Brig.-Gen. Nathaniel Lyon was now in full command, not only of the City
of St. Louis and the State of Missouri, but of all the vast territory
lying between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, except Texas, New
Mexico, and Utah.
His sudden elevation from a simple Captain heading a company to wide
command did not for an instant dizzy him as it seemed to McClellan and
Fremont, who had made similar leaps in rank. Where McClellan surrounded
himself with all the pomp and circumstance of glorious war as he had
seen it exemplified by officers of his rank in Europe, where he was
followed at all times by a numerous and glittering staff, resplendent
with military millinery; and where Fremont set up a vice-regal court,
in which were heard nearly all the tongues of the Continent, spoken by
pretentious adventurers who claimed service in substantially every war
since those of Napoleon, and under every possible flag raised in those
wars, Lyon did not change a particle from the plain, straightforward,
earnest soldier he had always been. His common dress was the private
soldier's blouse with the single star of his rank, and a slouch hat. He
was accoutered for the real work of war, not its spectacular effects.
Grant was not simpler than he. Dominated by a great purpose, he made
himself and every one and every thing about him tend directly towards
that focus. He had only enough of a staff to do the necessary work, and
they must be plain, matter-of-fact soldiers like himself, devoting their
energies through all their waking hours to the cause he had at heart.
104
His first Chief of Staff was Chester Harding, a Massachusetts man, a
thoroughgoing, practical, businesslike Yankee, animated by intense love
of the Union. He preferred, however, service in the field, and became
Colonel of the 10th Mo., then of the 25th, and later of the 43d
Mo., doing good service wherever placed, and receiving at the last a
well-earned brevet as Brigadier-General of Volunteers.
While Gen. Lyon was organizing the Home Guards into volunteer regiments
at the Arsenal, there came to his assistance a rather stockily-built
First Lieutenant of the Regular Army, who was in the prime of manhood,
with broad, full face and well-developed and increasing baldness, a
graduate of West Point, and of some eight years' experience in the
military establishment.
John McAllister Schofield was born in Illinois, the son of an itinerant
Baptist preacher, who mainly devoted himself to the cause of church
extension. Schofield's name would indicate Germanic extraction. His face
and figure supports the same theory, as do most of his mental habits.
The McAllister in his name hints at an infusion of Celtic blood, of
which we find few if any intellectual traces. Without any special
enthusiasm or public demonstration of his attachment to principle, with
a great deal of the courtier in his ways, he was yet firm, courageous
and persistent in the policy he had marked out for himself. He was
true to the Union cause, in his own way, from the time he offered his
services to Gen. Lyon, was obedient and helpful to his superiors, always
did more than respectably well what was committed to his charge, and no
failure of any kind lowers the high average of his performance.
105
When after four years of the most careful scrutiny and tutelage the
Military Academy at West Point graduates a young man, it assumes that it
has absolutely determined his X--that is, has sounded and measured
his moral and intellectual depth, and settled his place in any human
equation.
It will, therefore, be quite interesting in making our estimate of Gen.
Schofield, to examine the label attached to him upon his graduation from
West Point in the class of 1853.
At the head of that class was the brilliant James B. McPherson, who was
to rise to the command of a corps and then to the Army of the Tennessee,
and fall before Atlanta, to the intense sorrow of every man in the army
who had come in contact with him.
The second in the class was William P. Craighill, a fine engineer
officer, who, however, rose no higher during the war than a brevet
Colonel.
The third in the class was Joshua W. Sill, a splendid soldier, who died
at the head of his brigade on the banks of Stone River.
The fourth in the class was William R. Boggs, a Georgian, who became
a Brigadier-General in the Confederate army and achieved no special
distinction.
106
The fifth in the class was Francis J. Shunk, of Pennsylvania, who went
into the ordnance and became a brevet Major.
The sixth in the class was William Sooy Smith, an Ohio man, who attained
the rank of Brigadier-General, and who achieved prominence in civil life
as an engineer.
The seventh in the class was John M. Schofield, who was commissioned
in the artillery, and who had had some years of army experience in the
forts along the South Atlantic coast.
