Up to the time that Gen. Harney was relieved and ordered to Washington,
and Capt. Lyon was given a free hand, Gen. D. M. Frost's course
and advice were worthy of his reputation as a resolute, far-seeing
commander. With the organized military companies of his district and the
Minute Men he had a good nucleus for action, and had he made a rush
on the Arsenal at any of the several times that he seems to have
contemplated, it would have been backed up by several thousand young
Irishmen and Americans in St. Louis, as well as by tens of thousands
from the country swarming in as fast as they could have gotten railroads
and steamboats to carry them.
Then the capture of the Arsenal would have opened the war instead of the
firing on Fort Sumter.
He was then, however, restrained by Gov. Jackson and his coterie, who
expected to gain their ends by intrigues and manipulations which had
proved so successful in the other States.
After, however, Capt. Lyon had equipped some 10,000 Missourians from
the Arsenal and sent most of the rest of the arms across the river into
Illinois, Frost seems to have suddenly become doddering. The Rev. Henry
W. Beecher used to tell a very effective story about an old house dog
named Noble. Some time in the dim past Noble had found a rabbit in a
hole under an apple tree. Every day ever after, for the rest of his
life, Noble would go to the hole and bark industriously at it for an
hour or so, with as much zeal as if he had found another rabbit there,
which he never did.
68
There seemed to be something of this in Gen. Frost's carrying out
his idea of establishing a camp ostensibly for the instruction of his
Militia, on the hills near the Arsenal, which he did May 3. It is hard
to reconcile this with any clear purpose. If he intended to assault and
capture the Arsenal, the force that he gathered was absurdly inadequate,
in view of what he must have known Lyon had to oppose him. Accounts
differ as to the highest number he ever had assembled, but it must have
been less than 2,000.
His camp, which was in a beautiful grove, then in the first flush of
the charms of early Springtime, was quite an attractive place for the
"knightly" young Southerners who, filled with the chivalrous ideas of
Sir Walter Scott's novels, then the prevalent romantic literature of the
South, had made much ado before their "ladye loves" of "going off to
the warres," and the aforesaid "ladye loves," decorated with Secession
rosettes and the red-white-and-red colors then emblematic of Secession,
followed their "true-loves" to the camp, and made Lindell Grove bright
with the gaily-contrasting hues in bonnets and gowns. There were music
and parades, presentations, flags and banners, dancing and feasting,
and all the charming accessories of a military picnic. But some how
the material for common soldiers did not flock to the Camp as the
Secessionists had hoped. Possibly the stern uprising of the loyal
people of the North in response to the firing upon Fort Sumter, and the
mustering of solid battalions in Illinois, Iowa, and Kansas, immediately
around the Missouri borders, had a repressing effect upon those who had
at first thought of going with a light heart into Secession. It began to
look as if there were going to be something more serious than a Fourth
of July barbecue about this work of breaking up the Union.
69
Certainly, recruits had not come to Camp Jackson, which Frost had so
named in honor of the Governor of the State, as they had flocked into
similar camps farther South. Nor had they come in the numbers which were
assembled around Lyon and Blair, appealing for arms. Still, the men
in Camp Jackson had a resolute purpose, under all the frivolity and
merry-making of the gay camp, and presently Capts. Colton Greene
and Basil Duke returned with the cheering news that their mission to
Jefferson Davis had been entirely successful. Heavy artillery would be
furnished with which to batter down the walls of the Arsenal, and
force the Home Guards to fight or surrender. They brought with them
the following encouraging letter from the President of the Southern
Confederacy:
Montgomery, Ala., April 23, 1861. His Excellency C. F.
Jackson, Governor of Missouri.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge yours of the 17th
Instant, borne by Capts. Greene and Duke, and have most
cordially welcomed the fraternal assurances it brings.
A misplaced but generous confidence has, for years past,
prevented the Southern States from making the preparation
required by the present emergency, and our power to supply
you with ordnance is far short of the will to serve you.
