a fabulous hope,

men bowed to the Golden Calf while the spectre of reality haunted

their thoughts. In this story the two planes of consciousness are in

equipoise until the end, when the plane of illusion prevails. It is

the tale, briefly, of how a poor tramp masquerades as the owner of a

million pound bank note; grim poverty stalks behind him, but every

one worships the illusion of his wealth, and he finally wins the girl

of his heart as well as the million pounds. The story is a parable of

the West: these were the days of illusory fortunes in transcontinental

railroads, in iron and steel, the days of the Morgans and Carnegies

and Fricks and Goulds. “I am,” said Mark Twain, “frightened at the

proportion of my prosperity ... Whatever I touch turns to gold.” In

1895 he was bankrupt. But take a story representative of the third

period--_The $30,000 Bequest_ (1907). A poor book-keeper and his wife,

learning of a promised fortune at the death of a relative, each night

“put the plodding world away, and lived in another and a fairer,

reading romances to each other, dreaming dreams, comrading with kings

and princes.” They increasingly neglect realities and scorn their

associates. “The castle-building habit, the day-dreaming habit--how it

grows! What a luxury it becomes; how we revel in them, steep our souls

in them, intoxicate ourselves with their beguiling fantasies--oh, yes,

and how soon and how easily our dream life and our material life become

so immingled and so fused together that we can’t tell which is which,

any more.” Just as the Golden West was unable to keep its “dream life,”

its illusions, triumphant over its “material life,” its stark reality,

so with the brutal news that the “town had to bury” the deceitful

relative, the poverty-stricken book-keeper and his wife “lived yet two

years, in mental night, always brooding, steeped in vague regrets and

melancholy dreams”--like the modern realists!

What did Mark Twain report regarding his early hope for a material

paradise? In _The Mysterious Stranger_ (1916) he recorded his final

despair, his conviction that life is cruel and meaningless--a

“wandering forlorn among the empty eternities”--and in that nightmare

of the fancy cowardice, hypocrisy and slavery are all that man can hope

for. After the death of his daughter the master of comedy said, “My

life is a bitterness, but I am content; for she has been enriched with

the most precious of all gifts--the gift that makes all other gifts

mean and poor--death.” His _What Is Man?_ and _To a Person Sitting in

Darkness_ express the same vein. “There is, of course, a Master Mind,

but it cares nothing for our happiness or our unhappiness ... As to the

hereafter, we have not the slightest evidence that there is any ...” To

him man became “a poor joke--the poorest that was ever contrived!”

Although Hamlin Garland came to believe that “truth was a higher

quality than beauty” and set himself down as “an unflinching realist,”

one must recall that he comes of a race of “potential poets, bards, and

dreamers,” that he traces in general the disillusionment resulting

from an idyllic hope based upon an idealistic quest for an American

paradise of nature. He records the “deep vein of poetry,” the illusion,

through which the pioneer viewed a sordid reality, “the place of the

rainbow, and the pot of gold.” “Beneath the sunset lay the enchanted

land of opportunity.”

“When we’ve wood and prairie land,

Won by our toil,

We’ll reign like kings in fairy land,

Lords of the soil!”

Here is Pater’s “Sangreal of an endless pilgrimage” transferred to

prairie-land. Later he confesses, “I had idealised all the figures and

scenes of my boyhood.” “This land of my childhood,” “its charm, its

strange dominion,” he has to admit, “did not in truth exist--it was a

magical world, born of the vibrant union of youth and firelight, of

music and the voice of moaning winds.” Like Wordsworth’s early “light

that never was, on sea or land,” Garland’s illusion “has all the

quality of a vision, something experienced in another world,” covered

with “a poetic glamour.”

However, if the Son of the Middle Border sought a pot of gold at the

foot of the rainbow which did not exist, if he is pursuing fancifully

a phantom of hope, he is honest enough to record the results of such a

quest. As he grew up he noted a “growing bitterness”--“disillusionment

had begun.” The Shelleyan rainbow of hope faded into the light of

common day. What had been the “marvel of a golden earth before a

crimson sky” became merely “Uncle Sam’s domain, bleak, semi-arid, and

wind-swept.” “I perceived little that was poetic, little that was

idyllic.”