In the 45 who graduated below Schofield were many names afterwards to
become very prominent in history.
John S. Bowen, of Georgia, who commanded a regiment of the Home Guards,
and who did his utmost to drag his State into Secession, afterward be-.
coming a Major-General in the Confederate army, graduated 13th in the
class.
William R. Terrill, of Virginia, killed at Perryville while in command
of a Union brigade, was the 16th.
John R. Chambliss, of Virginia, who was killed while commanding a
Confederate brigade at Deep Bottom, Va., was the 31st, and William McE.
Dye, who commanded a brigade with success in the Trans-Mississippi,
afterwards helped to organize the Khedive's army, and who died while in
command of the Korean army, was the 32d.
Philip H. Sheridan, one of the most brilliant commanders the world ever
saw, stood 34th in the class, and Elmer Otis, of Philippine fame, was
the 37th.
107
John B. Hood, who rose to the rank of a full General in the Confederate
army, and commanded the forces arrayed against Sherman and Thomas at
Atlanta and Nashville, was the 44th.
It is very interesting to study this list and compare it with the
confident markings made by the West Point Faculty when the young men
were dismissed to the active life for which the Academy had prepared
them. It at least shows that, judged by West Point standards,
Schofield's intellectual equipment was of the very best. He had married
the daughter of his Professor of Physics, and children had come to
them; promotion was very slow; he had wearied of the dull routine of
the artillery officer in seacoast forts, and had seriously thought of
resigning and entering the profession of law. Friends had dissuaded
him from this, secured him a position as Professor of Physics in the
Washington University at St. Louis, and Gen. Scott, who liked him,
induced him to remain in the service and obtained for him a year's leave
of absence to enable him to accept the professorship. He was engaged in
his duty of teaching at the University and of writing a work on physics,
of which he was very proud, when the firing on Fort Sumter took place.
His political views were those of the Douglas wing of the Democracy, and
he remained a Democrat ever after. He made no public profession of his
views on the Slavery question or Secession, but immediately wrote to
Washington offering to cancel his leave of absence, and was directed to
report to Gen. Lyon for the duty of mustering in the volunteers.
108
Inasmuch as the Governor, with much contumely, had refused to supply
the four regiments from Missouri which the President had called for,
Schofield, with his unfailing respect for the law, saw no way to fulfill
his duty, until Gen. Scott, who was dimly perceiving the gigantic nature
of the emergency, reluctantly gave authority to muster in and arm the
Home Guards, adding the indorsement, pathetically eloquent as to his
aged slowness of recognition that old things were passing away and new
being born in volcanic travail--"This is irregular, but, being times of
revolution, is approved."
Schofield showed his heart in the matter by becoming a Major of the
first regiment organized.
The whole atmosphere at once changed with Lyon's permanent assignment to
command.
The Union people of Missouri, those who really believed that the
Government was worth fighting for, no longer had to retire, as they had
from Harney's presence, with cold comfort, and advice to stop thinking
about fighting and attend to their regular business, but were welcomed
by Lyon, had their earnestness stimulated by his own, and were given
direct advice as to how they could be of the most service. They were
encouraged to put themselves in readiness, strike blow for blow, and
if possible to give two blows for one. The work of preparation
was systematized, and everything made to move toward the one great
event--the Government's overwhelming assertion of its power.
Home Guards were organized in every County where Union men wanted to do
so, and began presenting a stubborn front to their opponents, who were
being brought together under the Military Bill.
109
Gov. Jackson and Gen. Price did not lose all heart at the change in
commanders. They seemed to have hopes that they might in some way mold
Lyon to their wishes as they had Harney, and sought an interview with
him. Gen. Lyon was not averse to an interview, and sent to Jackson and
Price the following passport:
Headquarters, Department of the West,
St. Louis, June 8, 1861.