After learning as well as I could from the gentlemen
accredited to me what was most needful for the attack on the
Arsenal, I have directed that Capts. Greene and Duke should
be furnished with two 12-pounder howitzers and two 32-
pounder guns, with the proper ammunition for each. These,
from the commanding hills, will be effective, both against
the garrison and to breach the inclosing walls of the place.
I concur with you as to the great importance of capturing
the Arsenal and securing its supplies, rendered doubly
important by the means taken to obstruct your commerce and
render you unarmed victims of a hostile invasion.
70
We look anxiously and hopefully for the day when the star of
Missouri shall be added to the constellation of the
Confederate States of America.
With best wishes, I am, very respectfully, yours,
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
This promise was at once made good by a letter to the Governor of
Louisiana to deliver the required war material from the stores in the
lately-captured arsenal at Baton Rouge. These, carefully disguised as
marble, ale, and other innocent stores, were shipped upon the steamboat
J. C. Swan, and consigned to a well-known Union firm in St. Louis, with
private marks to identify them to the Secessionists, who, on the watch
for them, had them at once loaded on drays and taken to Camp Jackson.
Their movements, however, were made known to Blair and the Committee of
Safety by their spies, and Capt. Lyon was urged to seize the stores
upon their arrival at the wharf, but he preferred to allow them to reach
their destination, where they would serve to fix the purpose of the camp
upon those commanding the garrison.
Lyon, who as a soldier had naturally chafed under the insulting presence
on the hills of a force hardly concealing its hostility under a thin
vail of professed loyalty, at once resolved upon the capture of the
camp. The more cautious of the Union men tried to restrain him. They
argued that the camp would expire by legal limitation within a few days.
To this Lyon opposed the probability that the Legislature would pass the
military bill in some form and make the camp a permanent one.
71
Then, those timorous ones insisted that the forms of the law should
be employed, and that the United States Marshal, armed with a writ of
replevin to recover United States property, should precede the attack
upon the camp. Lyon fretted under this; The writ of replevin was a
tiresome formality to men who talked of fighting and were ready to
fight; furthermore, if served and recognized, Frost might put off the
Marshal with some trumpery stuff of no value. Still further came the
news that Harney, with Gen. Scott's assistance, had reinstated himself
in favor at Washington, and would return the following Sunday. It was
now Wednesday, the 8th of May.
Above all, Lyon saw with a clearer insight than the strict law-abiders
the immense moral effect of his contemplated action. Heretofore all the
initiativeness, all the aggressiveness, all the audacity, had been on
the side of the Secessionists. They were everywhere taking daring steps
to the confusion and overthrow of the conservative Unionists, and so
dragging with them hosts of the wavering. He longed to strike a quick,
sharp blow to teach the enemies of the Government that they could no
longer proceed with impunity, but must expect a return blow for every
one they gave, and probably more.
72
On Wednesday evening, May 8, Capt. Lyon requested Mr. J. J. Witzig, one
of the Committee of Safety, to meet him at 2 o'clock the next day with
a horse and buggy. At the appointed hour Witzig went to Lyon's quarters
and inquired for the "General," by which title Lyon was known after his
election as Brigadier-General of the Missouri Militia. As he entered
Lyon's room, Witzig saw a lady seated near the door, vailed and
evidently waiting for some one. He inquired if she was waiting for the
General to come in, and seating himself near the window awaited the
coming of Lyon. A few minutes later the lady arose, lifted her vail, and
astonished Mr. Witzig with the very unfeminine features of Lyon himself.
Mrs. Alexander had loaned him the clothes, and succeeded in attiring him
so that the deception was complete. Taking a couple of heavy revolvers,
Gen. Lyon entered a barouche belonging to the loyal Franklin Dick, and
was driven by Mr. Dick's servant leisurely out to Camp Jackson, followed
by Mr. Witzig in a buggy. Lyon saw everything in the camp that he wished
to see; noticed that the streets were named Davis Avenue, Beauregard
Avenue, and the like; took in the lay of the ground, and returning
toward the Arsenal, stopped and directed Witzig to summon the other
members of the Committee of Safety to immediately meet him at the
Arsenal.