“What purpose does a man serve by toiling like that for sixty years

with no increase in leisure, with no growth in mental grace?...

At the moment nothing glozed the essential tragic futility of

their existence.... The essential tragedy and hopelessness of most

human life under the conditions into which our society was swiftly

hardening embittered me, called for expression, but even then I did

not know that I had found my theme.... Now, suddenly I perceived

the futility of our quest....”

It is clear, also, that Garland is attempting a serious generalised

study of the outcome of frontier hope. The young orator, meeting his

father, is shocked at his sudden appearance of age and gloom: “He

had come a long way from the buoyant faith of ’66, and the change in

him was typical of the change in the West--in America.” “The almost

universal disappointment and suffering of the West was typical.”

“All the gilding of farm life melted away. The hard and bitter

realities came back upon me in a flood ... Every house I visited had

its individual message of sordid struggle and half-hidden despair.”

Garland, then, has given us a cross-section of our national history; he

has faithfully recorded the “almost universal” despair which greets men

who would “reign like kings in fairyland.”

Rolvaag’s _Giants in the Earth_, “A Saga of the Prairie,” is

another impressive record of the Odyssey “Toward the Sunset” of the

frontiersman and the finding of despair instead of the pot of gold.

Per Hansa and his religious wife Beret, Norwegians, journey “straight

toward the west, straight toward the sky line,” “deeper and deeper

into a bluish-green infinity--on and on, ... for Sunset Land.”

Finally they halt and raise a sod hut in “the endless solitude,” the

“eternal, unbroken wilderness”; they plant crops, and winter sets

in; Beret has a child. Here again we meet the two planes of frontier

consciousness--idyllic hope built on illusion and the dread of a sordid

and terrifying reality.

“That summer Per Hansa was transported, was carried farther and

ever farther away on the wings of a wonderful fairy tale--a romance

in which he was both prince and king, the sole possessor of

countless treasures. In this, as in all other fairy tales, the

story grew ever more fascinating and dear to the heart, the farther

it advanced.... Ever more beautiful grew the tale; ever more

dazzlingly shone the sunlight over the fairy castle.”

On one side there is the “divine restlessness,” the “enchanting

joyousness” of Per Hansa, on the other, Beret’s poignant yearning for

human companionship and inner spiritual peace which her dread of the

stark reality cannot satisfy. “Bleak, grey, God-forsaken, the empty

desolation stretched on every hand ... How could one lift up one’s

voice against such silence!” As winter came on Beret saw only the snow,

and for her the day “died in a pitch-black night that weighed down the

heart.” Her reflections give the key to the book:

“The country did not at all come up to her expectations; here, too,

she saw enough of poverty and grinding toil. What did it avail,

that the rich soil lay in endless stretches? More than ever did she

realise that ‘man liveth not by bread alone.’... Even the bread was

none too plentiful at times....

“But no sooner had they reached America than the west-fever had

smitten the old settlements like a plague. Such a thing had never

happened before in the history of mankind; people were intoxicated

by bewildering visions; they spoke dazedly, as though under the

force of a spell.... ‘Go west!... Go west, folks!... The farther

west, the better the land!’ Men beheld in feverish dreams the

endless plains, teeming with fruitfulness, glowing, out there

where day sank into night--a Beulah Land of corn and wine!... Ever

westward led the course, to where the sun glowed in matchless glory

as it sank at night; people drifted about in a sort of delirium,

like birds in mating time; then they flew toward the sunset, in

small flocks and large--always toward Sunset Land.... Now she saw

it clearly: here on the trackless plains, the thousand-year-old

hunger of the poor after human happiness had been unloosed!”

As she expects to die in childbirth, she pleads with Per Hansa to take

the other children back to civilisation: “Human beings cannot exist

here!... They grow into beasts!” And the magic of a fairy tale turns

out to be simply nature red in tooth and claw. In the last section of

the book, entitled “The Great Plain Drinks the Blood of Christian Men

and is Satisfied,” the story is told of how Per Hansa the faithful, the

hopeful, the loving husband and father, is frozen to death while going

for a doctor to help a neighbour.

“There was the Red Son of the Great Prairie, who hated the

Palefaces with a hot hatred; stealthily he swooped down upon them,

tore up and laid waste the little settlements. Great was the terror

he spread; bloody the saga concerning him.