It having been suggested that Gov. Claiborne F. Jackson and
ex-Gov. Sterling Price are desirous of an interview with
Gen. Lyon, commanding this Department, for the purpose of
effecting, if possible, a pacific solution of the domestic
troubles of Missouri, it is hereby stipulated on the part of
Brig.-Gen. N. Lyon, U. S. A., commanding this Military
Department, that, should Gov. Jackson or ez-Gov. Price, or
either of them, at any time prior to or on the 12th day of
June, 1861, visit St. Louis for the purpose of such
interview, they and each of them shall be free from
molestation or arrest on account of any charges pending
against them, or either of them, on the part of the United
States, during their journey to St. Louis and their return
from St Louis to Jefferson City.
Given under the hand of the General commanding, the day and
year above written.
N. LYON,
Brigadier-General, Commanding.
Accordingly on June 12, 1861, Price and Jackson arrived at St. Louis by
special train from Jefferson City, put up at the Planters' House, and
informed Gen. Lyon of their arrival. The old State pride cropped out
in a little dispute as to which should call upon the other. Jackson as
Governor of the "sovereign and independent" State of Missouri and Price
as Major-General commanding the forces, felt that it was due them that
Lyon, a Brigadier-General in the United States service, should visit
them rather than they him at the Arsenal. Lyon's soul going direct to
the heart of the matter, was above these technicalities, waved them
aside impatiently, and said that he would go to the Planters' House and
call on them.
110
Accompanied by Col. Frank P. Blair and Maj. Conant, of his Staff, he
went at once to the Planters' House, and there ensued a four hours'
interview of mightiest consequences to the State and the Nation.
Jackson and Price were accompanied by Col. Thomas L. Snead, then an
Aid of the Governor, afterwards Acting Adjutant-General of the Missouri
State Guards, Chief of Staff of the Army of the West, and a member of
the Confederate Congress. He makes this statement as to the opening of
the conference:
"Lyon opened it by saying that the discussion on the part of his
Government 'would be conducted by Col. Blair, who enjoyed its confidence
in the very highest degree, and was authorized to speak for it.' Blair
was, in fact, better fitted than any man in the Union to discuss with
Jackson and Price the grave questions then at issue between the United
States and the State of Missouri, and in all her borders there were
no men better fitted than they to speak for Missouri on that momentous
occasion.
"But despite the modesty of his opening, Lyon was too much in earnest,
too zealous, too well informed on the subject, too aggressive, and too
fond of disputation to let Blair conduct the discussion on the part of
his Government. In half an hour it was he who was conducting it, holding
his own at every point against Jackson and Price, masters though they
were of Missouri politics, whose course they had been directing and
controlling for years, while he was only the Captain of an infantry
regiment on the Plains. He had not, however, been a mere soldier in
those days, but had been an earnest student of the very questions that
he was now discussing, and he comprehended the matter as well as any
man, and handled it in the soldierly way to which he had been bred,
using the sword to cut knots that he could not untie."
111
Really the interview soon became a parley between the two strong men who
were quickly to draw their swords upon one another. The talking men, the
men of discussion and appeal passed out, and the issue was in the hands
of the men who were soon to hurl the mighty weapons of war.
Jackson, who was a light, facile politician, used to moving public
assemblies which were already of his mind, had but little to say in
the hours of intense parley, but interjected from time to time with
parrot-like reiteration, that the United States troops must leave the
State and not enter it. "I will then disband my own troops and we shall
certainly have peace."
Blair, an incomparably stronger man, but still a politician and rather
accustomed to accomplishing results by speeches and arguments, soon felt
himself obscured by the mightier grasp and earnestness of Lyon, and took
little further part. There remained, then, the stern, portentous parley
between Lyon and Price, who weighed their words, intending to make every
one of them good by deadly blows. They looked into one another's eyes
with set wills, between which were the awful consequences of unsheathed
swords.
Gen. Price stated at some length his proposals, and claimed that he
had carried out his understanding with Gen. Harney in good faith, not
violating it one iota.
112
Gen. Lyon asked him sharply how that could be, according to Gen.
Harney's second proclamation in which he denounced the Military Bill as
unconstitutional and treasonable?
Gen. Price replied that he had made no agreement whatever with Gen.
Harney about the enforcement or carrying out of the Military Bill.