He stated to them, when they gathered, the necessity of at once
capturing the camp, and his determination to do so and hold all in it
as prisoners of war. Blair and Witzig warmly approved this; Filley and
Broadhead finally acquiesced, while How and Glover were opposed to both
the manner and time and wanted a writ of replevin served by the United
States Marshal. If Gen. Frost refused to respect this, Lyon could then
go to his assistance.
73
Lyon yielded so far as to allow Glover to get out the writ of replevin,
but he was not disposed to dally long with that subterfuge, and his line
of battle would not be far behind the Marshal. Even before he went out
to the camp he had sent an Aid to procure 36 horses for his batteries
from the leading livery stables in the city, because he feared that
Maj. McKinstry, the Chief Quartermaster of the Department, could not
be trusted; a doubt which seems to have been well founded, for Maj.
McKinstry afterwards refused to pay for the horses until he was
compelled to do so by a peremptory order from Lyon. The Secessionist
spies were as vigilant and successful as those of the Unionists, and
Gen. Frost was promptly informed of the designs upon him, whereupon on
the morning of the fateful May 10 he dispatched Col. Bowen, his Chief of
Staff, with the following letter to Gen. Lyon:
Headquarters, Camp Jackson,
Missouri Militia, May 10, 1861. Capt. N. Lyon, Commanding
United States troops in and about St. Louis Arsenal.
Sir: I am constantly in receipt of information that you
contemplate an attack upon my camp. Whilst I understand you
are impressed with the idea that an attack upon the Arsenal
and the United States troops is intended on the part of the
Militia of Missouri, I am greatly at a loss to know what
could justify you in attacking: citizens of the United
States, who are in the lawful performance of duties
devolving upon them, under the Constitution, in organizing
and instructing the Militia of the State in obedience to her
laws, and therefore have been disposed to doubt the
correctness of the information I have received.
I would be glad to know from you personally whether there is
any truth in the statements that are constantly poured into
my ears. So far as regards any hostility being intended
toward the United States or its property or representatives,
by any portion of my command, or as far as I can learn (and
I think I am fully informed) of any other part of the State
forces, I can say positively that the idea has never been
entertained. On the contrary, prior to your taking command
of the Arsenal, I proffered to Maj. Bell, then in command of
the very few troops constituting its guard, the services of
myself and all my command, and, if necessary, the whole
power of the State to protect the United States in the full
possession of all her property. Upon Gen. Harney's taking
command of this Department I made the same proffer of
services to him and authorized his Adjutant-General, Capt.
Williams, to communicate the fact that such had been done to
the War
74
Department. I have had no occasion to change any of the
views I entertained at that time, neither of my own volition
nor through orders of my constitutional commander.
I trust that after this explicit statement we may be able,
by fully understanding each other, to keep far from our
borders the misfortunes which so unhappily afflict our
common country.
This communication will be handed you by Col. Bowen, my
Chief of Staff, who may be able to explain anything not
fully set forth in the foregoing.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
D. M. FROST,
Brigadier-General, Commanding Camp Jackson, M. V. M.
It is an almost impossible task for the historian to reconcile this
extraordinary letter with Gen. Frost's standing as an officer and a
gentleman. It certainly passes the limits of deception allowable in war,
and has no place in the ethics of civil life.
The camp was located where it was for the generally understood purpose
of attacking the Arsenal, and this purpose had been recommended to the
Governor of the State by Gen. Frost himself. Every Secessionist, North
and South, understood and boasted of it. Jefferson Davis approved of
this, and he sent artillery with which to attack the Arsenal, which was
then in Frost's camp. Gen. Lyon refused to receive the letter. He was
busily engaged in preparations to carry its answer himself. He had under
arms almost his entire force. Two regiments of Home Guards were left
on duty protecting the Arsenal, and to be ready for any outbreak in the
city, and a majority of the Regulars were also so employed.