“But more to be dreaded than this tribulation was the strange spell

of sadness which the unbroken solitude cast upon the minds of some.

Many took their own lives; asylum after asylum was filled with

disordered beings who had once been human.... Then, too, there were

years of pestilence--toil and travail, famine and disease.”

The frontier is exhausted, but it should be carefully noted that the

quest for a physical, external paradise lives on in the American

machine-age, in the dream of an industrial Utopia. To take but one

illustration recorded in our fiction, Sherwood Anderson’s _Poor

White_--paralleling the frontier stories--traces the transition

from the optimism born of untapped resources to the despair of a

standardised industrialism. It is the tale of a stolid boy, Hugh McVey,

who manages to invent machines from which every one hopes great things;

it is supposed to be typical, to present a cross-section of American

life.

“In every mind the future was bright with promise. Throughout the

whole Mid-American country ... a hopeful spirit prevailed.... The

youth and optimistic spirit of the country led it to take hold of

the hand of the giant, industrialism, and lead him laughing into

the land.... The thing that was happening in Bidwell happened in

towns all over the Middle West. Out through the coal and iron

regions of Pennsylvania, into Ohio and Indiana, and on westward

into the States bordering on the Mississippi River, industry

crept. Gas and oil were discovered in Ohio and Indiana. Over night

towns grew into cities. A madness took hold of the minds of the

people.... Wealth seemed to be spurting out of the very earth....

Farmers owning oil-producing land went to bed in the evening poor

and owing money at the bank, and awoke in the morning rich.”

But Hugh McVey, “the poor white, son of the defeated dreamer by the

river,” finds mere money and the satisfaction of physical needs

insufficient. “He was unfilled by the life he led.” Conscious of

“some indefinable, inner struggle,” “he fought to accept himself, to

understand himself, to relate himself with the life about him.” For

the sanctity of the individual personality America had substituted the

worship of mass production, of material gain.

“It was a time of hideous architecture, a time when thought and

learning paused. Without music, without poetry, without beauty in

their lives or impulses, a whole people, full of the native energy

and strength of lives lived in a new land, rushed pell-mell into a

new age.”

In place of the free workman, joyously expressing with his own hands

the dream of his own mind, came the factory-hand, blindly bitter from

the machine-standardisation which thwarted the self-expression which

even the farmer enjoyed. In the town of Bidwell, Jim Gibson exults

in selling machine-made harnesses and ruining Joe Wainsworth, the

old harness maker. Finally, in a fit of rage Wainsworth kills his

tormentor. Clara, the wife of Hugh McVey, points the moral:

“In her mind the harness maker had come to stand for all the men

and women who were in secret revolt against the absorption of the

age in machines and the products of machines. He had stood as a

protesting figure against what her father had become and what she

thought her husband had become.... As a child she had gone often to

Wainsworth’s shop with her father or some farm hand, and she now

remembered sharply the peace and quiet of the place.... Everything

worth while is very far away.... The machines men are so intent on

making have carried them very far from the old sweet things.”

And we have Anderson’s summary indictment of industrialism:

“Modern men and women who live in industrial cities are like mice

that have come out of the fields to live in houses that do not

belong to them. They live within the dark walls of the houses where

only a dim light penetrates, and so many have come that they grow

thin and haggard with the constant toil of getting food and warmth.”

Thus those who have sought an American paradise of nature, a physical

paradise, have reported finding only despair. In essentials this hope

is identical with the primitivistic and industrial hope which Europe

found inadequate over a century ago. Wordsworth, the high priest of

naturalism, confessed he had “too blindly reposed” his trust, and he

had the wisdom to seek the support of the classical and the Christian

traditions. And Ruskin and Carlyle exposed the criminal fallacies

involved in setting material gain above the sanctity of the individual

personality. But when this outworn, exploded philosophy, based upon

primitivism, faith in natural goodness, absolute liberty, _laissez

faire_, and reliance upon nature and material things, was transplanted

to the vast material resources of a frontier land, it was given a

new, hysterical lease of life. Now, a century and a quarter later, a

disenchanted America agrees with the English naturalist who testified

of his infinite “dejection” and his conviction that man

“may not hope from outward forms to win

The passion and the life, whose fountains are within.”

Humanism and America · 第 47 / 69 题