Gen. Lyon answered this by presenting a copy of the following memorandum
which had been sent by Gen. Harney as the only basis on which he would
treat with Jackson and Price:
Memorandum for Gen. Price.--May 21, 1861.
Gen. Harney is here as a citizen of Missouri, with all his
interests at stake in the preservation of the peace of the
State.
He earnestly wishes to do nothing to complicate matters, and
will do everything in his power, consistently with his
Instructions, to preserve peace and order.
He is, however, compelled to recognize the existence of a
rebellion in a portion of the United States, and in view of
it he stands upon the proclamation of the President itself,
based upon the laws and Constitution of the United States.
The proclamation demands the dispersion of all armed bodies
hostile to the supreme law of the land.
Gen. Harney sees in the Missouri Military Bill features
which compel him to look upon such armed bodies as may be
organized under its provisions as antagonistic to the United
States, within the meaning of the proclamation, and
calculated to precipitate a conflict between the State and
the United States.
He laments the tendency of things, and most cordially and
earnestly invites the co-operation of Gen. Price to avert
it.
For this purpose Gen. Harney respectfully asks Gen. Price to
review the features of the bill, in the spirit of law,
warmed and elevated by that of humanity, and seek to
discover some means by which its action may be suspended
until some competent tribunal shall decide upon its
character.
The most material features of the bill calculated to bring
about a conflict are, first, the oath required to be taken
by the Militia and State Guards (an oath of allegiance to
the State of Missouri without recognizing the existence of
the Government of the United States); and, secondly, the
express requirements by which troops within the State not
organized under the provisions of the Military Bill are to
be disarmed by the State Guards.
Gen. Harney cannot be expected to await a summons to
surrender his arms by the State troops.
From this statement of the case the true question becomes
immediately visible and cannot be shut out of view.
Gen. Price Is earnestly requested to consider this, and Gen.
Harney will be happy to confer with him on the subject
whenever It may suit his convenience.
N. B.--Read to Gen. Price, In the presence of Maj. H. B.
Turner, on the evening of the 21st of May.
[Illustration: 100-General David Hunter]
113
Naturally this threw Gen. Price into much confusion, and his face
reddened with mortification, but after a few minutes he said that he did
not remember hearing the paper read; that it was true that Hitchcock and
Turner had come from Gen. Harney to see him, but he could recall nothing
of any such paper being presented. The discussion grew warmer as Gen.
Lyon felt more strongly the force of his position. Gen. Price insisted
that no armed bodies of Union troops should pass through or be stationed
in Missouri, as such would occasion civil war. He asserted that Missouri
must be neutral, and neither side should arm. Gov. Jackson would protect
the Union men and would disband his State troops.
Gen. Lyon opposed this by saying, in effect, "that, if the Government
withdrew its forces entirely, secret and subtle measures would be
resorted to to provide arms and perfect organizations which, upon
any pretext, could put forth a formidable opposition to the General
Government; and even without arming, combinations would doubtless form
in certain localities, to oppress and drive out loyal citizens, to
whom the Government was bound to give protection, but which it would
be helpless to do, as also to repress such combinations, if its forces
could not be sent into the State. A large aggressive force might be
formed and advanced from the exterior into the State, to assist it in
carrying out the Secession program; and the Government could not, under
the limitation proposed, take posts on these borders to meet and repel
such force.
114
The Government could not shrink from its duties nor abdicate its
corresponding right; and, in addition to the above, it was the duty of
its civil officers to execute civil process, and in case of resistance
to receive the support of military force. The proposition of the
Governor would at once overturn the Government privileges and
prerogatives, which he (Gen. Lyon) had neither the wish nor the
authority to do. In his opinion, if the Governor and the State
authorities would earnestly set about to maintain the peace of the
State, and declare their purposes to resist outrages upon loyal citizens
of the Government, and repress insurrections against it, and in case of
violent combinations, needing co-operation of the United States
troops, they should call upon or accept such assistance, and in case of
threatened invasion the Government troops took suitable posts to
meet it, the purposes of the Government would be subserved, and no
infringement of the State rights or dignity committed. He would take
good care, in such faithful co-operation of the State authorities to
this end, that no individual should be injured in person or property,
and that the utmost delicacy should be observed toward all peaceable
persons concerned in these relations."