75
Gen. Lyon was a thorough organizer, and had his work well in hand with
every one of his subordinates fully instructed as to his part. The
previous military training of the Germans here came into good play,
and regiments formed quickly and moved promptly. Col. Blair, with his
regiment and a battalion of Regulars, marched to a position on the west
of the camp. Col. Schuttner with his regiment went up Market street;
Col. Sigel led his column up Olive street; Col. Brown went up Morgan
street; and Col. McNeil up Clark avenue. A battery of six pieces went
with a Regular battalion, at the head of which rode Gen. Lyon. The news
of the movement rapidly diffused through the city; everybody was excited
and eagerly expectant; and the roofs of the houses were black with
people watching events. Not the least important, factor were the
Secessionist belles of the city, whose lovers and brothers were in Camp
Jackson, and who, with that inconsequence which is so charming in the
young feminine mind, were breathlessly expectant of their young heroes
each surrounding himself with a group of "Dutch myrmidons," slain by his
red right hand.
So admirably had Lyon planned that the heads of all his columns appeared
at their designated places almost simultaneously, and Gen. Frost found
his camp entirely surrounded in the most soldierly way. The six light
pieces galloped into position to entirely command the camp. With a
glance of satisfaction at the success of his arrangements, Gen. Lyon
rode up to Sweeny, his second in command, and said:
"Sweeny, if their batteries open on you, deploy your leading company as
skirmishers, charge on the nearest battery, and take it."
Sweeny turned to the next two companies to him, and ordered them to move
their cartridge-boxes to the front, to prepare for action. Lyon then
sent Maj. B. G. Farrar with the following letter to Gen. Frost:
76
Headquarters United States Troops,
St. Louis, Mo., May 10, 1861. Gen. D. M. Frost, Commanding
Camp Jackson.
Sir: Your command is regarded as evidently hostile to the
Government of the United States.
It is for the most part made up of those Secessionists who
have openly avowed their hostility to the General
Government, and have been plotting at the seizure of its
property and the overthrow of its authority. You are openly
in communication with the so-called Southern Confederacy,
which is now at war with the United States; and you are
receiving at your camp, from said Confederacy and under its
flag, large supplies of the material of war, most of which
is known to be the property of the United States. These
extraordinary preparations plainly indicate none other than
the well-known purpose of the Governor of this State, under
whose orders you are acting, and whose purpose, recently
communicated to the Legislature, has just been responded to
in the most unparalleled legislation, having in direct view
hostilities to the General Government and cooperation with
its enemies.
In view of these considerations, and of your failure to
disperse in obedience to the proclamation of the President,
and of the eminent necessities of State policy and welfare,
and the obligations imposed upon me by Instructions from
Washington, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby demand
of you, an immediate surrender of your command, with no
other conditions than that all persons surrendering under
this demand shall be humanely and kindly treated. Believing
myself prepared to enforce this demand, one-half hour's time
before doing so will be allowed for your compliance
therewith. Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
N. LYON, Captain, 2d United States Infantry,
Commanding Troops.
There were a few anxious minutes following this, but it must be said to
Frost's credit as a soldier that he promptly recognized the situation
and acted upon it. Soon a horseman rode out from the camp, and
approaching Lyon handed him the following note:
77
Camp Jackson, Mo., May 10, 1861. Capt. N. Lyon, Commanding
U. S. Troops.
Sir: I, never for a moment having conceived the Idea that so
illegal and unconstitutional a demand as I have just
received from you would be made by an officer of the United
States Army, am wholly unprepared to defend my command from
this unwarranted attack, and shall therefore be forced to
comply with your demand.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
D. M. FROST, Brigadier-General, Commanding Camp Jackson,
Missouri Volunteer Militia.
Lyon read it, turned to his second in command and remarked: "Sweeny,
they surrender."
Sweeny turned to his men with the order to replace their
cartridge-boxes, which they did with an air of disappointment. There
had been so much talk during the weeks and months of preparation about
fighting and such irritating threatenings, that the Union troops were
anxious to "take a fall" out of their opponents, and see what would be
the result. Lyon dismounted, and unfortunately the fractious horse of
one of his Aids at that instant kicked him in the stomach, knocking
him senseless. While in this condition, Wm. D. Wood, Frost's
Adjutant-General, rode up and inquired for Gen. Lyon. Gen. Sweeny,
desiring to conceal Lyon's condition from the enemy, replied that he
would receive any message intended for the General. Col. Wood then said:
"Gen. Frost sends his compliments to Gen. Lyon, and wishes
to know if the officers will be allowed to retain their
side-arms, what disposition shall be made of Government
property, and if a guard will be sent to relieve his men now
on post, and take possession of everything when the camp
shall be evacuated?"
78
Sweeny replied affirmatively, when Wood rode off and Sweeney returned to
Lyon, to find him slowly recovering. Lyon approved of Sweeny's answer,
and directed Sweeny to take possession of the camp with two companies of
Regulars. Frost's men stacked arms and marched off through a lane formed
by the 1st Mo., which faced inward. Up to this time everything had gone
on peacefully. The surrendered Militia, without any special protest or
demonstration, took their places quietly under guard. Not so with
the immense mob which had gathered, expecting to see the Militia make
sanguinary havoc of their assailants. These were deeply chagrined at the
tame issue of the affair, and after exhausting all the vile epithets
at their command, began throwing stones, brickbats, and other missiles,
which the soldiers received as patiently as they did the contumely, when
the bolder of the mob began firing with revolvers. Presently one of
Co. F, 3d Mo., commanded by Capt. C. Blandowski, was shot dead, several
severely wounded, and the Captain himself fell with a bullet through his
leg. As he fell he ordered his men to fire, which resulted in about 20
of the rioters dropping under a volley from the soldiers' muskets. The
mob fled in dismay, and Gen. Lyon ordered his troops to cease firing.
One of the leaders of the mob had deliberately fired three times at
Capt. Saxton, of the Regulars, and had laid his revolver across his
arm for a fourth more deliberate shot, when one of Capt. Saxton's men
bayoneted while another shot him. When the smoke cleared away, it was
found that 15 had been killed. Three of these were prisoners from Camp
Jackson, and two were women whose morbid curiosity, or worse, had led
them to mingle with the mob, One was a child.
Capt. Blandowski died of his wounds the next day.
79
At 6 o'clock the troops and prisoners marched back to the Arsenal,
leaving Gen. Sweeny with his Regulars in charge of Camp Jackson. On the
way rioters thronged the line of march and vilely abused the soldiers,
but Lyon was vigilant in restraining his men, and prevented their making
any return by firing upon their assailants.
During the night and the next day the prisoners were all released,
the privates taking an oath not to serve in any capacity against the
Government during the war, and the officers giving a parole not to serve
in any military capacity against the United States. It was provided
that the parole should be returned upon anyone surrendering himself as a
prisoner of war, and was accompanied with a protest against the justice
of executing it. One exception, Capt. Emmett MacDonald, who had been
efficient in bringing the Irishmen into opposition to the "Dutch,"
refused to accept the parole on the ground taken by all the others that
they had done nothing wrong, and finally secured his release through a
writ of habeas corpus.
The excitement that night in St. Louis was fearful, with the
Secessionists raging. It is to the credit, however, of James McDonough,
whom Governor Jackson's Secessionist Police Commissioners had appointed
Chief of Police, that, whatever his sympathies, he did not allow them to
interfere with his official duties, and exerted himself to the utmost to
preserve the municipal peace. The violent Secessionists started to mob
the offices of the Republican papers, and to attack the residences of
Union leaders, but were everywhere met by squads of police backed up
by an armed force of Home Guards, which, with the appeals of the
conservative men of influence on both sides, managed to stay the storm.
80
McDonough could not, however, prevent a number of outrages, and several
of the Home Guards caught alone were killed by the rowdies that night
and the next day--Saturday. This incensed the Germans terribly, and
stories reached the Secession parts of the city that they contemplated
fearful revenge, which they could wreak, having arms in their own
hands, while the "natural protectors" of the people--Frost's military
companies--were prisoners of war and disarmed.