Gen. Lyon based himself unalterably upon this proposition, and could not
be moved from it by anything Price or Jackson could say.
Gov. Jackson entered into the discussion again to suggest that they
separate and continue the conference further by correspondence; but
Lyon, who felt vividly that the main object of the Secessionists was to
gain time to perfect their plans, rejected this proposition, but said
that he was quite willing that all those present should reduce their
views to writing and publish them; which, however, did not strike
Jackson and Price favorably. As to the close of the interview, Maj.
Conant says:
115
"As Gen. Lyon was about to take his leave, he said: 'Gov. Jackson,
no man in the State of Missouri has been more ardently desirous of
preserving peace than myself. Heretofore Missouri has only felt the
fostering care of the Federal Government, which has raised her from the
condition of a feeble French colony to that of an empire State. Now,
however, from the failure on the part of the Chief Executive to comply
with constitutional requirements, I fear she will be made to feel its
power. Better, sir, far better, that the blood of every man, woman and
child of the State should flow than that she should successfully defy
the Federal Government.'"
Col. Snead has published this account of the close of the conference:
"Finally, when the conference had lasted four or five hours, Lyon closed
it, as he had opened it. 'Rather,' said he (he was still seated, and
spoke deliberately, slowly, and with a peculiar emphasis), 'rather than
concede to the State of Missouri the right to demand that my Government
shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring troops into the
State whenever it pleases, or move its troops at its own will into, out
of, or through the State; rather than concede to the State of Missouri
for one single instant the right to dictate to my Government in any
matter however unimportant, I would (rising as he said this, and
pointing in turn to every one in the room) see you, and you, and you,
and you, and every man, woman, and child in the State, dead and buried.'
116
"Then turning to the Governor, he said: 'This means war. In an hour one
of my officers will call for you and conduct you out of my lines.'
"And then, without another word, without an inclination of the head,
without even a look, he turned upon his heel and strode out of the room,
rattling his spurs and clanking his saber, while we, whom he left,
and who had known each other for years, bade farewell to each other
courteously and kindly, and separated--Blair and Conant to fight for the
Union, we for the land of our birth."
When the great American painter shall arise, one of the grandest themes
for his pencil will be that destiny-shaping conference on that afternoon
in June, 1861. He will show the face of Gov. Jackson as typical of that
class of Southern politicians who raised the storm from the unexpected
violence of which they retreated in dismay. There will be more than a
suggestion of this in Jackson's expression and attitude. He entered
the conference full of his official importance as the head of the great
Sovereign State, braving the whole United States, and quite complacent
as to his own powers of diction and argument. He quickly subsided,
however, from the leading character occupying the center of the stage
to that of chorus in the wings, in the deadly grapple of men of mightier
purpose--Lyon and Price, who were to ride the whirlwind he had been
contriving, and rule the storm he had been instrumental in raising.
117
Even Blair, immeasurably stronger mentally and morally than
Jackson--Blair, tall, sinewy, alert, with face and pose revealing
the ideal leader that he was--even he felt the presence of stronger
geniuses, and lapsed into silence.
The time for talking men was past Captains of hosts were now uttering
the last stern words, which meant the crash of battle and the death and
misery of myriads. Hereafter voices would be in swords, and arguments
flame from the brazen mouths of cannon hot with slaughter.
Sterling Price, white-haired, large of frame, imposing, benignant,
paternal, inflexible as to what he considered principle, was to point
the way which 100,000 young Missourians were to follow through a
thousand red battlefields.
Nathaniel Lyon, short of stature, red-haired, in the prime of manhood
and perfected soldiership, fiery, jealous for his country's rights and
dignity, was to set another 100,000 young Missourians in battle array
against their opponents, to fight them to complete overthrow.
After they withdrew from the conference, Gov. Jackson, as Price's
trumpeter, sounded the call "to arms" in a proclamation to the people of
Missouri.
118
[Illustration: 118-The St Louis Levee]