The Mayor issued a proclamation to quiet the people, and requested all
keepers of drinking places to at once close and remain closed during the
excitement. All minors were ordered to remain in doors for three days,
and all good citizens were requested to remain in doors after nightfall
and to avoid gatherings and meetings.
As was usual, a good many people who meant no evil obeyed this
proclamation, while the mobites, who meant a great deal of harm, paid no
attention to it. Saturday afternoon, the 5th Regiment of United States
Reserves, under the command of Lieut-Col. Robert White, attempted to
go to their barracks, when they were assailed by a mob with stones,
brickbats and pistol shots. The patience of the soldiers finally
gave way, and they fired into the crowd, killing several persons--and
wounding many others.
81
[Illustration: General John C. Fremont]
Sunday the Secessionists were in a panic, and began a wild flight
from the city. Every vehicle that could be obtained was employed at
exorbitant prices to carry men, women and children, baggage and personal
effects, to the depots and wharves, where the railroads and steamboats
were ready to receive them. The Mayor attempted to stay the stampede by
a speech at the Planters' House, in which he assured the people that the
Home Guards were entirely under the control of their officers, and would
only be used to preserve the peace and protect property.
What was more effective was the news that Gen. Harney, hurrying back
from Washington, had arrived the preceding evening and resumed command.
Harney had reached the city on Saturday evening, May 11, and Sunday
morning called at the Arsenal on Col. Blair, not Gen. Lyon, whom he
informed of his intentions to remove the Home Guards from the Arsenal
and disband them. Blair succeeded in convincing him that this was beyond
his authority, and did not hesitate to say that his attempt to do so
would be resisted. Being convinced, Harney sent a messenger to the Board
of Police Commissioners, who were anxiously awaiting the result of his
visit, to the effect that he had "no control over the Home Guards,"
which was intended to mean that he could not remove or disband them, but
which the Commissioners and the people understood to mean that he had
lost control over them.
82
The panic at once resumed its former proportions, and Gen. Harney found
it necessary to issue a proclamation, in which he said that the public
peace must and would be preserved, and the lives and property of the
people protected, but he trusted that he would not be compelled to
resort to martial law. He would avoid all cause of irritation and
excitement whenever called upon to aid the local authorities by using
in preference the Regular troops. Therefore he began by restricting the
Home Guards to the German parts of the city, while he moved about 250
Regulars, under the command of Capts. Totten and Sweeny and Lieuts.
Saxton and Lothrop, with four pieces of artillery, into a central
position, where they went into quarters, to the great relief of
everybody.
It will be perceived that a remarkable change had come over the people
since a few weeks before, when the arrival of a little squad of Regulars
at the Sub-Treasury to protect its gold had thrown the city in the
wildest excitement over "the attempt to overawe and cow the people of
Missouri."
Confidence was restored, and quiet ensued. Gen. Frost lodged a protest
with Gen. Harney, in which he recited the circumstances of Lyon's attack
upon him, claimed that every officer and soldier in his command had
taken, with uplifted hand, the following oath:
You, each and every one of you, do solemnly swear that you
will honestly and faithfully serve the State of Missouri
against her enemies, and that you will do your utmost to
sustain the Constitution and laws of the United States and
of this State against all violence, of whatsoever kind or
description, and you do further swear that you will well and
truly execute and obey the legal orders of all officers
properly placed over you whilst on duty; so help you God.
A casual inspection shows how cunningly this was framed. It will be
perceived that every one solemnly swore to "serve the State of Missouri
against all her enemies," and to "obey the orders of the officers"
placed over him, while he was merely enjoined to do his utmost to
sustain the Constitution and laws of the United States and this State
against all violence.
83
It is easy to see how such an obligation would be construed.
Gen. Frost recited again that he had offered to help Gen. Lyon protect
the United States property with his whole force, and if necessary
with that of Missouri, and appealed to Gen. Harney not to require the
indignity of a parole, but to order the restoration of all the officers
and men to liberty, and of all the property of the State and of private
individuals. The language of this protest did as little to enhance the
reputation of Gen. Frost as his letter to Gen. Lyon.
It was an intense disappointment to the Secessionists everywhere that
he made no show of a fight before surrendering. It would have been the
greatest satisfaction to all of them had he chosen to make Camp Jackson
a Thermopylae or an Alamo. Such a sacrifice would have been of priceless
worth in firing the Southern heart, and placing him high among the
world's heroes. Somehow the idea of martyrdom did not appeal to him, as
it has not to millions of other men placed in critical positions. The
wonder to the calm student of history is that, having made such a bold
bluff at Lyon, he did not "fill his hand" better, to use a sporting
phrase, and prevent Lyon from "calling" him so effectually. The frost
which was in his name settled on this "young Napoleon" thereafter--the
country was filled with young Napoleons at that time--and though he
commanded a brigade in the Confederate army for some two years or more,
his name is only "mentioned" afterward in the Rebellion Records.
84
Lyon's decisive act did not meet with the unanimous approval of the
Union men of the State. There began then that unhappy division between
the "Conservative Union men" and the "Radicals" which led to so many
collisions, and sorely distracted President Lincoln. The "Radicals" who
fell under the lead of F. P. Blair, and had their representative in
the Cabinet at Washington in the shape of Montgomery Blair, the
Postmaster-General, dubbed their opponents "Claybanks," while the
latter, whose representative in the Cabinet was Edward Bates, the
Attorney-General, tainted with the name of "Charcoals" their opponents.
The "Conservatives," who represented a very large portion of the wealth
and education of the State, had for leaders such men as Hamilton R.
Gamble, Robert Campbell, James E. Yeatman, H. S. Turner, Washington
King, N. J. Eaton, and James H. Lucas. They at once sent a delegation to
Washington to represent to Mr. Lincoln that Lyon, while undoubtedly "a
loyal and brave soldier," was "rash," "imprudent," and "indiscreet."
This representation carried great weight, for they were all men of the
highest character and standing, and at their instance Gen. Harney was
pushed further to the front again.
The "Old Dragoon" now asserted itself in Harney, as it was likely to
when there was the smell of gunpowder in the air. Lyon's course was, in
spite of the intense influence of Harney's Secession convives, very much
to the taste of the old fighter. He wrote to Gen. Scott that he approved
Lyon's action, and replied to the Judge in the habeas corpus writ of
Capt. McDonald, that the man had been properly arrested. May 14 he
issued a proclamation in which he said:
85
It is with regret that I feel it my duty to call your
attention to the recent act of the General Assembly of
Missouri, known as the "Military Bill," which is the result,
no doubt, of the temporary excitement that now pervades the
public mind. This bill cannot be regarded in any other light
than an indirect Secession ordinance, Ignoring even the form
resorted to by other States. Manifestly, its most material
provisions are in conflict with the Constitution and laws of
the United States. To this extent it is a nullity, and
cannot and ought not to be upheld or regarded by the good
citizens of Missouri. There are obligations and duties
resting upon the people of Missouri under the Constitution
and laws of the United States which are paramount, and which
I trust you will carefully consider and weigh well before
you will allow yourselves to be carried out of the Union
under the form of yielding obedience to this military bill,
which is clearly in violation of your duties as citizens of
the United States.
It must be apparent to every one who has taken a proper and
unbiased view of the subject that, whatever may be the
termination of the unfortunate condition of things in
respect to the so-called Cotton States, Missouri must share
the destiny of the Union. Her geographical position, her
soil, productions, and, in short, all her material
interests, point to this result. We cannot shut our eyes
against this controlling fact. It is seen and its force is
felt throughout the Nation. So important is this regarded to
the great interests of the country, that I venture to
express the opinion that the whole power of the Government
of the United States, if necessary, will be exerted to
maintain Missouri in her present position in the Union. I
express to you, in all frankness and sincerity, my own
deliberate convictions, without assuming to speak for the
Government of the United States, whose authority here and
elsewhere I shall at all times and under all circumstances
endeavor faithfully to uphold. I desire above all things
most earnestly to invite my fellow-citizens dispassionately
to consider their true interests as well as their true
relations to the Government under which we live and to which
we owe so much.
In this connection I desire to direct attention to one
subject which, no doubt, will be made the pretext for more
or less popular excitement. I allude to the recent
transactions at Camp Jackson, near St. Louis. It is not
proper for me to comment upon the official conduct of my
predecessor in command of this Department, but it is right
and proper for the people of Missouri to know that the main
avenue of Camp Jackson, recently under the command of Gen.
Frost, had the name of Davis; and a principal street of the
same camp that of Beauregard, and that a body of men had
been received into that camp by its commander which had been
notoriously organized in the interests of the Secessionists,
the men openly wearing the dress and badge distinguishing
the Army of the so-called Southern Confederacy. It is also a
notorious fact that a quantity of arms had been received
into the camp which were unlawfully taken from the United
States Arsenal at Baton Rouge, and surreptitiously passed up
the river in boxes marked "Marble."
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Upon facts like these, and having in view what occurred at
Liberty, the people can draw their own inferences, and it
cannot be difficult for any one to arrive at a correct
conclusion as to the character and ultimate purpose of that
encampment. No Government in the world would be entitled to
respect that would tolerate for a moment such openly
treasonable preparations. It is but simple justice, however,
that I should state the fact that there were many good and
loyal men in the camp who were in no manner responsible for
its treasonable character. Disclaiming as I do all desire or
intention to interfere in any way with the prerogatives of
the State of Missouri or with the functions of its executive
or other authorities, yet I regard it as my plain path of
duty to express to the people, In respectful but at the same
time decided language, that within the field and scope of my
command and authority the "supreme law" of the land must and
shall be maintained, and no subterfuges, whether in the
forms of legislative acts or otherwise, can be permitted to
harass or oppress the good and law-abiding people of
Missouri. I shall exert my authority to protect their
persons and property from violations of every kind, and
shall deem it my duty to suppress all unlawful combinations
of men, whether formed under pretext of military
organizations or otherwise.
WM. S. HARNEY. Brigadier-General, United States Army,
Commanding.
These were certainly "brave words, my masters," and had great influence
upon the people of Missouri. Unhappily there was reason to think
afterwards that Gen. Harney was not quite living up to them.
When the account of stock of the capture of Camp Jackson came to be
taken, the invoice was as follows:
Three 32-pounders.
Three mortar-beds.
A large quantity of balls and bombs in ale barrels.
Artillery pieces, in boxes of heavy plank, the boxes marked "Marble,"
"Tamaroa, care of Greeley & Gale, St Louis--Iron Mountain Railroad."
Twelve hundred rifles, of late model, United States manufacture.
Tents and camp equipage.
Six brass field pieces.
Twenty-five kegs of powder.
Ninety-six 10-Inch bombshells.
Three hundred six-inch bombshells. ..
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Six brass mortars, six inches diameter.
One iron mortar, 10 inches.
Three iron cannon, six inches.
Five boxes of canister shot.
Fifty artillery swords.
Two hundred and twenty-seven spades.
Thirty-eight hatchets.
Eleven mallets.
One hundred and ninety-one axes.
Forty horses.
Several boxes of new muskets.
A very large number of musket stocks and musket barrels; together with
lots of bayonets, bayonet scabbards, etc.
One thousand one hundred and ten enlisted men were taken prisoners,
besides from 50 to 75 officers.
Nothing legislates so firmly and finally as a successful sword-blow
for the right. Gen. Lyon's capture of Camp Jackson was an epoch-making
incident. In spite of the protests of the wealthy and respectable
Messrs. Gamble, Yeatman, and others, it was the right thing, done at
the right time, to stay the surging sweep of the waves of Secession.
It destroyed the captivating aggressiveness of the "Disunionists," and
threw their leaders upon the defensive. Other people than they had wants
and desires which must be listened to, or the Loyalists would find a way
to compel attention. The Secessionists must now plead at their bar; not
they in the court of those who would destroy the Government.
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[Illustration: 088-The Scott-Harney Agreement]